True. It is something I've considered as a possibility in the context, especially with how banks were truly beginning to thrive in this period. And it also helps to emphasize the differences with the OTL France who was out the Italians Wars but quickly fell into the Religion Wars.
The Unexpected: In the time of Louis XII's heir
- Thread starter Grymt
- Start date
True. It is something I've considered as a possibility in the context, especially with how banks were truly beginning to thrive in this period. And it also helps to emphasize the differences with the OTL France who was out the Italians Wars but quickly fell into the Religion Wars.
1560-1564: Peace restored on British soil
1560-1564: Peace restored on British soil
The early 1560s were a special period for the British kingdoms as their respective sovereigns sought to assert their authority in a context of returning peace and stability.
The years 1560-1564 were an important period for Mary I of England. With the help of her council and her husband Francis IV of Brittany, the English sovereign consolidated her authority over the kingdom. Relying on Parliament for support, she worked to develop ties with the various members of the court to reduce the risk of opposition and hinder the influence of potential supporters of Elizabeth and Edward. Factions do exist within the court, however, pitting allies like the Pole family against other members of the court, such as Henry Howard, Duke of Norfolk. Marie and her husband prepared their son François for his future position, seeking to develop his networks of allies and acquaintances at court. Their line was consolidated during this period with the birth of their grandchildren Claude in 1560 and Henri in 1561. The sovereign also had to contend with an attempt by Edward to defend his wife's rights in the same year, landing near Sheringham in September 1562. The former Earl of Devon could not, however, count on the support of Henry Howard or Henry Brandon, the latter preferring to maintain their position with the royal court, forcing Edward to retreat after a bloody skirmish near Aylsham and a failed attempt to seize Norwich. His forces were attacked by those of Francis IV and Henry Pole near Fakenham in early October 1561 and crushed. Edward was a fugitive for several days and narrowly escaped capture, disembarking in mid-October 1562.
On the dynastic front, the line of Mary I and her husband was strengthened by the births of Princesses Catherine and Margaret in the spring of 1560 and summer of 1562. Their son, Crown Prince François, continued to forge ties with the English court, even if his French upbringing and initial training to become the future Duke of Brittany led to imprecision and tension between him and certain English nobles.
Apart from court intrigues and Edward de Courtenay's attempt to regain the throne in his and Elizabeth's name, Mary I continued to pursue an important commercial policy towards the kingdom of France and the Spanish Netherlands, while plans to revive the project of finding a north-west passage to Asia were developing. Seeking to resolve the economic and social difficulties affecting her kingdom, Marie I succeeded in obtaining Clement VIII's approval for the taxation of monasteries in 1560. The taxation of monasteries was approved by parliament, despite the reluctance and opposition of some representatives of the regular clergy. However, the measures taken to deal with the impact of inflation were hampered by local constraints, particularly on the issue of enclosures, as the lords who profited from this practice opposed any legislation on the matter, fuelling tensions in the regions concerned. In 1563, clashes broke out in Northumberland as a result of protests and violence by peasants fed up with seeing communal grazing land nibbled away by enclosures.
Economic and political problems were compounded by religious tensions. While Mary and her husband reaffirmed the primacy of the Catholic Church and the decisions of the Council of Mantua, they had to contend with the presence of Calvinist and Tyndalian communities that had developed during the years of Elizabeth I's reign. Mary sought to develop a rigorist policy to counter their development, and while her husband supported her in this, he also sought to advise her to promote an "Anglican" approach to the Church of England, similar to what her relative Charles IX had achieved with the Catholic Church through the Concordat of Carpentras. While some Calvinist and Tyndalian thinkers and individuals went into exile in the Scandinavian kingdoms or the Holy Roman Empire, most remained in England and developed clandestine cults that contributed to the emergence of other forms of tension within the kingdom, all the more so as certain representatives of the local nobility in regions that had supported Elizabeth I, such as Devon and Cornwall or some of the ancient marches of Wales, were sensitive to these ideas, seeing in them an opportunity to emancipate their kingdom from papal influence.
Through the Lord Lieutenant, the Queen also has to deal with the troubles in Ireland. The major conflict pits Shane O'Neill against a coalition between Calvagh O'Donnell and Sorely Boy McDonnell. The King of Tír Eoghain had to face his two rivals over the years 1560-1562. Shane O'Neill failed to capture Calvagh O'Donnell in the spring of 1561 and led raids on his opponents' lands, although his forces were defeated near Ballymoney in July 1561. However, Shane O'Neill managed to consolidate his position on Tír Eoghain by convincing the lords of Tír Eoghain to recognize his nephews Brian and Hugh as illegitimate. In the conflict between Shane O'Neill and his rivals, Thomas Radclyffe first intervened in implicit support of Shane O'Nell's opponents, in order to weaken the king of Tír Eoghain while taking care not to let his two rivals grow too strong. In the spring of 1562, the Lord-Lieutenant is charged with bringing peace between the three Irish lords, which he achieves through a brutal scorched-earth campaign on Shane O'Neill's lands, forcing the latter to make peace with his rivals in the autumn of 1562. The Lord-Lieutenant, on the other hand, supported Thomas Butler against Gerald FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, forcing the latter to make peace with the new Earl of Ormonde in 1562. Thomas Radclyffe was replaced by Thomas Butler in March 1564, in a bid to strengthen English influence and build support among Irish lords.
Diplomatically, Mary I maintained neutral and cordial relations with her parents, Charles IX of France and James VI of Scotland. She relied on trade with northern France and the Duchy of Brittany to maintain good relations with the King of France. She also sought to strengthen her relations with Philip II of Spain, notably by reinforcing trade relations with the Spanish Netherlands. The English sovereign took advantage of her relations with Clement VIII to obtain, in particular, the taxation of monasteries and to renew the reinforcement of the rights of the English crown in the management of Ireland. The English sovereign forged an important relationship with John II of Norway, as both sovereigns shared a distrust of Frederick II of Denmark, the former for his support of Elizabeth and Edward, the latter for the threat he posed to his kingdom.
In the early 1560s, Elizabeth and Edward sought the support of Frederick II of Denmark in their bid to retake the English throne from Mary I. They won the Danish sovereign's support in early 1562, enabling Edward to recruit an army of three to four thousand men, which he landed in Norfolk near Sheringham in early September 1562. Edward sought to rally Norfolk to his cause, but encountered violent opposition from local forces near Aylsham on September 22, 1562, and saw the gates of Norwich closed to him. He tried to seize the city by deception, but failed, forcing him to retreat. On October 2nd, 1562, his forces were attacked by those of Henry Pole and Francis IV near Fakenham, where they were massacred. Edward narrowly escaped capture and with great difficulty managed to leave England, but the crossing of the North Sea was perilous, his ship suffering from a violent storm. Edward managed to reach the Duchy of Holstein in mid-October, where he was reunited with his wife, but the failure of his expedition and the storm he suffered on the way back caused him to fall ill, and he nearly died in the winter of 1562-1563. He escaped death, but emerged weakened.
Elisabeth remained in Denmark throughout the early 1560s, looking after her daughters Elisabeth and Marguerite, born in March 1561. She enjoyed the hospitality of Frederick II. The years 1563-1564 saw Elizabeth and Edward continue their life of exile and seek to defend their rights to the English crown, but the outbreak of war between the Danish and Swedish kingdoms meant that Frederick II was unlikely to support them again. They were, however, mourned by the death of Anne Boleyn in June 1563, the former dowager queen already weakened by the death of her brother (1), deeply affected by her son-in-law's failure and increasingly unable to bear exile.
The early 1560s were a period of affirmation for James VI. The young sovereign consolidated his authority over the Scottish court and among Scottish clans. While he relied on the Parliament of Edinburgh to secure the support of the Scottish lords, he worked to reinforce his authority over the kingdom and maintain peace among the Scottish clans. Relying on his advisors and Matthew Stewart, James VI continued his father's policy of reforming and strengthening the royal administration. From 1561, the young king took on his uncle, James Stuart, Earl of Moray, as one of his trusted advisors. He had more ambiguous relations with James Hamilton and the Douglas clan, but relied on them to develop good relations with Mary I of England. The Scottish king also had a complicated relationship with his mother Renée de France, not least because of her Calvinist sympathies. These strained relations disappeared with the death of Renée in the autumn of 1564. On the religious front, James VI continued his father's policy of implementing the decisions inspired by the Council of Mantua, but sought to ensure peace within his kingdom, seeking compromises with the Reformed. Religious issues were compounded by economic and financial challenges, as his kingdom faced the consequences of the inflation that affected Christendom during the period. However, he took advantage of the relationships he had forged with his neighbors and John II of Norway to develop an important commercial policy.
Dynastically, James VI and his wife Catherine had several children during the period: Marie born in September 1560, Matthew in May 1561, who became heir presumptive following James's death in autumn 1561, and James in August 1563.
On the diplomatic front, James VI maintained important relations with Mary I of England and Charles IX of France, keeping the peace and a peaceful relationship with the kingdom of England. In addition to this relationship, James VI strengthened his ties with John II of Norway, notably through extensive trade in the North Sea, and forged an alliance with the latter in the winter of 1564, when he felt threatened by the conflict between his Scandinavian neighbors. He forged diplomatic relations with the other kingdoms of Christendom, mainly those whose rulers remained Catholic, notably Philip II of Spain.
(1) Captured after the success of Mary and Francis IV of Brittany, stripped of his titles, George Boleyn was imprisoned in the Tower of London in the summer of 1556 before being tried in the autumn. Abandoned by his allies and found guilty of treason against the crown, George was executed in January 1557, undergoing the torment of traitors: hanged, dragged on a rack to the gallows and quartered, with his body parts distributed across London and three major cities in the kingdom. When Anne Boleyn heard the news in February 1557, she reclined for several days in the apartments allotted by Christian III to his daughter, her son-in-law, their daughter and herself. After that, the former Queen of England was never the same, and gradually withdrew from plans for the restoration of her daughter and husband.
The early 1560s were a special period for the British kingdoms as their respective sovereigns sought to assert their authority in a context of returning peace and stability.
The years 1560-1564 were an important period for Mary I of England. With the help of her council and her husband Francis IV of Brittany, the English sovereign consolidated her authority over the kingdom. Relying on Parliament for support, she worked to develop ties with the various members of the court to reduce the risk of opposition and hinder the influence of potential supporters of Elizabeth and Edward. Factions do exist within the court, however, pitting allies like the Pole family against other members of the court, such as Henry Howard, Duke of Norfolk. Marie and her husband prepared their son François for his future position, seeking to develop his networks of allies and acquaintances at court. Their line was consolidated during this period with the birth of their grandchildren Claude in 1560 and Henri in 1561. The sovereign also had to contend with an attempt by Edward to defend his wife's rights in the same year, landing near Sheringham in September 1562. The former Earl of Devon could not, however, count on the support of Henry Howard or Henry Brandon, the latter preferring to maintain their position with the royal court, forcing Edward to retreat after a bloody skirmish near Aylsham and a failed attempt to seize Norwich. His forces were attacked by those of Francis IV and Henry Pole near Fakenham in early October 1561 and crushed. Edward was a fugitive for several days and narrowly escaped capture, disembarking in mid-October 1562.
On the dynastic front, the line of Mary I and her husband was strengthened by the births of Princesses Catherine and Margaret in the spring of 1560 and summer of 1562. Their son, Crown Prince François, continued to forge ties with the English court, even if his French upbringing and initial training to become the future Duke of Brittany led to imprecision and tension between him and certain English nobles.
Apart from court intrigues and Edward de Courtenay's attempt to regain the throne in his and Elizabeth's name, Mary I continued to pursue an important commercial policy towards the kingdom of France and the Spanish Netherlands, while plans to revive the project of finding a north-west passage to Asia were developing. Seeking to resolve the economic and social difficulties affecting her kingdom, Marie I succeeded in obtaining Clement VIII's approval for the taxation of monasteries in 1560. The taxation of monasteries was approved by parliament, despite the reluctance and opposition of some representatives of the regular clergy. However, the measures taken to deal with the impact of inflation were hampered by local constraints, particularly on the issue of enclosures, as the lords who profited from this practice opposed any legislation on the matter, fuelling tensions in the regions concerned. In 1563, clashes broke out in Northumberland as a result of protests and violence by peasants fed up with seeing communal grazing land nibbled away by enclosures.
Economic and political problems were compounded by religious tensions. While Mary and her husband reaffirmed the primacy of the Catholic Church and the decisions of the Council of Mantua, they had to contend with the presence of Calvinist and Tyndalian communities that had developed during the years of Elizabeth I's reign. Mary sought to develop a rigorist policy to counter their development, and while her husband supported her in this, he also sought to advise her to promote an "Anglican" approach to the Church of England, similar to what her relative Charles IX had achieved with the Catholic Church through the Concordat of Carpentras. While some Calvinist and Tyndalian thinkers and individuals went into exile in the Scandinavian kingdoms or the Holy Roman Empire, most remained in England and developed clandestine cults that contributed to the emergence of other forms of tension within the kingdom, all the more so as certain representatives of the local nobility in regions that had supported Elizabeth I, such as Devon and Cornwall or some of the ancient marches of Wales, were sensitive to these ideas, seeing in them an opportunity to emancipate their kingdom from papal influence.
Through the Lord Lieutenant, the Queen also has to deal with the troubles in Ireland. The major conflict pits Shane O'Neill against a coalition between Calvagh O'Donnell and Sorely Boy McDonnell. The King of Tír Eoghain had to face his two rivals over the years 1560-1562. Shane O'Neill failed to capture Calvagh O'Donnell in the spring of 1561 and led raids on his opponents' lands, although his forces were defeated near Ballymoney in July 1561. However, Shane O'Neill managed to consolidate his position on Tír Eoghain by convincing the lords of Tír Eoghain to recognize his nephews Brian and Hugh as illegitimate. In the conflict between Shane O'Neill and his rivals, Thomas Radclyffe first intervened in implicit support of Shane O'Nell's opponents, in order to weaken the king of Tír Eoghain while taking care not to let his two rivals grow too strong. In the spring of 1562, the Lord-Lieutenant is charged with bringing peace between the three Irish lords, which he achieves through a brutal scorched-earth campaign on Shane O'Neill's lands, forcing the latter to make peace with his rivals in the autumn of 1562. The Lord-Lieutenant, on the other hand, supported Thomas Butler against Gerald FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, forcing the latter to make peace with the new Earl of Ormonde in 1562. Thomas Radclyffe was replaced by Thomas Butler in March 1564, in a bid to strengthen English influence and build support among Irish lords.
Diplomatically, Mary I maintained neutral and cordial relations with her parents, Charles IX of France and James VI of Scotland. She relied on trade with northern France and the Duchy of Brittany to maintain good relations with the King of France. She also sought to strengthen her relations with Philip II of Spain, notably by reinforcing trade relations with the Spanish Netherlands. The English sovereign took advantage of her relations with Clement VIII to obtain, in particular, the taxation of monasteries and to renew the reinforcement of the rights of the English crown in the management of Ireland. The English sovereign forged an important relationship with John II of Norway, as both sovereigns shared a distrust of Frederick II of Denmark, the former for his support of Elizabeth and Edward, the latter for the threat he posed to his kingdom.
In the early 1560s, Elizabeth and Edward sought the support of Frederick II of Denmark in their bid to retake the English throne from Mary I. They won the Danish sovereign's support in early 1562, enabling Edward to recruit an army of three to four thousand men, which he landed in Norfolk near Sheringham in early September 1562. Edward sought to rally Norfolk to his cause, but encountered violent opposition from local forces near Aylsham on September 22, 1562, and saw the gates of Norwich closed to him. He tried to seize the city by deception, but failed, forcing him to retreat. On October 2nd, 1562, his forces were attacked by those of Henry Pole and Francis IV near Fakenham, where they were massacred. Edward narrowly escaped capture and with great difficulty managed to leave England, but the crossing of the North Sea was perilous, his ship suffering from a violent storm. Edward managed to reach the Duchy of Holstein in mid-October, where he was reunited with his wife, but the failure of his expedition and the storm he suffered on the way back caused him to fall ill, and he nearly died in the winter of 1562-1563. He escaped death, but emerged weakened.
Elisabeth remained in Denmark throughout the early 1560s, looking after her daughters Elisabeth and Marguerite, born in March 1561. She enjoyed the hospitality of Frederick II. The years 1563-1564 saw Elizabeth and Edward continue their life of exile and seek to defend their rights to the English crown, but the outbreak of war between the Danish and Swedish kingdoms meant that Frederick II was unlikely to support them again. They were, however, mourned by the death of Anne Boleyn in June 1563, the former dowager queen already weakened by the death of her brother (1), deeply affected by her son-in-law's failure and increasingly unable to bear exile.
The early 1560s were a period of affirmation for James VI. The young sovereign consolidated his authority over the Scottish court and among Scottish clans. While he relied on the Parliament of Edinburgh to secure the support of the Scottish lords, he worked to reinforce his authority over the kingdom and maintain peace among the Scottish clans. Relying on his advisors and Matthew Stewart, James VI continued his father's policy of reforming and strengthening the royal administration. From 1561, the young king took on his uncle, James Stuart, Earl of Moray, as one of his trusted advisors. He had more ambiguous relations with James Hamilton and the Douglas clan, but relied on them to develop good relations with Mary I of England. The Scottish king also had a complicated relationship with his mother Renée de France, not least because of her Calvinist sympathies. These strained relations disappeared with the death of Renée in the autumn of 1564. On the religious front, James VI continued his father's policy of implementing the decisions inspired by the Council of Mantua, but sought to ensure peace within his kingdom, seeking compromises with the Reformed. Religious issues were compounded by economic and financial challenges, as his kingdom faced the consequences of the inflation that affected Christendom during the period. However, he took advantage of the relationships he had forged with his neighbors and John II of Norway to develop an important commercial policy.
Dynastically, James VI and his wife Catherine had several children during the period: Marie born in September 1560, Matthew in May 1561, who became heir presumptive following James's death in autumn 1561, and James in August 1563.
On the diplomatic front, James VI maintained important relations with Mary I of England and Charles IX of France, keeping the peace and a peaceful relationship with the kingdom of England. In addition to this relationship, James VI strengthened his ties with John II of Norway, notably through extensive trade in the North Sea, and forged an alliance with the latter in the winter of 1564, when he felt threatened by the conflict between his Scandinavian neighbors. He forged diplomatic relations with the other kingdoms of Christendom, mainly those whose rulers remained Catholic, notably Philip II of Spain.
(1) Captured after the success of Mary and Francis IV of Brittany, stripped of his titles, George Boleyn was imprisoned in the Tower of London in the summer of 1556 before being tried in the autumn. Abandoned by his allies and found guilty of treason against the crown, George was executed in January 1557, undergoing the torment of traitors: hanged, dragged on a rack to the gallows and quartered, with his body parts distributed across London and three major cities in the kingdom. When Anne Boleyn heard the news in February 1557, she reclined for several days in the apartments allotted by Christian III to his daughter, her son-in-law, their daughter and herself. After that, the former Queen of England was never the same, and gradually withdrew from plans for the restoration of her daughter and husband.
Did George Boleyn have any children in this timeline? If so, are any of them still alive at this point?
Well, I left open the question in the text because as I follow as close historical facts when they aren't affected in any way by the POD, I have noticed that his marriage was childless in ten years IOTL.
However, considering that he has more responsibilities after Henry VIII's death and even more after his father's death, I would say that he has at least one child that would have been born in the late 1530's, meaning that by the time of Mary's expedition to take the Throne, his child is still alive.
And the likeliest case would be a girl whose name would be either Anne, Elisabeth, or Margaret. Though more likely Margaret because it is both his wife's mother name and his grandmother's name from his father's side.
1560-1564: Stability and change in the Italian peninsula
1560-1564: Stability and change in the Italian peninsula
The early 1560s were a time of change for various regions of the Italian peninsula, as numerous tensions emerged, including the latest outbursts of religious tensions inherited from the Reformed movements.
The papacy underwent several changes of pope in the early 1560s. Clement VIII pursued his architectural policy in Rome and strengthened the theological reforms designed to consolidate the supremacy of the Catholic Church in the face of persistent Reformed movements, particularly in the Holy Roman Empire. He also supported Philip II in the struggle against the Kingdom of Morocco, and was concerned by Ottoman designs on Rhodes, seeking to create an alliance against the Sublime Porte in 1562 as rumors of a new attack on Rhodes became more widespread. He only succeeded in getting Philip II and Giannettino Doria to send reinforcements to the Knights of Rhodes and a fleet to protect the island from an Ottoman attack. News of the siege and capture of the island by the Ottomans contributed to the pontiff's physical weakening.
In February 1564, Clement VIII died, prompting a conclave to be held at the end of the month. The conclave saw several factions: the faction around Alexander Farnese, cardinals close to the late pope, cardinals close to the French faction and cardinals close to the Spanish faction. The conclave lasted almost three weeks before the choice was finally made in favor of the dean of the conclave, the Venetian cardinal Francesco Pisani, notably to prevent the election of Giovanni Gerolamo Morone, whose Lutheran sympathies were suspected, or Cristoforo Madruzzo, judged too close to the Habsburgs, while Alexander Farnese did not have enough votes in his favor to be elected. The new pope chose the name Gregory, becoming Gregory XIV at the beginning of March 1564.
The Duchy of Milan enjoyed considerable prosperity in the early 1560's. Francesco II pursued a policy of patronage within his duchy and maintained important relations with the Republic of Genoa, further strengthening his ties with the latter with the advent of Giannettino Doria. His duchy became an important center in the Italy of the time, even if its prosperity was not quite the same as in his father's time. The city was a cultural mecca in Italy, even if Francesco II had to contend with competition from the papacy and the revival of Florence. Nevertheless, his court was one of the most cultured and brilliant in Italy, benefiting in particular from the talents of Sofonisba Anguissola, who gradually became the ducal couple's official painter. Francesco II was able to draw on the talents of his wife Catherine to work on his diplomatic relations and consolidate the prestige of his lineage within the duchy.
On the diplomatic front, the Duke of Milan strengthened relations with the Republic of Genoa, even if relations remained ambiguous and strained, particularly after the death of Giannettino Doria. Francesco II also turned to Philip II of Spain for help in developing relations with the latter, notably through commercial ties with the Kingdom of Naples. He maintained good relations with the papacy, not least because of its fight against Calvinist ideas. He forged ties with Alessandro II de' Medici, marrying his daughter Madeleine to the latter in the summer of 1563. Relations deteriorated with the Alliance of the Three Leagues, however, as the Duke was determined to recover Valtellina. He approached the Catholic cantons to secure their neutrality and support. His relations with the Republic of Genoa were neutral and cordial, but the death of Giannettino Doria and the emergence of unrest in Genoa drew his attention.
With the death of Andrea Doria in the autumn of 1560, the Republic of Genoa underwent a change in its situation and functioning. While the biennial doges system was maintained, the true master of the city was Giannettino Doria, the admiral's nephew, who had been trained by the admiral to be his heir. The new master of the maritime republic continued his uncle's policies, notably by consolidating relations with Philip II of Spain. He also developed ties with Francesco II of Milan and Alessandro II of Florence. He also played an important role in the system of biennial doges set up by his uncle, but the Genoese admiral's death also contributed to the emergence of rivalries and political intrigues between members of the Albergo family, who were keen to regain their former position in the Republic of Genoa and to bring down the power of the Doria family, particularly the Adorno and Fregoso families, who had not forgiven Andrea Doria for their exile. These rivalries are compounded by the fact that Giannettino Doria is arrogant and insolent, not hesitating to show off the power of his new position. He had a complicated relationship with the Fieschi family, with rumors suggesting that Giovanni Luigi Fieschi's wife was his mistress. In the face of intrigues, the Genoese admiral relied on the communes, even if some of them were neutral or hostile towards him, reproaching him for the dictatorial nature (1) of his power. Some of his opponents nicknamed him "Il nuovo Cesare" (2) to mock his authority. Giannettino finally trained his son Giovanni to succeed him as admiral and leading politician in Genoa. Opposition to the Albergo family grew stronger with the defeat and death of Giannettino Doria at Rhodes in 1563.
Diplomatically, the Republic of Genoa maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, while developing relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Duchy of Florence. Relations with Charles IX of France were neutral, although trade was conducted between their respective territories. In 1562, he accepted the papal request to support the Knights Hospitallers on Rhodes to counter the Ottomans, sending a fleet and reinforcements to the Knights Hospitallers through the Genoese possessions near the Dodecanese, notably the island of Chio. He joined the expedition and took part in the naval battle off Rhodes in early June 1563, playing a notable role in the retreat of the Christian fleet, but was killed in the confrontation. His death weakened ties between the maritime republic and the Kingdom of Spain, although Giovanni Andrea Doria sought to maintain them in order to preserve his position and the regime established by his great-uncle in the face of the various oppositions within the city.
The Duchy of Florence saw Alessandro II continue to consolidate his authority in the early 1560s. The young Duke of Medici set about strengthening his power through administrative reforms, notably to develop the Florentine fleet and ensure the continuity of his power and his family. The young duke also pursued his policy of patronage, determined to restore Florence to its former splendor and to rival Rome, whose lustre aroused wonder. Although he continued to rely on his father-in-law Cosimo, Alessandro II began to detach himself from him, not wishing to be in the latter's shadow and seeking to set himself apart.
On the diplomatic front, the young Duke developed his relations with the Holy See, particularly with Gregory XIV. He also forged important ties with the Republic of Genoa, above all with Giannettino Doria and then Giovanni. Through Giannettino Doria, he established relations with Philip II of Spain. He developed relations with Francesco II of Milan, marrying the Duke's daughter Madeleine in July 1563. Their union produced a daughter, Caterina, in March 1564. His relations with Charles IX of France were complicated, not least by the ties between the kingdom of France and the Republic of Siena. His relations with the city of Siena were very difficult and conflictual, with the conflict between the two cities still fresh in the memory and Alessandro II being urged by his father-in-law to act to neutralize the rival city, while his mother Vittoria advised him to defend his claims to Siena as grandson of Pieri Luigi Farnese. The young duke joined Pope Clement VIII's alliance against the Ottomans, adding a few galleys to the Christian fleet in 1563.
The Republic of Siena was organized in the early 1560's. The reforms carried out by Peter Strozzi enabled the city to strengthen the authority of the oligarchic council, of which Peter Strozzi was a leading member. Drawing inspiration from the Florentine experience, the Genoese situation and Siena's past, Peter Strozzi headed an oligarchic council whose members were regularly renewed and included representatives of the city's artisans and merchants. Together with his son Philip, Pierre Strozzi took charge of the city's defense, and also undertook to reorganize the territory's other defenses, notably the fortress of Montalcino. The city re-established and strengthened its political and administrative institutions, while in terms of trade, it succeeded in strengthening its commercial ties with its various neighbors and allies, even if tensions with the Duchy of Florence and economic difficulties linked to rising inflation contributed to slowing down the economic development of the city and its region. To consolidate his position, in May 1563 Peter Strozzi had his son married to Ortensia, daughter of Marcantonio, head of the Borghese family, a powerful patrician family from Siena.
On the diplomatic front, Peter Strozzi enabled Siena to maintain important relations with the kingdom of France. The republic forged trade links with the Republic of Genoa and the Papal States, although diplomatic relations with the Holy See were complicated. Relations with the Duchy of Florence were more difficult, due to the pre-existing rivalry between the two cities, but also to the claims that Alessandro II de' Medici, grandson of Pieri Luigi Farnese, began to make on the territory of the Republic. The claims of Ottavio and Ranuccio Farnese posed further threats to the city of Siena, although the latter could only count on the support of Cardinal Alexander Farnese to consolidate their claims, while Alessandro II used his position as Duke of Florence to defend his own. Relations with other Italian cities were more distant, although some relationships were forged with Venice through economic exchanges. Ties were forged with the Duchy of Milan, mainly on a commercial level.
In the early 1560s, the new Duke of Ferrara and Modena, Alfonso II d'Este, sought to develop new relationships, in particular to distance himself from the Papacy. He drew closer to Charles IX of France, taking advantage of the French king's desire to rebuild his influence in Italy and the rebuilding of relations between his duchy and the kingdom of France during the last years of his father, Hercules II. These relations culminated in his marriage to Jeanne de Bourbon, daughter of Louis III de Bourbon, in September 1562.
The Duke of Ferrara and Modena also established relations with the Count of Mantua, Guillaume de Mantoue, marrying his sister Lucrèce to the latter in the spring of 1563. He developed diplomatic and commercial relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Republic of Venice. While he maintained important relations with the Holy See, he sought to emancipate himself from papal influence.
In the early 1560s, the Count of Mantua, Guillaume Gonzague, emancipated himself from the regency of his uncle, Bishop Henri Gonzague. Having reached the age of majority in 1561 (3), the young duke set about managing the governance of his estates with a zeal that was sometimes considerable, undertaking in particular to tax his subjects in the marquisate of Montferrat in order to carry out the defenses of the territory. He did the same in the Duchy of Mantua, wary of the possibility of a Milanese or Venetian threat. Austere in taste, the Duke nevertheless undertook to develop a policy of patronage to help his duchy flourish, having to manage Milan's cultural development in particular.
On the diplomatic front, the young duke set about forging ties with his neighbors, notably the Duke of Milan, Francesco II, and Alfonso II d'Este. He married Alfonso II d'Este's sister, Lucrezia, in April 1563. Their marriage led to the birth of Vincent in February 1564. William of Mantua also approached the Holy See to obtain from Clement VIII the creation of a cardinalate for his uncle, which was achieved in the summer of 1562. William I also undertook to forge important relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire, due to the proximity of the Duchy of Verona. His relations with Duke Louis II of Savoy were neutral and distant, although he sought to develop good relations with the latter in order to preserve the Marquisate of Montferrat.
During the years 1560-1564, the Republic of Venice sought to focus on restoring its prosperity and trade in the Mediterranean, particularly with the Ottoman Empire. The maritime republic sought to maintain a peaceful relationship with the Sublime Porte in order to benefit from commercial advantages, which led to tensions with the Papacy as the island of Rhodes came under renewed attack from Suleiman during the period. Venice's neutrality during Soliman's second attack on Rhodes was strongly criticized by Clement VIII, who bitterly regretted the absence of the Serenissima, as well as by Philip II of Spain. Added to these difficulties were the development of alternative trade routes to India and Asia, as well as trade to the New World, to which the Serenissima had no access. Commercial difficulties led to increased capital investment in the Domini di Terraferma, even though the city remained active in trade, its policy of tolerance allowing merchants of all faiths to continue to come here to buy and sell their goods.
On the diplomatic front, Venice sought to maintain good relations with its various neighbors and with the Ottoman Empire, concentrating on maintaining commercial exchanges. This led to improved relations with Ferdinand I of Habsburg and the Papacy, although the Serenissima's religious policy contributed to disagreements between the Pope and the Doge. Venice's neutrality during the new Ottoman siege of Rhodes was criticized by its neighbors.
In the early 1560s, the Swiss cantons faced tensions and divisions that had been renewed for decades. The development of the Mantuan counter-reformation in the Catholic cantons and their proximity to the Habsburgs of Austria gave rise to deep tensions with the Protestant cantons, the latter seeking to preserve their position and denouncing the ambiguous links maintained by their compatriots with the house that had once sought to dominate them. Within the Diet, the various parties sought to keep the peace and maintain the status quo resulting from the Kappel Wars, notably by reaffirming the right of each canton to defend the practice of religion as it saw fit, inspired in particular by the Treaty of Augsburg of 1557. The position of the bishops and prince-bishops, notably of Lausanne, on the affirmation of the Catholic Church and the return of the various bailiwicks of the Confederation to the bosom of the Roman Church contributed to blocking any form of compromise, while the representatives of the Protestant cantons sought to defend their prerogatives and the reforms that had been carried out.
These divisions tended to influence diplomatic relations. The Catholic cantons strengthened their relations with the Holy See and several of the Italian states, notably the Duchy of Milan. Protestant cantons tended to draw closer to Protestant princes and forged ties with the Republic of Geneva, while the prospect of conflict with Catholic cantons and their allies became a possibility for all.
Finally, in 1563, a plague epidemic broke out in Basel, before a new wave affected the Pays d'Apenzell and the canton of Bern. The epidemics were as virulent as few of the region's epidemics of the period, contributing to the tensions and uncertainties that divided the confederation.
The Republic of Geneva consolidated and reinforced the various laws and institutions put in place by the city council and Jean Calvin before the conflict with the Duchy of Savoy in the 1550s, further strengthening them to neutralize any opposition and attempts to re-establish the Catholic faith, notably with the strengthening of the Catholic clergy supported by a papacy determined to re-establish Christian unity in various ways. Opposition to John Calvin and the city council was considerably weakened after the conflict of 1552-1554. The small republic lost its central pillar, however, when Jean Calvin died of illness in May 1564. It also had to contend with the emergence of the plague epidemic in the Swiss cantons.
On the diplomatic front, the Republic of Geneva maintained ambiguous relations with the Duchy of Savoy, while Louis II sought to improve relations with the small territory. The threat of Savoyard claims on the small republic and the determination of the Bishop of Geneva to return to his diocese led the latter to preserve its relations with the canton of Berne and to seek other alliances with other cantons, even if the Catholic canton of Fribourg remained neutral.
In the early 1560s, Louis II continued to strengthen his authority and reorganize his duchy, restoring its prosperity despite its territorial decline following his father's conflict. The duke continued to consolidate his relations with the kingdom of France, while seeking to maintain good relations with Ferdinand I in order to balance these relations. On the dynastic front, his marriage to Marie de France resulted in the birth of Louis-Amédée in March 1560, Beatrice in September 1561 and Charles in June 1563. In 1564, however, the duke had to contend with a plague epidemic that broke out in the Pays de Gex.
In addition to his relations with the kingdom of France, the Duke forged neutral and sometimes complicated ties with the Republic of Geneva and the Swiss cantons. He also developed ties with the Republic of Genoa and the Duchy of Milan, as well as with William of Mantua. He strengthened his relations with the papacy, seeking to take advantage of Clement VIII's support to prepare a new project aimed at Geneva. Finally, Louis II maintained distant relations with Ferdinand I as Prince of the Holy Roman Empire.
(1) Giannettino Doria, more than his uncle, concentrated power in the Genoese republic and did not hesitate to interfere in the affairs of his city and to promote its interests in a pronounced way.
(2) "The New Caesar".
(3) In the Marquisate/Duchy of Mantua, the age of majority for city leaders was 23.
The early 1560s were a time of change for various regions of the Italian peninsula, as numerous tensions emerged, including the latest outbursts of religious tensions inherited from the Reformed movements.
The papacy underwent several changes of pope in the early 1560s. Clement VIII pursued his architectural policy in Rome and strengthened the theological reforms designed to consolidate the supremacy of the Catholic Church in the face of persistent Reformed movements, particularly in the Holy Roman Empire. He also supported Philip II in the struggle against the Kingdom of Morocco, and was concerned by Ottoman designs on Rhodes, seeking to create an alliance against the Sublime Porte in 1562 as rumors of a new attack on Rhodes became more widespread. He only succeeded in getting Philip II and Giannettino Doria to send reinforcements to the Knights of Rhodes and a fleet to protect the island from an Ottoman attack. News of the siege and capture of the island by the Ottomans contributed to the pontiff's physical weakening.
In February 1564, Clement VIII died, prompting a conclave to be held at the end of the month. The conclave saw several factions: the faction around Alexander Farnese, cardinals close to the late pope, cardinals close to the French faction and cardinals close to the Spanish faction. The conclave lasted almost three weeks before the choice was finally made in favor of the dean of the conclave, the Venetian cardinal Francesco Pisani, notably to prevent the election of Giovanni Gerolamo Morone, whose Lutheran sympathies were suspected, or Cristoforo Madruzzo, judged too close to the Habsburgs, while Alexander Farnese did not have enough votes in his favor to be elected. The new pope chose the name Gregory, becoming Gregory XIV at the beginning of March 1564.
The Duchy of Milan enjoyed considerable prosperity in the early 1560's. Francesco II pursued a policy of patronage within his duchy and maintained important relations with the Republic of Genoa, further strengthening his ties with the latter with the advent of Giannettino Doria. His duchy became an important center in the Italy of the time, even if its prosperity was not quite the same as in his father's time. The city was a cultural mecca in Italy, even if Francesco II had to contend with competition from the papacy and the revival of Florence. Nevertheless, his court was one of the most cultured and brilliant in Italy, benefiting in particular from the talents of Sofonisba Anguissola, who gradually became the ducal couple's official painter. Francesco II was able to draw on the talents of his wife Catherine to work on his diplomatic relations and consolidate the prestige of his lineage within the duchy.
On the diplomatic front, the Duke of Milan strengthened relations with the Republic of Genoa, even if relations remained ambiguous and strained, particularly after the death of Giannettino Doria. Francesco II also turned to Philip II of Spain for help in developing relations with the latter, notably through commercial ties with the Kingdom of Naples. He maintained good relations with the papacy, not least because of its fight against Calvinist ideas. He forged ties with Alessandro II de' Medici, marrying his daughter Madeleine to the latter in the summer of 1563. Relations deteriorated with the Alliance of the Three Leagues, however, as the Duke was determined to recover Valtellina. He approached the Catholic cantons to secure their neutrality and support. His relations with the Republic of Genoa were neutral and cordial, but the death of Giannettino Doria and the emergence of unrest in Genoa drew his attention.
With the death of Andrea Doria in the autumn of 1560, the Republic of Genoa underwent a change in its situation and functioning. While the biennial doges system was maintained, the true master of the city was Giannettino Doria, the admiral's nephew, who had been trained by the admiral to be his heir. The new master of the maritime republic continued his uncle's policies, notably by consolidating relations with Philip II of Spain. He also developed ties with Francesco II of Milan and Alessandro II of Florence. He also played an important role in the system of biennial doges set up by his uncle, but the Genoese admiral's death also contributed to the emergence of rivalries and political intrigues between members of the Albergo family, who were keen to regain their former position in the Republic of Genoa and to bring down the power of the Doria family, particularly the Adorno and Fregoso families, who had not forgiven Andrea Doria for their exile. These rivalries are compounded by the fact that Giannettino Doria is arrogant and insolent, not hesitating to show off the power of his new position. He had a complicated relationship with the Fieschi family, with rumors suggesting that Giovanni Luigi Fieschi's wife was his mistress. In the face of intrigues, the Genoese admiral relied on the communes, even if some of them were neutral or hostile towards him, reproaching him for the dictatorial nature (1) of his power. Some of his opponents nicknamed him "Il nuovo Cesare" (2) to mock his authority. Giannettino finally trained his son Giovanni to succeed him as admiral and leading politician in Genoa. Opposition to the Albergo family grew stronger with the defeat and death of Giannettino Doria at Rhodes in 1563.
Diplomatically, the Republic of Genoa maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, while developing relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Duchy of Florence. Relations with Charles IX of France were neutral, although trade was conducted between their respective territories. In 1562, he accepted the papal request to support the Knights Hospitallers on Rhodes to counter the Ottomans, sending a fleet and reinforcements to the Knights Hospitallers through the Genoese possessions near the Dodecanese, notably the island of Chio. He joined the expedition and took part in the naval battle off Rhodes in early June 1563, playing a notable role in the retreat of the Christian fleet, but was killed in the confrontation. His death weakened ties between the maritime republic and the Kingdom of Spain, although Giovanni Andrea Doria sought to maintain them in order to preserve his position and the regime established by his great-uncle in the face of the various oppositions within the city.
The Duchy of Florence saw Alessandro II continue to consolidate his authority in the early 1560s. The young Duke of Medici set about strengthening his power through administrative reforms, notably to develop the Florentine fleet and ensure the continuity of his power and his family. The young duke also pursued his policy of patronage, determined to restore Florence to its former splendor and to rival Rome, whose lustre aroused wonder. Although he continued to rely on his father-in-law Cosimo, Alessandro II began to detach himself from him, not wishing to be in the latter's shadow and seeking to set himself apart.
On the diplomatic front, the young Duke developed his relations with the Holy See, particularly with Gregory XIV. He also forged important ties with the Republic of Genoa, above all with Giannettino Doria and then Giovanni. Through Giannettino Doria, he established relations with Philip II of Spain. He developed relations with Francesco II of Milan, marrying the Duke's daughter Madeleine in July 1563. Their union produced a daughter, Caterina, in March 1564. His relations with Charles IX of France were complicated, not least by the ties between the kingdom of France and the Republic of Siena. His relations with the city of Siena were very difficult and conflictual, with the conflict between the two cities still fresh in the memory and Alessandro II being urged by his father-in-law to act to neutralize the rival city, while his mother Vittoria advised him to defend his claims to Siena as grandson of Pieri Luigi Farnese. The young duke joined Pope Clement VIII's alliance against the Ottomans, adding a few galleys to the Christian fleet in 1563.
The Republic of Siena was organized in the early 1560's. The reforms carried out by Peter Strozzi enabled the city to strengthen the authority of the oligarchic council, of which Peter Strozzi was a leading member. Drawing inspiration from the Florentine experience, the Genoese situation and Siena's past, Peter Strozzi headed an oligarchic council whose members were regularly renewed and included representatives of the city's artisans and merchants. Together with his son Philip, Pierre Strozzi took charge of the city's defense, and also undertook to reorganize the territory's other defenses, notably the fortress of Montalcino. The city re-established and strengthened its political and administrative institutions, while in terms of trade, it succeeded in strengthening its commercial ties with its various neighbors and allies, even if tensions with the Duchy of Florence and economic difficulties linked to rising inflation contributed to slowing down the economic development of the city and its region. To consolidate his position, in May 1563 Peter Strozzi had his son married to Ortensia, daughter of Marcantonio, head of the Borghese family, a powerful patrician family from Siena.
On the diplomatic front, Peter Strozzi enabled Siena to maintain important relations with the kingdom of France. The republic forged trade links with the Republic of Genoa and the Papal States, although diplomatic relations with the Holy See were complicated. Relations with the Duchy of Florence were more difficult, due to the pre-existing rivalry between the two cities, but also to the claims that Alessandro II de' Medici, grandson of Pieri Luigi Farnese, began to make on the territory of the Republic. The claims of Ottavio and Ranuccio Farnese posed further threats to the city of Siena, although the latter could only count on the support of Cardinal Alexander Farnese to consolidate their claims, while Alessandro II used his position as Duke of Florence to defend his own. Relations with other Italian cities were more distant, although some relationships were forged with Venice through economic exchanges. Ties were forged with the Duchy of Milan, mainly on a commercial level.
In the early 1560s, the new Duke of Ferrara and Modena, Alfonso II d'Este, sought to develop new relationships, in particular to distance himself from the Papacy. He drew closer to Charles IX of France, taking advantage of the French king's desire to rebuild his influence in Italy and the rebuilding of relations between his duchy and the kingdom of France during the last years of his father, Hercules II. These relations culminated in his marriage to Jeanne de Bourbon, daughter of Louis III de Bourbon, in September 1562.
The Duke of Ferrara and Modena also established relations with the Count of Mantua, Guillaume de Mantoue, marrying his sister Lucrèce to the latter in the spring of 1563. He developed diplomatic and commercial relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Republic of Venice. While he maintained important relations with the Holy See, he sought to emancipate himself from papal influence.
In the early 1560s, the Count of Mantua, Guillaume Gonzague, emancipated himself from the regency of his uncle, Bishop Henri Gonzague. Having reached the age of majority in 1561 (3), the young duke set about managing the governance of his estates with a zeal that was sometimes considerable, undertaking in particular to tax his subjects in the marquisate of Montferrat in order to carry out the defenses of the territory. He did the same in the Duchy of Mantua, wary of the possibility of a Milanese or Venetian threat. Austere in taste, the Duke nevertheless undertook to develop a policy of patronage to help his duchy flourish, having to manage Milan's cultural development in particular.
On the diplomatic front, the young duke set about forging ties with his neighbors, notably the Duke of Milan, Francesco II, and Alfonso II d'Este. He married Alfonso II d'Este's sister, Lucrezia, in April 1563. Their marriage led to the birth of Vincent in February 1564. William of Mantua also approached the Holy See to obtain from Clement VIII the creation of a cardinalate for his uncle, which was achieved in the summer of 1562. William I also undertook to forge important relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire, due to the proximity of the Duchy of Verona. His relations with Duke Louis II of Savoy were neutral and distant, although he sought to develop good relations with the latter in order to preserve the Marquisate of Montferrat.
During the years 1560-1564, the Republic of Venice sought to focus on restoring its prosperity and trade in the Mediterranean, particularly with the Ottoman Empire. The maritime republic sought to maintain a peaceful relationship with the Sublime Porte in order to benefit from commercial advantages, which led to tensions with the Papacy as the island of Rhodes came under renewed attack from Suleiman during the period. Venice's neutrality during Soliman's second attack on Rhodes was strongly criticized by Clement VIII, who bitterly regretted the absence of the Serenissima, as well as by Philip II of Spain. Added to these difficulties were the development of alternative trade routes to India and Asia, as well as trade to the New World, to which the Serenissima had no access. Commercial difficulties led to increased capital investment in the Domini di Terraferma, even though the city remained active in trade, its policy of tolerance allowing merchants of all faiths to continue to come here to buy and sell their goods.
On the diplomatic front, Venice sought to maintain good relations with its various neighbors and with the Ottoman Empire, concentrating on maintaining commercial exchanges. This led to improved relations with Ferdinand I of Habsburg and the Papacy, although the Serenissima's religious policy contributed to disagreements between the Pope and the Doge. Venice's neutrality during the new Ottoman siege of Rhodes was criticized by its neighbors.
In the early 1560s, the Swiss cantons faced tensions and divisions that had been renewed for decades. The development of the Mantuan counter-reformation in the Catholic cantons and their proximity to the Habsburgs of Austria gave rise to deep tensions with the Protestant cantons, the latter seeking to preserve their position and denouncing the ambiguous links maintained by their compatriots with the house that had once sought to dominate them. Within the Diet, the various parties sought to keep the peace and maintain the status quo resulting from the Kappel Wars, notably by reaffirming the right of each canton to defend the practice of religion as it saw fit, inspired in particular by the Treaty of Augsburg of 1557. The position of the bishops and prince-bishops, notably of Lausanne, on the affirmation of the Catholic Church and the return of the various bailiwicks of the Confederation to the bosom of the Roman Church contributed to blocking any form of compromise, while the representatives of the Protestant cantons sought to defend their prerogatives and the reforms that had been carried out.
These divisions tended to influence diplomatic relations. The Catholic cantons strengthened their relations with the Holy See and several of the Italian states, notably the Duchy of Milan. Protestant cantons tended to draw closer to Protestant princes and forged ties with the Republic of Geneva, while the prospect of conflict with Catholic cantons and their allies became a possibility for all.
Finally, in 1563, a plague epidemic broke out in Basel, before a new wave affected the Pays d'Apenzell and the canton of Bern. The epidemics were as virulent as few of the region's epidemics of the period, contributing to the tensions and uncertainties that divided the confederation.
The Republic of Geneva consolidated and reinforced the various laws and institutions put in place by the city council and Jean Calvin before the conflict with the Duchy of Savoy in the 1550s, further strengthening them to neutralize any opposition and attempts to re-establish the Catholic faith, notably with the strengthening of the Catholic clergy supported by a papacy determined to re-establish Christian unity in various ways. Opposition to John Calvin and the city council was considerably weakened after the conflict of 1552-1554. The small republic lost its central pillar, however, when Jean Calvin died of illness in May 1564. It also had to contend with the emergence of the plague epidemic in the Swiss cantons.
On the diplomatic front, the Republic of Geneva maintained ambiguous relations with the Duchy of Savoy, while Louis II sought to improve relations with the small territory. The threat of Savoyard claims on the small republic and the determination of the Bishop of Geneva to return to his diocese led the latter to preserve its relations with the canton of Berne and to seek other alliances with other cantons, even if the Catholic canton of Fribourg remained neutral.
In the early 1560s, Louis II continued to strengthen his authority and reorganize his duchy, restoring its prosperity despite its territorial decline following his father's conflict. The duke continued to consolidate his relations with the kingdom of France, while seeking to maintain good relations with Ferdinand I in order to balance these relations. On the dynastic front, his marriage to Marie de France resulted in the birth of Louis-Amédée in March 1560, Beatrice in September 1561 and Charles in June 1563. In 1564, however, the duke had to contend with a plague epidemic that broke out in the Pays de Gex.
In addition to his relations with the kingdom of France, the Duke forged neutral and sometimes complicated ties with the Republic of Geneva and the Swiss cantons. He also developed ties with the Republic of Genoa and the Duchy of Milan, as well as with William of Mantua. He strengthened his relations with the papacy, seeking to take advantage of Clement VIII's support to prepare a new project aimed at Geneva. Finally, Louis II maintained distant relations with Ferdinand I as Prince of the Holy Roman Empire.
(1) Giannettino Doria, more than his uncle, concentrated power in the Genoese republic and did not hesitate to interfere in the affairs of his city and to promote its interests in a pronounced way.
(2) "The New Caesar".
(3) In the Marquisate/Duchy of Mantua, the age of majority for city leaders was 23.
1560-1564: Transition in the Iberian kingdoms
1560-1564: Transition in the Iberian kingdoms
The early 1560s were a period of transition for the Iberian kingdoms as they faced different challenges.
Philip II asserted his authority and reign during the years 1560-1564. He had to deal with the diversity of his kingdom's legal administrations and the potential opposition of various local assemblies and lords. However, the young sovereign was able to draw on his education and experience to gain greater acceptance from his Spanish subjects through respect for the habits and customs of the different regions of the kingdom. To consolidate his reign, the young king could also rely on a certain economic prosperity thanks to the Spanish Netherlands and the riches coming from the New World, even if inflation and some of the recent conflicts may have taken their toll on the royal treasury. The kingdom's small population was also a constraint on the young sovereign's ability to raise enough taxes to consolidate the royal finances, while opposition from local lords could complicate the levying of taxes. These difficulties were compounded by the subsistence crises that hit the Spanish Netherlands in particular during this period. The young sovereign concentrated on managing his Iberian domains, applying the advice and counsel of his late mother Isabella of Portugal.
Philip II also pursued an important religious policy within his domains, determined to eradicate all traces of Reformed movements of any kind and to enforce the decisions inspired by the Council of Mantua, making these and subsequent papal decisions fundamental laws in his religious policy. He was particularly firm and severe in the Spanish Netherlands, through the various governors of his aunt Eleonora and her successor, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo, seeking in particular to establish the Spanish Inquisition.
In addition to the Protestant elements that persisted in Christendom, there was also a large Morisco community, while the strengthening of the Kingdom of Morocco to the south raised concerns that a new Moorish power was attempting to invade the Iberian Peninsula. The repression of Morisco customs and the strengthening of the Cherifian kingdom south of the Mediterranean fueled tensions in Andalusia, home to a large part of the Morisco community. The King of Spain had to face up to the risk posed by Saadian Morocco, reinforcing the Spanish enclaves in northern Morocco and on the Oranese coast. The death of Mohammed ech-Sheikh, however, gave the Spanish an opportunity, as the sons of Abû al-Hassan Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad, the last representatives of the Wattassid line, were already present. Determined to weaken the Saadian dynasty and consolidate Iberian influence in North Africa, Philip II agreed in 1563 to support the latter's dynastic claims against the new Saadian sultan, Abdallah el-Ghalib, particularly in view of the news of Moroccan attacks on the Koukou sultanate. The Spanish sovereign hesitated and procrastinated before deciding to organize the expedition, having also been involved in the expedition to help Rhodes that same year. In the spring of 1564, as he began to set up the expedition, he put Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens in charge and began to contact the Koukou sultanate for support. The expedition was ready in the summer of 1564, with a fleet of two hundred and fifty ships, including some thirty sent by the Portuguese, and an army of around twenty thousand men, including around three thousand Portuguese. Leaving Barcelona in July 1564, it reached Melilla in August. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens then descended on Fez, accompanied by Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn (1). In August 1564, as his army approached Meziat (2), Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens encountered Adballah el-Ghalib's army of thirty-five thousand men near the Wadi Sra. The battle between the two armies took place on August 24, 1564. The Moroccans sought to encircle the Spanish, but the latter defended themselves energetically, using the wadi as a small barrier to slow down enemy attacks and taking advantage of their artillery and tercios under the energetic command of Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens. In the early afternoon of August 24, the Spanish tried to break the Sultan's army at its center, seeking to capture or kill Abdallah el-Ghalib, but their assault was in turn repulsed. Spanish resistance enabled them to destroy one of the wings of the Moroccan army, preventing Abdallah el-Ghalib from encircling them. The heat and violence of the confrontation, however, contributed to their exhaustion. The confrontation came to a halt in the evening, with both sides suffering heavy losses and the Moroccans reeling from the failure of their plan. The following night, Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn and Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens were attacked by two of Abdallah el-Ghalib's men, who tried to kill them. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens manages to defeat his adversary, while Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn is seriously wounded. The attack on their commander provokes panic and anger among the Spaniards. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens prefers to withdraw, unsure whether he can continue to lead the fight after narrowly escaping death. On August 5, the Spanish left the battlefield and headed north. The battle of Wadi Sra ended with mixed results for both sides: while the Spaniards failed to neutralize Abdallah el-Ghalib and descend on Fez, the Moroccan sultan lost six thousand men, compared with a thousand for the Spaniards. However, the Spanish forces were weakened by their retreat to Melilla, with 14,000 men reaching the enclave by early September 1564. During the retreat, Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn died of his wounds on August 28, 1564.
With his attention focused on Morocco, Philip II could only pay relative attention to Clement VIII's appeal to counter the new Ottoman attack on Rhodes, even though he sent a small fleet to accompany Giannettino Doria's fleet in early 1563. Spanish ships helped send reinforcements to bolster the Rhodes garrison, but were destroyed in the naval battle of Rhodes in early June 1563.
From a dynastic point of view, his second marriage enabled Philip II to have more children to perpetuate his lineage. His second wife gave birth to Ferdinand in March 1560, Isabella in September 1562 and Diego in June 1564. Ferdinand died in autumn 1563. Although he had an heir in Prince Charles, Philip II began to have doubts about the latter's ability to succeed him, as the young prince began to show signs of instability and an angry, vindictive temper. The development of this character made him reluctant to defend a matrimonial project for his eldest son.
On the diplomatic front, Philip II had complicated relations with Charles IX of France, and even more so with John IV of Navarre. With the former, relations were complicated and tense due to the question of Artois, the French colonies in the New World and French claims in Italy. Philip II distrusted the older French sovereign, whose policies conflicted with the territories of the Spanish Netherlands and the development of New Spain. With John IV, it was the question of respect for the territory of the Kingdom of Navarre, which he took for granted, that lay at the heart of the disagreements between the two sovereigns. To counter French influence and the potential threat posed by his neighbor, Philip II sought to develop relations with his aunt Catherine, regent of the kingdom of Portugal, and his relative Mary I of England.
The Spanish Netherlands, or Sixteen Provinces, was going through a peculiar period in the early 1560's. Eleonora of Habsburg continued the governance and policies she had pursued since taking office, but had to take into account the demands and political decisions of her nephew. This led to tensions with the representatives of the provinces, particularly in view of the privileges held by the various cities, while Philip II's fiscal demands were deemed severe. Eleanor sought to appease the provincial representatives, while corresponding with her nephew to inform him of the situation in the Spanish Netherlands and help him better adapt his decisions to the local situation. This raises tensions between her and Philip II, even though they agree on the need to counter the spread of Calvinist ideas in the region.
The situation changed in autumn 1561 with the death of Éléonore. With the death of his aunt, Philip II had to appoint a new ruler. Ignoring requests from some representatives of the Netherlands for Marguerite Sforza (3) to succeed their aunt, the King of Spain turned to one of his confidants to ensure the proper governance and management of the sixteen provinces in the person of Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo, whose experience as viceroy of Naples he hoped to profit from. The new governor of the Netherlands arrived in the Netherlands in the summer of 1562, and presented himself to the Estates General in Brussels in August 1562. The first meeting was tense and complicated, as the Dutch representatives took a dim view of the arrival of this Spanish nobleman to manage their territories, and feared greater interference from the Spanish crowns. Shortly after his arrival, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo sought to manage the Sixteen Provinces with the same ability he had shown in Naples, while seeking to secure the support and collaboration of the Dutch councillors and the States General. He also pursued the policy of fighting Calvinist ideas, determined to eradicate them from the Sixteen Provinces and restore religious unity in the name of the Catholic Church, which led him to introduce the Spanish Inquisition into the provinces and to pay close attention to the proposal for reform of the organization of dioceses by the Archbishop of Malines, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle.
While the new governor could rely on the support of Viglius van Aytta, Charles de Berlaymont, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle and René de Chalon, Count of Orange, he also faced opposition from some of the Council of State and local elites, notably Lamoral d'Egmont. Their opposition concerned certain elements of the governor's policy and the strengthening of Spanish influence within the management of the Sixteen Provinces, while collaboration with local elites and the preservation of local rights and freedoms were defended. The religious question also raised tensions, as the development of the Spanish Inquisition in the Spanish Netherlands and a project to reform local dioceses championed by Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle in 1564 sparked controversy. Divisions existed within the local elites, however, between those who were willing to move closer to the French crown to seek to defend their rights, and those who wanted to defend all freedoms and rights without being under the authority of any crown.
The kingdom of Portugal experienced a special period in the early 1560s as it continued to live under royal regency, initially led by Catherine of Castile before she was replaced by Cardinal Henry of Evora, the great-uncle of King Alexander I. The young sovereign was trained by Aleixo de Meneses and a number of clerics, mainly priests, but also an inquisitor. On the diplomatic front, the Portuguese regency maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, particularly in view of the threat posed by Saadian Morocco to the south. It supported her nephew Philip II's plan to place a pretender on the Moroccan throne, while keeping the Kingdom of Portugal out of the military project. She forged trade links with the Kingdom of England, and maintained a complicated and tense relationship with Charles IX of France, due in particular to the explorations of French sailors along the Brazilian coast and, above all, in the direction of Asia. Relations with the Holy See were very good, with Henri d'Evora taking advantage of his position as cardinal to strengthen ties with the various popes and secure the pope's approval for the continuation of religious missions.
During this regency, the maritime kingdom continued to strengthen its influence and territories in Brazil, on the African coast, in the Red Sea, on the Indian coast and in Malacca. However, its position was complicated and tense in the Red Sea, as the Ottomans strengthened their maritime presence in the region and carried out numerous counterattacks on their possessions in the Aden area. They forged relations with imperial Ming China thanks to their presence in Macao, and with the Japanese lords, taking advantage of the state of civil war affecting the island empire. With papal blessing, they also pursued a religious policy, sending clerics to spread the word of Christ in distant lands. They maintained important relations with the kingdom of Ethiopia, whose trade enabled the negus Gelawdéwos to strengthen his kingdom and counter the threat of the Harar sultanate and the Oromos, even if the strengthening of Ottoman influence in the region tended to attenuate the benefits of these exchanges and of the alliance between the Portuguese and the Ethiopians. They also strengthened their influence in India, even if they had to deal with the strengthening of the Mughal kingdom. The Portuguese also had to deal with the strengthening of Saadian Morocco, which threatened their remaining colonies on the North African coast, notably Ceuta and Tangiers. Anfa was attacked in 1563, although it resisted. The Cardinal of Evora supported the Spanish expedition, sending a few ships to support the expedition and a small force to support the Spanish tercios. Their colony in Brazil developed, notably with the cultivation of sugar and coffee, but remained fairly modest in size, even though French excursions in the region led its viceroy to reinforce the colony to counter any French expansionist ambitions, exploring the Rio de Janeiro (4) in particular during 1562. French expeditions worried the Portuguese all the more, as in 1564 they caught wind of a French fleet in the Indian Ocean, after the viceroy of Goa had heard of a French passage along the coast of Ceylon.
(1) Name of Abû al-Hassan's eldest son Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad (but imagined, having found no information about him and his brother, being "only a footnote" in what I could find on the subject, their historical destiny being to die killed by pirates while trying to reach Spain in 1554 after the recapture of Fez by the Saadians with the help of the Regency of Algiers).
(2) Ancient name for the town of Taounate.
(3) The daughter of Francesco Sforza, the brother of Duke Maximilian, and Marguerite, the illegitimate daughter of Charles V.
(4) Original Portuguese name for Guanabara Bay after its discovery on January 1, 1502 by Gaspard de Lemos' expedition, the Portuguese mistaking the bay for a river mouth.
The early 1560s were a period of transition for the Iberian kingdoms as they faced different challenges.
Philip II asserted his authority and reign during the years 1560-1564. He had to deal with the diversity of his kingdom's legal administrations and the potential opposition of various local assemblies and lords. However, the young sovereign was able to draw on his education and experience to gain greater acceptance from his Spanish subjects through respect for the habits and customs of the different regions of the kingdom. To consolidate his reign, the young king could also rely on a certain economic prosperity thanks to the Spanish Netherlands and the riches coming from the New World, even if inflation and some of the recent conflicts may have taken their toll on the royal treasury. The kingdom's small population was also a constraint on the young sovereign's ability to raise enough taxes to consolidate the royal finances, while opposition from local lords could complicate the levying of taxes. These difficulties were compounded by the subsistence crises that hit the Spanish Netherlands in particular during this period. The young sovereign concentrated on managing his Iberian domains, applying the advice and counsel of his late mother Isabella of Portugal.
Philip II also pursued an important religious policy within his domains, determined to eradicate all traces of Reformed movements of any kind and to enforce the decisions inspired by the Council of Mantua, making these and subsequent papal decisions fundamental laws in his religious policy. He was particularly firm and severe in the Spanish Netherlands, through the various governors of his aunt Eleonora and her successor, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo, seeking in particular to establish the Spanish Inquisition.
In addition to the Protestant elements that persisted in Christendom, there was also a large Morisco community, while the strengthening of the Kingdom of Morocco to the south raised concerns that a new Moorish power was attempting to invade the Iberian Peninsula. The repression of Morisco customs and the strengthening of the Cherifian kingdom south of the Mediterranean fueled tensions in Andalusia, home to a large part of the Morisco community. The King of Spain had to face up to the risk posed by Saadian Morocco, reinforcing the Spanish enclaves in northern Morocco and on the Oranese coast. The death of Mohammed ech-Sheikh, however, gave the Spanish an opportunity, as the sons of Abû al-Hassan Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad, the last representatives of the Wattassid line, were already present. Determined to weaken the Saadian dynasty and consolidate Iberian influence in North Africa, Philip II agreed in 1563 to support the latter's dynastic claims against the new Saadian sultan, Abdallah el-Ghalib, particularly in view of the news of Moroccan attacks on the Koukou sultanate. The Spanish sovereign hesitated and procrastinated before deciding to organize the expedition, having also been involved in the expedition to help Rhodes that same year. In the spring of 1564, as he began to set up the expedition, he put Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens in charge and began to contact the Koukou sultanate for support. The expedition was ready in the summer of 1564, with a fleet of two hundred and fifty ships, including some thirty sent by the Portuguese, and an army of around twenty thousand men, including around three thousand Portuguese. Leaving Barcelona in July 1564, it reached Melilla in August. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens then descended on Fez, accompanied by Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn (1). In August 1564, as his army approached Meziat (2), Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens encountered Adballah el-Ghalib's army of thirty-five thousand men near the Wadi Sra. The battle between the two armies took place on August 24, 1564. The Moroccans sought to encircle the Spanish, but the latter defended themselves energetically, using the wadi as a small barrier to slow down enemy attacks and taking advantage of their artillery and tercios under the energetic command of Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens. In the early afternoon of August 24, the Spanish tried to break the Sultan's army at its center, seeking to capture or kill Abdallah el-Ghalib, but their assault was in turn repulsed. Spanish resistance enabled them to destroy one of the wings of the Moroccan army, preventing Abdallah el-Ghalib from encircling them. The heat and violence of the confrontation, however, contributed to their exhaustion. The confrontation came to a halt in the evening, with both sides suffering heavy losses and the Moroccans reeling from the failure of their plan. The following night, Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn and Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens were attacked by two of Abdallah el-Ghalib's men, who tried to kill them. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens manages to defeat his adversary, while Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn is seriously wounded. The attack on their commander provokes panic and anger among the Spaniards. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens prefers to withdraw, unsure whether he can continue to lead the fight after narrowly escaping death. On August 5, the Spanish left the battlefield and headed north. The battle of Wadi Sra ended with mixed results for both sides: while the Spaniards failed to neutralize Abdallah el-Ghalib and descend on Fez, the Moroccan sultan lost six thousand men, compared with a thousand for the Spaniards. However, the Spanish forces were weakened by their retreat to Melilla, with 14,000 men reaching the enclave by early September 1564. During the retreat, Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn died of his wounds on August 28, 1564.
With his attention focused on Morocco, Philip II could only pay relative attention to Clement VIII's appeal to counter the new Ottoman attack on Rhodes, even though he sent a small fleet to accompany Giannettino Doria's fleet in early 1563. Spanish ships helped send reinforcements to bolster the Rhodes garrison, but were destroyed in the naval battle of Rhodes in early June 1563.
From a dynastic point of view, his second marriage enabled Philip II to have more children to perpetuate his lineage. His second wife gave birth to Ferdinand in March 1560, Isabella in September 1562 and Diego in June 1564. Ferdinand died in autumn 1563. Although he had an heir in Prince Charles, Philip II began to have doubts about the latter's ability to succeed him, as the young prince began to show signs of instability and an angry, vindictive temper. The development of this character made him reluctant to defend a matrimonial project for his eldest son.
On the diplomatic front, Philip II had complicated relations with Charles IX of France, and even more so with John IV of Navarre. With the former, relations were complicated and tense due to the question of Artois, the French colonies in the New World and French claims in Italy. Philip II distrusted the older French sovereign, whose policies conflicted with the territories of the Spanish Netherlands and the development of New Spain. With John IV, it was the question of respect for the territory of the Kingdom of Navarre, which he took for granted, that lay at the heart of the disagreements between the two sovereigns. To counter French influence and the potential threat posed by his neighbor, Philip II sought to develop relations with his aunt Catherine, regent of the kingdom of Portugal, and his relative Mary I of England.
The Spanish Netherlands, or Sixteen Provinces, was going through a peculiar period in the early 1560's. Eleonora of Habsburg continued the governance and policies she had pursued since taking office, but had to take into account the demands and political decisions of her nephew. This led to tensions with the representatives of the provinces, particularly in view of the privileges held by the various cities, while Philip II's fiscal demands were deemed severe. Eleanor sought to appease the provincial representatives, while corresponding with her nephew to inform him of the situation in the Spanish Netherlands and help him better adapt his decisions to the local situation. This raises tensions between her and Philip II, even though they agree on the need to counter the spread of Calvinist ideas in the region.
The situation changed in autumn 1561 with the death of Éléonore. With the death of his aunt, Philip II had to appoint a new ruler. Ignoring requests from some representatives of the Netherlands for Marguerite Sforza (3) to succeed their aunt, the King of Spain turned to one of his confidants to ensure the proper governance and management of the sixteen provinces in the person of Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo, whose experience as viceroy of Naples he hoped to profit from. The new governor of the Netherlands arrived in the Netherlands in the summer of 1562, and presented himself to the Estates General in Brussels in August 1562. The first meeting was tense and complicated, as the Dutch representatives took a dim view of the arrival of this Spanish nobleman to manage their territories, and feared greater interference from the Spanish crowns. Shortly after his arrival, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo sought to manage the Sixteen Provinces with the same ability he had shown in Naples, while seeking to secure the support and collaboration of the Dutch councillors and the States General. He also pursued the policy of fighting Calvinist ideas, determined to eradicate them from the Sixteen Provinces and restore religious unity in the name of the Catholic Church, which led him to introduce the Spanish Inquisition into the provinces and to pay close attention to the proposal for reform of the organization of dioceses by the Archbishop of Malines, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle.
While the new governor could rely on the support of Viglius van Aytta, Charles de Berlaymont, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle and René de Chalon, Count of Orange, he also faced opposition from some of the Council of State and local elites, notably Lamoral d'Egmont. Their opposition concerned certain elements of the governor's policy and the strengthening of Spanish influence within the management of the Sixteen Provinces, while collaboration with local elites and the preservation of local rights and freedoms were defended. The religious question also raised tensions, as the development of the Spanish Inquisition in the Spanish Netherlands and a project to reform local dioceses championed by Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle in 1564 sparked controversy. Divisions existed within the local elites, however, between those who were willing to move closer to the French crown to seek to defend their rights, and those who wanted to defend all freedoms and rights without being under the authority of any crown.
The kingdom of Portugal experienced a special period in the early 1560s as it continued to live under royal regency, initially led by Catherine of Castile before she was replaced by Cardinal Henry of Evora, the great-uncle of King Alexander I. The young sovereign was trained by Aleixo de Meneses and a number of clerics, mainly priests, but also an inquisitor. On the diplomatic front, the Portuguese regency maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, particularly in view of the threat posed by Saadian Morocco to the south. It supported her nephew Philip II's plan to place a pretender on the Moroccan throne, while keeping the Kingdom of Portugal out of the military project. She forged trade links with the Kingdom of England, and maintained a complicated and tense relationship with Charles IX of France, due in particular to the explorations of French sailors along the Brazilian coast and, above all, in the direction of Asia. Relations with the Holy See were very good, with Henri d'Evora taking advantage of his position as cardinal to strengthen ties with the various popes and secure the pope's approval for the continuation of religious missions.
During this regency, the maritime kingdom continued to strengthen its influence and territories in Brazil, on the African coast, in the Red Sea, on the Indian coast and in Malacca. However, its position was complicated and tense in the Red Sea, as the Ottomans strengthened their maritime presence in the region and carried out numerous counterattacks on their possessions in the Aden area. They forged relations with imperial Ming China thanks to their presence in Macao, and with the Japanese lords, taking advantage of the state of civil war affecting the island empire. With papal blessing, they also pursued a religious policy, sending clerics to spread the word of Christ in distant lands. They maintained important relations with the kingdom of Ethiopia, whose trade enabled the negus Gelawdéwos to strengthen his kingdom and counter the threat of the Harar sultanate and the Oromos, even if the strengthening of Ottoman influence in the region tended to attenuate the benefits of these exchanges and of the alliance between the Portuguese and the Ethiopians. They also strengthened their influence in India, even if they had to deal with the strengthening of the Mughal kingdom. The Portuguese also had to deal with the strengthening of Saadian Morocco, which threatened their remaining colonies on the North African coast, notably Ceuta and Tangiers. Anfa was attacked in 1563, although it resisted. The Cardinal of Evora supported the Spanish expedition, sending a few ships to support the expedition and a small force to support the Spanish tercios. Their colony in Brazil developed, notably with the cultivation of sugar and coffee, but remained fairly modest in size, even though French excursions in the region led its viceroy to reinforce the colony to counter any French expansionist ambitions, exploring the Rio de Janeiro (4) in particular during 1562. French expeditions worried the Portuguese all the more, as in 1564 they caught wind of a French fleet in the Indian Ocean, after the viceroy of Goa had heard of a French passage along the coast of Ceylon.
(1) Name of Abû al-Hassan's eldest son Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad (but imagined, having found no information about him and his brother, being "only a footnote" in what I could find on the subject, their historical destiny being to die killed by pirates while trying to reach Spain in 1554 after the recapture of Fez by the Saadians with the help of the Regency of Algiers).
(2) Ancient name for the town of Taounate.
(3) The daughter of Francesco Sforza, the brother of Duke Maximilian, and Marguerite, the illegitimate daughter of Charles V.
(4) Original Portuguese name for Guanabara Bay after its discovery on January 1, 1502 by Gaspard de Lemos' expedition, the Portuguese mistaking the bay for a river mouth.
1560-1564: The Holy Roman Empire
1560-1564: The Holy Roman Empire
The early 1560s were a period of tranquility and stability in the Holy Roman Empire, as the Habsburgs sought to consolidate their authority over a religiously divided territory.
During the years 1560-1564, Ferdinand I worked to ensure stability and peace in the empire's lands, while strengthening the tools with which to assert his authority. Applying the Treaty of Augsburg to ensure religious peace within the empire, he sought to reconcile Catholics and Protestants, demonstrating prudence and pragmatism. Within his domains and through his allies, the Emperor also sought to promote the supremacy of the Catholic Church in various ways. He could thus count on the support of his sons-in-law, Louis III of Hungary and Albert V of Bavaria. His religious policy enabled him to manage opposition from some of the leading Protestant princes, notably Maurice of Saxony and George Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansach and Brandenburg-Culmbach. He also had to deal with the emergence of Calvinist ideas within the Holy Roman Empire, as Frederick III of the Palatinate became a Calvinist.
At the same time, Ferdinand I continued to strengthen the imperial administration and the administrative and governmental role of Vienna during this period. The emperor drew on both pre-existing institutions in his domains and those he had created since the beginning of his imperial reign. The emperor established and pursued a policy of patronage, embellishing Vienna, all the more so as it became the political heart of the Holy Roman Empire. This patronage also enabled the city to become an important humanist center, supported by the University of Vienna.
Diplomatically, Ferdinand I maintained neutral and cordial relations with his nephew Philip II of Spain, while his relations with Charles IX of France were neutral. His relations with Louis III of Hungary were consistent, not least because of the persistent risk posed by the Ottoman Empire to the south. He maintained good relations with the Republic of Venice and other Italian states, principally the Duchy of Milan, the Duchy of Mantua and the Duchy of Florence. His relations with Pope Clement VIII were neutral, the issue of the Treaty of Augsburg being a bone of contention between the emperor and the pontiff. His neutral stance on the Scandinavian kingdoms that had become Lutheran was another point of contention with the pontiff, as Clement VIII wished to see the Catholic faith re-established in these kingdoms. Ferdinand I maintained good relations with Sigismund II of Poland, whereas his relations with the Scandinavian kingdoms were complex: his relations with John II of Norway were cordial, notably because of their dynastic ties, whereas his relations with Frederick II of Denmark were neutral and distant, as with Eric XIV of Sweden, all the more so when a conflict broke out between the two kingdoms in 1563.
In the autumn of 1563, Ferdinand I organized the imperial election to designate his eldest son Maximilian as his successor. The Emperor could count on the support of John VI of Leiden (1), Frederick IV of Wied (2), Daniel Brendel von Homburg (3) and Louis III of Hungary, the latter being both Catholics and, for some, important supporters of his imperial policy. Protestant voters were rather divided: Maurice of Saxony was uncertain and neutral due to his opposition to some of Ferdinand I's policies, while Joachim III of Brandenburg was willing to support Maximilian thanks to the ties Ferdinand's heir had forged with Protestant princes over the previous decade. Only Frederick III of the Palatinate appeared isolated and neutral, his Calvinist stance being frowned upon by both Catholic and Lutheran voters. Thanks to the overall support of most of the electorate, Maximilian was elected King of the Romans in November 1563 and crowned at Aachen.
Ferdinand I died in July 1564. He was succeeded by his son, Emperor Maximilian II. The new emperor enjoyed the support of most of the great princes of the empire, thanks to his charisma and the links he had forged with Protestant princes over the previous decade. His pride in being Germanic was also an asset that guaranteed his place in the succession during the quarrel of the 1550s between his father and his uncle Charles V. In 1560, as heir to the throne, Maximilian organized the Vienna Tournaments in honor of his father, a courtly celebration in which the pleasures of sport and masquerade costume predominated over a rigorously staged political event. The new emperor supported the decisions taken since the Council of Mantua, but sought to deepen the reforms of the Church, leading him to seek the support of the papacy and the new pope, Gregory IX.
Dynastically, Maximilian II and his wife Marie had several children when Maximilian took the imperial throne: Anne born in 1549, Rudolf born in 1552, Ernest born in 1553, Elisabeth born in 1554, Matthias born in 1557, Maximilian born in 1558, Albert born in 1559 and Wenceslas born in 1561.
During the 1560s, the fortunes of some princes of the empire varied in the context of the peace instituted by the Treaty of Augsburg, while the imperial administration was consolidated under the good governance of Ferdinand I.
Albert of Prussia had to deal with the fallout from the crisis caused by the religious controversy surrounding Osniander's thought, and the fear of his entourage that he would die while his heir Albert-Frédéric was still a child. The Duke of Prussia had to make concessions and found himself somewhat marginalized among the princes of empire due to the controversies that had affected his duchy.
During the same period, Maurice de Saxe sought to maintain his position as a leading figure among the Protestant princes. He also sought to choose the best match for his heiress, Anne of Saxony, especially as she was the richest heiress in the empire, and as he had refused her marriage to Johann Frederick II of the Ernestine branch, thus reinforcing the antagonism between their two branches. He eventually turned to Frederick II of Denmark, eager to renew and consolidate relations with the Danish crown. This marriage project met with much opposition, mainly from John Frederick II, but also from Emperor Ferdinand I, who wanted to counter the omnipotence of the Elector of Saxony, whose ability to use force to try to impose his positions he distrusted. Despite these oppositions and challenges, Maurice succeeded in bringing the project to fruition, leading to Anne's marriage to Frederick II in the summer of 1563. Maurice de Saxe's relations with Frederick II deteriorated over the period, not least due to the latter's refusal to condemn the theologian Matthias Flacius's attacks on him.
During the period, the rivalry between Maurice of Saxony and his relative John Frederick II was consolidated and crystallized, notably due to his matrimonial plans for Anne of Saxony and Matthias Flacius' influence with the Landgrave of Thuringia, notably in presenting a different interpretation of the Articles of Marburg and in attacking Maurice in his speeches. The latter sought to draw closer to Emperor Ferdinand I in an attempt to regain his position as Elector of Saxony, taking advantage of the Emperor's conflicted relationship with Maurice of Saxony.
In the early 1560s, Philip of Hesse pursued the policy he had established since his release in 1546 and the Treaty of Passau: maintaining good relations with the Habsburgs, but also seeking to find common ground between Lutherans and Catholics. Although he had withdrawn from leading the Protestant faction, he nevertheless supported the rights of the Lutheran princes and defended the Treaty of Augsburg, which sometimes brought him into conflict with Maurice of Saxony. The Margrave of Hesse also sought to develop links between Lutherans and Calvinists, and exchanged ideas with Frederick III of the Palatinate, not rejecting him as some of his co-religionists did. However, the Margrave was aging and weakened, having become heavily involved in the religious controversies of the previous decade in an effort to appease the various parties. He maintained important relations with Eric XIV of Sweden, due to the latter's marriage to his daughter Elisabeth, but remained neutral in the conflict that broke out between Sweden and Denmark, even worrying about rumors of the sovereign's mistrust and paranoia. He wrote a will in 1561, asking his sons to uphold the Peace of Augsburg and the Concord of Wittemberg, while seeking to work towards reconciliation between Protestants and Catholics should the opportunity arise.
In the 1560s, George Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg-Ansach and Brandenburg-Culmbach, maintained peace in his Franconian lands. He also embellished Planssenburg Castle, beginning his period as a great prince-builder. Married since 1558 to Elisabeth of Brandenburg-Küstrin, the Margrave had no children of his own.
In the early 1560s, Frederick III of the Palatinate undertook to introduce Calvinism into his lands, not least because of his disgust with Lutheran fanatics and the religious controversies that had shaken the Lutherans in the previous decade. In 1561, he called upon Emmanuel Tremellius and then Zacharias Ursinus in Heidelberg, leading to the transformation of the Church, the confiscation of monastery revenues and the drafting of the Heidelberg Catechism (4). These transformations were embodied in the Church Ordinance of November 1563 and the Consistory of 1564. These changes were opposed by Frederick III's pro-Lutheran ministers, but the latter suppressed their opposition by demanding their resignation. The Elector's measures caused a stir among Lutherans, who had barely recovered from the heated theological controversies of the previous decade. In 1563, Frederick III granted Frankenthal to the Calvinists expelled from the Netherlands.
In the early 1560s, Albert V of Bavaria continued the important policy of defending Catholicism in his domains that had been pursued since his arrival at the head of the duchy on the death of his father in 1550. Drawing heavily on the ideas and decisions of the Council of Mantua, he helped establish numerous seminaries to train local clergy, notably in Augsburg and Munich. From 1560, he also became administrator of Glatz following the death of his uncle Ernest, and set about reforming the territory. The Duke of Bavaria also pursued an important policy of patronage of his estates, notably purchasing collections from Italy.
During the years 1560-1564, Nicolas II of Lorraine consolidated his authority over his lands and pursued a policy of combating the presence of Calvinists and Lutherans, supporting his relative Charles of Lorraine in the establishment of a seminary in the episcopal principality of Metz in 1562. Although he maintained important relations with Ferdinand I, notably as the latter's son-in-law, the Duke renewed his diplomatic ties with the French court through Charles de Lorraine, the latter being the brother of François de Guise, a friend of François IV of Brittany and a prominent member of the French court.
(1) Archbishop of Trier.
(2) Archbishop of Cologne.
(3) Archbishop of Mainz.
(4) The Elector commissioned Zacharias Ursinus and Caspar Olevian to draft a doctrinal norm to bring peace and unite the regional churches in response to the controversies between Lutherans, Zwinglians and strict and moderate Calvinists in the Rhine Palatinate. The catechism consists of three parts, dealing with sin and misery, the redemption accomplished by Jesus, and the Christian life in response to God's grace.
The early 1560s were a period of tranquility and stability in the Holy Roman Empire, as the Habsburgs sought to consolidate their authority over a religiously divided territory.
During the years 1560-1564, Ferdinand I worked to ensure stability and peace in the empire's lands, while strengthening the tools with which to assert his authority. Applying the Treaty of Augsburg to ensure religious peace within the empire, he sought to reconcile Catholics and Protestants, demonstrating prudence and pragmatism. Within his domains and through his allies, the Emperor also sought to promote the supremacy of the Catholic Church in various ways. He could thus count on the support of his sons-in-law, Louis III of Hungary and Albert V of Bavaria. His religious policy enabled him to manage opposition from some of the leading Protestant princes, notably Maurice of Saxony and George Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansach and Brandenburg-Culmbach. He also had to deal with the emergence of Calvinist ideas within the Holy Roman Empire, as Frederick III of the Palatinate became a Calvinist.
At the same time, Ferdinand I continued to strengthen the imperial administration and the administrative and governmental role of Vienna during this period. The emperor drew on both pre-existing institutions in his domains and those he had created since the beginning of his imperial reign. The emperor established and pursued a policy of patronage, embellishing Vienna, all the more so as it became the political heart of the Holy Roman Empire. This patronage also enabled the city to become an important humanist center, supported by the University of Vienna.
Diplomatically, Ferdinand I maintained neutral and cordial relations with his nephew Philip II of Spain, while his relations with Charles IX of France were neutral. His relations with Louis III of Hungary were consistent, not least because of the persistent risk posed by the Ottoman Empire to the south. He maintained good relations with the Republic of Venice and other Italian states, principally the Duchy of Milan, the Duchy of Mantua and the Duchy of Florence. His relations with Pope Clement VIII were neutral, the issue of the Treaty of Augsburg being a bone of contention between the emperor and the pontiff. His neutral stance on the Scandinavian kingdoms that had become Lutheran was another point of contention with the pontiff, as Clement VIII wished to see the Catholic faith re-established in these kingdoms. Ferdinand I maintained good relations with Sigismund II of Poland, whereas his relations with the Scandinavian kingdoms were complex: his relations with John II of Norway were cordial, notably because of their dynastic ties, whereas his relations with Frederick II of Denmark were neutral and distant, as with Eric XIV of Sweden, all the more so when a conflict broke out between the two kingdoms in 1563.
In the autumn of 1563, Ferdinand I organized the imperial election to designate his eldest son Maximilian as his successor. The Emperor could count on the support of John VI of Leiden (1), Frederick IV of Wied (2), Daniel Brendel von Homburg (3) and Louis III of Hungary, the latter being both Catholics and, for some, important supporters of his imperial policy. Protestant voters were rather divided: Maurice of Saxony was uncertain and neutral due to his opposition to some of Ferdinand I's policies, while Joachim III of Brandenburg was willing to support Maximilian thanks to the ties Ferdinand's heir had forged with Protestant princes over the previous decade. Only Frederick III of the Palatinate appeared isolated and neutral, his Calvinist stance being frowned upon by both Catholic and Lutheran voters. Thanks to the overall support of most of the electorate, Maximilian was elected King of the Romans in November 1563 and crowned at Aachen.
Ferdinand I died in July 1564. He was succeeded by his son, Emperor Maximilian II. The new emperor enjoyed the support of most of the great princes of the empire, thanks to his charisma and the links he had forged with Protestant princes over the previous decade. His pride in being Germanic was also an asset that guaranteed his place in the succession during the quarrel of the 1550s between his father and his uncle Charles V. In 1560, as heir to the throne, Maximilian organized the Vienna Tournaments in honor of his father, a courtly celebration in which the pleasures of sport and masquerade costume predominated over a rigorously staged political event. The new emperor supported the decisions taken since the Council of Mantua, but sought to deepen the reforms of the Church, leading him to seek the support of the papacy and the new pope, Gregory IX.
Dynastically, Maximilian II and his wife Marie had several children when Maximilian took the imperial throne: Anne born in 1549, Rudolf born in 1552, Ernest born in 1553, Elisabeth born in 1554, Matthias born in 1557, Maximilian born in 1558, Albert born in 1559 and Wenceslas born in 1561.
During the 1560s, the fortunes of some princes of the empire varied in the context of the peace instituted by the Treaty of Augsburg, while the imperial administration was consolidated under the good governance of Ferdinand I.
Albert of Prussia had to deal with the fallout from the crisis caused by the religious controversy surrounding Osniander's thought, and the fear of his entourage that he would die while his heir Albert-Frédéric was still a child. The Duke of Prussia had to make concessions and found himself somewhat marginalized among the princes of empire due to the controversies that had affected his duchy.
During the same period, Maurice de Saxe sought to maintain his position as a leading figure among the Protestant princes. He also sought to choose the best match for his heiress, Anne of Saxony, especially as she was the richest heiress in the empire, and as he had refused her marriage to Johann Frederick II of the Ernestine branch, thus reinforcing the antagonism between their two branches. He eventually turned to Frederick II of Denmark, eager to renew and consolidate relations with the Danish crown. This marriage project met with much opposition, mainly from John Frederick II, but also from Emperor Ferdinand I, who wanted to counter the omnipotence of the Elector of Saxony, whose ability to use force to try to impose his positions he distrusted. Despite these oppositions and challenges, Maurice succeeded in bringing the project to fruition, leading to Anne's marriage to Frederick II in the summer of 1563. Maurice de Saxe's relations with Frederick II deteriorated over the period, not least due to the latter's refusal to condemn the theologian Matthias Flacius's attacks on him.
During the period, the rivalry between Maurice of Saxony and his relative John Frederick II was consolidated and crystallized, notably due to his matrimonial plans for Anne of Saxony and Matthias Flacius' influence with the Landgrave of Thuringia, notably in presenting a different interpretation of the Articles of Marburg and in attacking Maurice in his speeches. The latter sought to draw closer to Emperor Ferdinand I in an attempt to regain his position as Elector of Saxony, taking advantage of the Emperor's conflicted relationship with Maurice of Saxony.
In the early 1560s, Philip of Hesse pursued the policy he had established since his release in 1546 and the Treaty of Passau: maintaining good relations with the Habsburgs, but also seeking to find common ground between Lutherans and Catholics. Although he had withdrawn from leading the Protestant faction, he nevertheless supported the rights of the Lutheran princes and defended the Treaty of Augsburg, which sometimes brought him into conflict with Maurice of Saxony. The Margrave of Hesse also sought to develop links between Lutherans and Calvinists, and exchanged ideas with Frederick III of the Palatinate, not rejecting him as some of his co-religionists did. However, the Margrave was aging and weakened, having become heavily involved in the religious controversies of the previous decade in an effort to appease the various parties. He maintained important relations with Eric XIV of Sweden, due to the latter's marriage to his daughter Elisabeth, but remained neutral in the conflict that broke out between Sweden and Denmark, even worrying about rumors of the sovereign's mistrust and paranoia. He wrote a will in 1561, asking his sons to uphold the Peace of Augsburg and the Concord of Wittemberg, while seeking to work towards reconciliation between Protestants and Catholics should the opportunity arise.
In the 1560s, George Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg-Ansach and Brandenburg-Culmbach, maintained peace in his Franconian lands. He also embellished Planssenburg Castle, beginning his period as a great prince-builder. Married since 1558 to Elisabeth of Brandenburg-Küstrin, the Margrave had no children of his own.
In the early 1560s, Frederick III of the Palatinate undertook to introduce Calvinism into his lands, not least because of his disgust with Lutheran fanatics and the religious controversies that had shaken the Lutherans in the previous decade. In 1561, he called upon Emmanuel Tremellius and then Zacharias Ursinus in Heidelberg, leading to the transformation of the Church, the confiscation of monastery revenues and the drafting of the Heidelberg Catechism (4). These transformations were embodied in the Church Ordinance of November 1563 and the Consistory of 1564. These changes were opposed by Frederick III's pro-Lutheran ministers, but the latter suppressed their opposition by demanding their resignation. The Elector's measures caused a stir among Lutherans, who had barely recovered from the heated theological controversies of the previous decade. In 1563, Frederick III granted Frankenthal to the Calvinists expelled from the Netherlands.
In the early 1560s, Albert V of Bavaria continued the important policy of defending Catholicism in his domains that had been pursued since his arrival at the head of the duchy on the death of his father in 1550. Drawing heavily on the ideas and decisions of the Council of Mantua, he helped establish numerous seminaries to train local clergy, notably in Augsburg and Munich. From 1560, he also became administrator of Glatz following the death of his uncle Ernest, and set about reforming the territory. The Duke of Bavaria also pursued an important policy of patronage of his estates, notably purchasing collections from Italy.
During the years 1560-1564, Nicolas II of Lorraine consolidated his authority over his lands and pursued a policy of combating the presence of Calvinists and Lutherans, supporting his relative Charles of Lorraine in the establishment of a seminary in the episcopal principality of Metz in 1562. Although he maintained important relations with Ferdinand I, notably as the latter's son-in-law, the Duke renewed his diplomatic ties with the French court through Charles de Lorraine, the latter being the brother of François de Guise, a friend of François IV of Brittany and a prominent member of the French court.
(1) Archbishop of Trier.
(2) Archbishop of Cologne.
(3) Archbishop of Mainz.
(4) The Elector commissioned Zacharias Ursinus and Caspar Olevian to draft a doctrinal norm to bring peace and unite the regional churches in response to the controversies between Lutherans, Zwinglians and strict and moderate Calvinists in the Rhine Palatinate. The catechism consists of three parts, dealing with sin and misery, the redemption accomplished by Jesus, and the Christian life in response to God's grace.
1560-1564: In Central and Eastern Europe
1560-1564: In Central and Eastern Europe
The early 1560s were a time of contrasts in Central and Eastern Europe, with the various kingdoms and principalities experiencing varying fortunes over the period.
The Kingdom of Hungary enjoyed a period of considerable truce and stability in the early 1560's. Taking advantage of the truce with the Ottoman Empire, Louis III worked to consolidate his authority and strengthen his kingdom to better resist Turkish assaults. Inspired by the work of his father-in-law, Emperor Ferdinand I, he set about establishing institutions that would enable him to strengthen the governance of his kingdom and reinforce royal authority in the face of Magyar magnates and nobles. In 1562, he set up a Chamber of Finance to strengthen and better organize the kingdom's finances. He relied on his advisors and his wife to undertake these reforms. His decisions provoked opposition and hostility from the Magyar magnates, who had reorganized themselves since the death of Louis II. Opposition from the magnates and nobles came not only from the sovereign's decisions, which interfered with their power, but also from the sometimes notable role played by the sovereign's wife and her entourage, denouncing the Habsburgs' foreign influence in the kingdom. The King of Hungary also had to deal with the voivode of Transylvania, George VI Báthory, who had become an important and powerful figure within the kingdom. Although the voivode tended to support the young sovereign, he did not hesitate to lean towards the nobles and magnates in his own interests, particularly when it came to strengthening royal authority. However, Louis III relied on George VI to continue interfering in the affairs of the Principality of Wallachia during this period.
In addition to political and economic challenges, Louis III also had to face religious ones, with the spread of Calvinist ideas throughout his kingdom. The young sovereign reinforced the religious policy established under his father's reign and worked to defend the supremacy of the Catholic Church over his domains, leading in particular to the construction of a seminary in Buda in 1563. In the context of renewed rivalries between the crown and certain sections of the Magyar nobility and aristocracy, the religious question tended to play a notable role, with certain representatives of the lower nobility showing a notable interest in the ideas of John Calvin, deemed less problematic than those of Luther.
In his bid to strengthen the authority and prestige of the Hungarian crown, Louis III also set out to support the arts in his kingdom, taking inspiration from his father-in-law and the other great sovereigns of his time. This led him to develop ties with other Italian territories, especially the great cultural centers of Milan, Florence and Rome. His spending sometimes hampered his efforts to strengthen the kingdom's finances, and his opponents criticized the influx of foreign elements into the Hungarian kingdom.
In the kingdom of Bohemia, Louis III also worked to consolidate his authority while seeking to rely on local lords to effectively govern the territory. He took advantage of Bohemia's revenues to consolidate his authority over his various domains. Relying on the Treaty of Augsburg, Louis III also set about strengthening the Catholic faith, leading to the establishment of a seminary in Prague in 1561. Although he maintained his policy of amnesty towards the Hussites, the development of a policy favorable to the Catholic Church in the region provoked strong disapproval from the Hussite community, which tended to draw closer to the Lutherans, even though the other princes of the empire preferred to respect the status quo established by the Treaty of Augsburg.
Diplomatically, Louis III maintained close ties with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire. The two sovereigns were allies both within and outside the empire, with Louis III benefiting from Ferdinand's support to strengthen his kingdom against the Ottomans. In 1563, Louis III supported the election of Ferdinand I's son Maximilian. His relations with the other princes of the empire were complex: he maintained good relations with Albert V of Bavaria, while his relations with Maurice of Saxony were difficult due to their theological differences. His relations with Sigismund II of Poland were cordial. Louis III strengthened his relations with the Papacy and supported the expedition against the Ottomans in 1563, although he was not involved in the Holy League. He maintained good relations with Venice and developed ties with the duchies of Milan and Florence. Finally, his relations with the Ottoman Empire were complex and complicated: although a truce existed between Louis III and Suleiman, this did not prevent clashes in Slavonia and Croatia due to Turkish raids, while Louis III supported the actions of George VI Báthory to influence the principality of Wallachia and seek to detach it from the Sublime Porte. The Voivode of Transylvania took advantage of Ottoman involvement in the expedition against Rhodes to support the late Vlad IX's half-brother, Radu Illias, in his bid to oust Alexandru II from power in 1563. The death of Suleiman and the advent of Selim II caused concern, while unrest in Wallachia contributed to tensions between the two powers.
During the years 1560-1564, the principality of Wallachia continued to suffer from the instability of the authority of the princes who governed it, victims of the struggles for influence between the Ottomans and the Hungarians and of the great power of the boyars within the territory.
Alexandru II sought to consolidate his authority and ruled the principality with an iron fist, his position still uncertain as the boyars criticized him for being a puppet of the Ottomans. He also began to levy new taxes on the principality to bolster its finances. To consolidate his authority and strengthen his position, he married Mircea V's daughter Marina in the spring of 1561. They had a son, Minhnea, in the spring of 1562. Despite the consolidation of his authority and the birth of this heir, Alexandru II distrusted the boyars, some of whom were in exile in Transylvania, where they supported Radu Illias, Vlad IX's half-brother. He relied heavily on the Ottomans to reinforce his authority and protect himself from the risk of his enemies conspiring against him, even though the truce between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary gave him some respite. He kept a close eye on events in Moldavia, with young Prince Constantine emancipating himself from the influence of his mother and Ioan Ioaldea and drawing closer to the Kingdom of Hungary, while affirming his submission to the Sublime Porte.
Events began to change in 1563: Alexandru II was faced with a boyar conspiracy large enough to oust him from power, while the Ottomans were concentrating on seizing Rhodes. In August 1563, the Prince of Wallachia saw his principality invaded by Radu Illias and the exiled boyars who supported him, with the help of George VI Báthory. Faced with the hostility of the boyars and weakened by his adversaries, Alexandru II preferred to flee to Constantinople to seek Ottoman support. The flight of Alexandru II and his family allowed Radu Illias to assert his power, becoming Radu VIII of Wallachia in mid-August 1563. He and his allies set about neutralizing Alexandru's allies and rewarded them, restoring several of the exiled boyars to important positions in the principality. Radu VIII established his capital at Târgoviște, further from the Danube. While he maintained important ties with the Voivode of Transylvania and King Louis III of Hungary, Radu VIII also sought to appease the Ottomans, benefiting however from their involvement in their second attack on Rhodes. The Wallachian prince thus spent the rest of 1563 consolidating his position in the principality and strengthening his ties with George VI Báthory. However, this respite was undermined by the accession of Selim II to succeed his father Soliman in February 1564, when Alexandru succeeded in obtaining the support of the Sublime Porte to return to power in Wallachia. In April 1564, Alexandru returned with an Ottoman escort and forced Radu VIII to flee, re-establishing himself as Prince of Wallachia. While Radu Illias returned to Transylvania, Alexandru led a new campaign of repression against the boyars opposed to him between May and October 1564, again forcing several of them to flee to Transylvania.
The Principality of Moldavia was in turmoil again in the early 1560s, as the boyars could no longer stand the power of the Grand Squire, Ioan Joaldea. They found a powerful ally in Prince Constantine himself, who wanted to reign but was hindered by his mother and chief advisor. By forging closer ties with the boyars, Constantine also sought to consolidate his authority and win the trust of his vassals, whose distrust of his family had become acute due to the actions of Illie II and Stephen VI. He succeeds with difficulty in gaining the support of the main leader of the conspirators, Etienne Tomșa. The alliance between the young prince and the boyar conspirators led to the arrest of Ioan and Constantine's mother, Elena Branković, in September 1560. While Elena Branković was sent to the monastery, Ioan Joaldea had his nose amputated before taking the monastic habit.
After this coup de force, Constantine sought to consolidate his personal authority. Taking up the policy pursued by his mother and the Grand Écuyer, he moved closer to the kingdom of Hungary. He relies on Étienne Tomșa, seeking to retain his support, making the latter the principality's hetman. The young prince married in the spring of 1561 in an attempt to perpetuate his lineage and consolidate his authority. While he drew closer to George VI Báthory and Louis III of Hungary, the young prince had to be careful with the Ottoman Empire and Alexandru II of Wallachia, who was close to the Sublime Porte. In 1563, the prince drew closer to Hungary, taking advantage of Suleiman's campaign on Rhodes and the desire of Wallachian prince Radu Illias to oust Alexandru II from power. He supported the latter's actions, enabling Radu Illias to take power in August 1563. This enabled Constantine to seek to break his vassalage link with the Ottoman Empire and become that of Louis III of Hungary. The advent of Selim II as head of the Ottoman Empire and the return of Alexandru II as head of the Principality of Wallachia, however, put Constantine in an untenable position.
In the early 1560s, Sigismund II of Poland continued to manage the administration of his kingdom with good intelligence and governance. Thanks to his good governance, his kingdom prospered and enjoyed good relations with the Holy Roman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. On the religious front, Sigismund II continued to fight against the presence of Lutheran and Calvinist ideas in his kingdom, although he allowed the lords of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to practice their faith as they saw fit, and tolerated the Lutheran faith of Albert I of Prussia. He had a seminary built in Krakow in 1561. His policy was supported by leading representatives of the Polish clergy, notably Jakub Uchański, Bishop of Włocławek. His relations with his brother improved as the war against Russia broke out during the same period, ensuring him all the more the support of the Polish nobility despite the reluctance of Polish lords to intervene in the Grand Duchy without compensation. Casimir decided to support the Lithuanians in order to strengthen his influence and power. Continuing his policy of patronage, the Polish king acquired Tykocin Castle and set about renovating it in the Polish Renaissance style.
Sigismund II also continued negotiations to establish a union between his kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, while the Livonian War involved the Grand Duchy in a confrontation with Ivan IV. Negotiations were difficult, however, due to the reluctance of the Lithuanian lords, who feared losing influence and power, while the Polish lords wanted compensation for helping the Lithuanians against the Russians. The Lithuanian success at Ula also contributed to slowing down negotiations for the establishment of the union.
On the diplomatic front, the Polish king intervened in the Livonian war against Ivan IV of Russia. He became Livonia's protector under the Treaty of Vilnius in November 1561. In the same year, a truce was established between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Russia. Sigismund II sought to renew the truce in 1562, but Ivan IV refused. In 1563, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was attacked by Russian armies, who captured Vitebsk and Polotsk. The Grand Hetman of Lithuania, Nicholas Radziwiłł The Red defeated a Russian army at Ula in January 1564, although the Russians continued their raids against the Grand Duchy throughout the rest of the year. The Lithuanians benefited, however, from the defection of Prince André Kourbski in the same year, the latter leading a raid against the Velikie Luki region in August 1564. In the same year, the Lithuanians had the support of Prince Casimir, although Nicholas Radziwiłł Le Rouge viewed the arrival of the king's brother to support them with a wary and cautious eye.
The Polish king strengthened his ties with Louis III of Hungary, easing their differences over the Moldavian principality. Sigismund II maintained good relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire. Sigismund II also continued to maintain good relations with Charles IX of France, facilitated by the existing good relations between the kingdom of France and certain princes of empire such as Nicolas II of Lorraine. Relations with the Kingdom of Sweden deteriorated after 1562 as Eric XIV sought to extend his influence over Riga, leading him to move closer to the alliance with Frederick II and Lübeck before joining it in 1564.
The early 1560s saw Ivan IV increasingly involved in the Livonian conflict. In 1560, his forces captured Dorpat and again threatened Reval. Following an attack by the Crimean Tatars, Ivan IV signed a truce with the Livonian Order in 1560. The Russians continued their raids, however, without succeeding in taking Reval, Riga or Pernau (1). During the same period, Lithuanian lords opposed to the planned union with Poland proposed the ducal title to the Tsar, although no response was forthcoming. A truce was signed between the Grand Duchy and Russia in 1561. When the truce expired in 1562, Ivan IV refused to renew it, despite requests from Sigismund II of Poland, who had taken advantage of the truces to reinforce his forces. Launching an offensive against the Grand Duchy, his army captured Vitebsk and Potolsk in 1563. However, Prince Shouyski's army was defeated at Ula in early 1564, forcing the Russians to postpone some of their raids, which did not prevent them from capturing Krasny Godorok in August 1564 and Ozernische in October. In the same year, Ivan IV's former friend and ally, Prince André Kourbski, defected to the Grand Duchy in April (2). The defection of the Tsar's friend and advisor served to reinforce the latter's distrust of the Boyar aristocracy then developing in his kingdom. In December 1564, Ivan IV moved his capital to Alexandrovna Sloboda with his family and court.
Ivan lost his first wife Anastasia Romanovna in 1560 and remarried Maria Temryukovna the following year. In 1563, they had their first child, Vasili, but he died in May of that year. Ivan IV regretted the marriage, as his new wife was illiterate and vindictive.
(1)Old name for Pärnu.
(2) The reasons for the prince's defection are unclear, but the disgrace of some of his friends at this time, the first executions of boyars and the fear, perhaps, of being held responsible for the military setbacks suffered by Muscovite troops undoubtedly played a part in his decision.
The early 1560s were a time of contrasts in Central and Eastern Europe, with the various kingdoms and principalities experiencing varying fortunes over the period.
The Kingdom of Hungary enjoyed a period of considerable truce and stability in the early 1560's. Taking advantage of the truce with the Ottoman Empire, Louis III worked to consolidate his authority and strengthen his kingdom to better resist Turkish assaults. Inspired by the work of his father-in-law, Emperor Ferdinand I, he set about establishing institutions that would enable him to strengthen the governance of his kingdom and reinforce royal authority in the face of Magyar magnates and nobles. In 1562, he set up a Chamber of Finance to strengthen and better organize the kingdom's finances. He relied on his advisors and his wife to undertake these reforms. His decisions provoked opposition and hostility from the Magyar magnates, who had reorganized themselves since the death of Louis II. Opposition from the magnates and nobles came not only from the sovereign's decisions, which interfered with their power, but also from the sometimes notable role played by the sovereign's wife and her entourage, denouncing the Habsburgs' foreign influence in the kingdom. The King of Hungary also had to deal with the voivode of Transylvania, George VI Báthory, who had become an important and powerful figure within the kingdom. Although the voivode tended to support the young sovereign, he did not hesitate to lean towards the nobles and magnates in his own interests, particularly when it came to strengthening royal authority. However, Louis III relied on George VI to continue interfering in the affairs of the Principality of Wallachia during this period.
In addition to political and economic challenges, Louis III also had to face religious ones, with the spread of Calvinist ideas throughout his kingdom. The young sovereign reinforced the religious policy established under his father's reign and worked to defend the supremacy of the Catholic Church over his domains, leading in particular to the construction of a seminary in Buda in 1563. In the context of renewed rivalries between the crown and certain sections of the Magyar nobility and aristocracy, the religious question tended to play a notable role, with certain representatives of the lower nobility showing a notable interest in the ideas of John Calvin, deemed less problematic than those of Luther.
In his bid to strengthen the authority and prestige of the Hungarian crown, Louis III also set out to support the arts in his kingdom, taking inspiration from his father-in-law and the other great sovereigns of his time. This led him to develop ties with other Italian territories, especially the great cultural centers of Milan, Florence and Rome. His spending sometimes hampered his efforts to strengthen the kingdom's finances, and his opponents criticized the influx of foreign elements into the Hungarian kingdom.
In the kingdom of Bohemia, Louis III also worked to consolidate his authority while seeking to rely on local lords to effectively govern the territory. He took advantage of Bohemia's revenues to consolidate his authority over his various domains. Relying on the Treaty of Augsburg, Louis III also set about strengthening the Catholic faith, leading to the establishment of a seminary in Prague in 1561. Although he maintained his policy of amnesty towards the Hussites, the development of a policy favorable to the Catholic Church in the region provoked strong disapproval from the Hussite community, which tended to draw closer to the Lutherans, even though the other princes of the empire preferred to respect the status quo established by the Treaty of Augsburg.
Diplomatically, Louis III maintained close ties with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire. The two sovereigns were allies both within and outside the empire, with Louis III benefiting from Ferdinand's support to strengthen his kingdom against the Ottomans. In 1563, Louis III supported the election of Ferdinand I's son Maximilian. His relations with the other princes of the empire were complex: he maintained good relations with Albert V of Bavaria, while his relations with Maurice of Saxony were difficult due to their theological differences. His relations with Sigismund II of Poland were cordial. Louis III strengthened his relations with the Papacy and supported the expedition against the Ottomans in 1563, although he was not involved in the Holy League. He maintained good relations with Venice and developed ties with the duchies of Milan and Florence. Finally, his relations with the Ottoman Empire were complex and complicated: although a truce existed between Louis III and Suleiman, this did not prevent clashes in Slavonia and Croatia due to Turkish raids, while Louis III supported the actions of George VI Báthory to influence the principality of Wallachia and seek to detach it from the Sublime Porte. The Voivode of Transylvania took advantage of Ottoman involvement in the expedition against Rhodes to support the late Vlad IX's half-brother, Radu Illias, in his bid to oust Alexandru II from power in 1563. The death of Suleiman and the advent of Selim II caused concern, while unrest in Wallachia contributed to tensions between the two powers.
During the years 1560-1564, the principality of Wallachia continued to suffer from the instability of the authority of the princes who governed it, victims of the struggles for influence between the Ottomans and the Hungarians and of the great power of the boyars within the territory.
Alexandru II sought to consolidate his authority and ruled the principality with an iron fist, his position still uncertain as the boyars criticized him for being a puppet of the Ottomans. He also began to levy new taxes on the principality to bolster its finances. To consolidate his authority and strengthen his position, he married Mircea V's daughter Marina in the spring of 1561. They had a son, Minhnea, in the spring of 1562. Despite the consolidation of his authority and the birth of this heir, Alexandru II distrusted the boyars, some of whom were in exile in Transylvania, where they supported Radu Illias, Vlad IX's half-brother. He relied heavily on the Ottomans to reinforce his authority and protect himself from the risk of his enemies conspiring against him, even though the truce between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary gave him some respite. He kept a close eye on events in Moldavia, with young Prince Constantine emancipating himself from the influence of his mother and Ioan Ioaldea and drawing closer to the Kingdom of Hungary, while affirming his submission to the Sublime Porte.
Events began to change in 1563: Alexandru II was faced with a boyar conspiracy large enough to oust him from power, while the Ottomans were concentrating on seizing Rhodes. In August 1563, the Prince of Wallachia saw his principality invaded by Radu Illias and the exiled boyars who supported him, with the help of George VI Báthory. Faced with the hostility of the boyars and weakened by his adversaries, Alexandru II preferred to flee to Constantinople to seek Ottoman support. The flight of Alexandru II and his family allowed Radu Illias to assert his power, becoming Radu VIII of Wallachia in mid-August 1563. He and his allies set about neutralizing Alexandru's allies and rewarded them, restoring several of the exiled boyars to important positions in the principality. Radu VIII established his capital at Târgoviște, further from the Danube. While he maintained important ties with the Voivode of Transylvania and King Louis III of Hungary, Radu VIII also sought to appease the Ottomans, benefiting however from their involvement in their second attack on Rhodes. The Wallachian prince thus spent the rest of 1563 consolidating his position in the principality and strengthening his ties with George VI Báthory. However, this respite was undermined by the accession of Selim II to succeed his father Soliman in February 1564, when Alexandru succeeded in obtaining the support of the Sublime Porte to return to power in Wallachia. In April 1564, Alexandru returned with an Ottoman escort and forced Radu VIII to flee, re-establishing himself as Prince of Wallachia. While Radu Illias returned to Transylvania, Alexandru led a new campaign of repression against the boyars opposed to him between May and October 1564, again forcing several of them to flee to Transylvania.
The Principality of Moldavia was in turmoil again in the early 1560s, as the boyars could no longer stand the power of the Grand Squire, Ioan Joaldea. They found a powerful ally in Prince Constantine himself, who wanted to reign but was hindered by his mother and chief advisor. By forging closer ties with the boyars, Constantine also sought to consolidate his authority and win the trust of his vassals, whose distrust of his family had become acute due to the actions of Illie II and Stephen VI. He succeeds with difficulty in gaining the support of the main leader of the conspirators, Etienne Tomșa. The alliance between the young prince and the boyar conspirators led to the arrest of Ioan and Constantine's mother, Elena Branković, in September 1560. While Elena Branković was sent to the monastery, Ioan Joaldea had his nose amputated before taking the monastic habit.
After this coup de force, Constantine sought to consolidate his personal authority. Taking up the policy pursued by his mother and the Grand Écuyer, he moved closer to the kingdom of Hungary. He relies on Étienne Tomșa, seeking to retain his support, making the latter the principality's hetman. The young prince married in the spring of 1561 in an attempt to perpetuate his lineage and consolidate his authority. While he drew closer to George VI Báthory and Louis III of Hungary, the young prince had to be careful with the Ottoman Empire and Alexandru II of Wallachia, who was close to the Sublime Porte. In 1563, the prince drew closer to Hungary, taking advantage of Suleiman's campaign on Rhodes and the desire of Wallachian prince Radu Illias to oust Alexandru II from power. He supported the latter's actions, enabling Radu Illias to take power in August 1563. This enabled Constantine to seek to break his vassalage link with the Ottoman Empire and become that of Louis III of Hungary. The advent of Selim II as head of the Ottoman Empire and the return of Alexandru II as head of the Principality of Wallachia, however, put Constantine in an untenable position.
In the early 1560s, Sigismund II of Poland continued to manage the administration of his kingdom with good intelligence and governance. Thanks to his good governance, his kingdom prospered and enjoyed good relations with the Holy Roman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. On the religious front, Sigismund II continued to fight against the presence of Lutheran and Calvinist ideas in his kingdom, although he allowed the lords of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to practice their faith as they saw fit, and tolerated the Lutheran faith of Albert I of Prussia. He had a seminary built in Krakow in 1561. His policy was supported by leading representatives of the Polish clergy, notably Jakub Uchański, Bishop of Włocławek. His relations with his brother improved as the war against Russia broke out during the same period, ensuring him all the more the support of the Polish nobility despite the reluctance of Polish lords to intervene in the Grand Duchy without compensation. Casimir decided to support the Lithuanians in order to strengthen his influence and power. Continuing his policy of patronage, the Polish king acquired Tykocin Castle and set about renovating it in the Polish Renaissance style.
Sigismund II also continued negotiations to establish a union between his kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, while the Livonian War involved the Grand Duchy in a confrontation with Ivan IV. Negotiations were difficult, however, due to the reluctance of the Lithuanian lords, who feared losing influence and power, while the Polish lords wanted compensation for helping the Lithuanians against the Russians. The Lithuanian success at Ula also contributed to slowing down negotiations for the establishment of the union.
On the diplomatic front, the Polish king intervened in the Livonian war against Ivan IV of Russia. He became Livonia's protector under the Treaty of Vilnius in November 1561. In the same year, a truce was established between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Russia. Sigismund II sought to renew the truce in 1562, but Ivan IV refused. In 1563, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was attacked by Russian armies, who captured Vitebsk and Polotsk. The Grand Hetman of Lithuania, Nicholas Radziwiłł The Red defeated a Russian army at Ula in January 1564, although the Russians continued their raids against the Grand Duchy throughout the rest of the year. The Lithuanians benefited, however, from the defection of Prince André Kourbski in the same year, the latter leading a raid against the Velikie Luki region in August 1564. In the same year, the Lithuanians had the support of Prince Casimir, although Nicholas Radziwiłł Le Rouge viewed the arrival of the king's brother to support them with a wary and cautious eye.
The Polish king strengthened his ties with Louis III of Hungary, easing their differences over the Moldavian principality. Sigismund II maintained good relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire. Sigismund II also continued to maintain good relations with Charles IX of France, facilitated by the existing good relations between the kingdom of France and certain princes of empire such as Nicolas II of Lorraine. Relations with the Kingdom of Sweden deteriorated after 1562 as Eric XIV sought to extend his influence over Riga, leading him to move closer to the alliance with Frederick II and Lübeck before joining it in 1564.
The early 1560s saw Ivan IV increasingly involved in the Livonian conflict. In 1560, his forces captured Dorpat and again threatened Reval. Following an attack by the Crimean Tatars, Ivan IV signed a truce with the Livonian Order in 1560. The Russians continued their raids, however, without succeeding in taking Reval, Riga or Pernau (1). During the same period, Lithuanian lords opposed to the planned union with Poland proposed the ducal title to the Tsar, although no response was forthcoming. A truce was signed between the Grand Duchy and Russia in 1561. When the truce expired in 1562, Ivan IV refused to renew it, despite requests from Sigismund II of Poland, who had taken advantage of the truces to reinforce his forces. Launching an offensive against the Grand Duchy, his army captured Vitebsk and Potolsk in 1563. However, Prince Shouyski's army was defeated at Ula in early 1564, forcing the Russians to postpone some of their raids, which did not prevent them from capturing Krasny Godorok in August 1564 and Ozernische in October. In the same year, Ivan IV's former friend and ally, Prince André Kourbski, defected to the Grand Duchy in April (2). The defection of the Tsar's friend and advisor served to reinforce the latter's distrust of the Boyar aristocracy then developing in his kingdom. In December 1564, Ivan IV moved his capital to Alexandrovna Sloboda with his family and court.
Ivan lost his first wife Anastasia Romanovna in 1560 and remarried Maria Temryukovna the following year. In 1563, they had their first child, Vasili, but he died in May of that year. Ivan IV regretted the marriage, as his new wife was illiterate and vindictive.
(1)Old name for Pärnu.
(2) The reasons for the prince's defection are unclear, but the disgrace of some of his friends at this time, the first executions of boyars and the fear, perhaps, of being held responsible for the military setbacks suffered by Muscovite troops undoubtedly played a part in his decision.
Good update as always, hopefully Louis can keep slowly eroding the power of the magnates in order to centralize Hungary and start to fight back against the Ottomans.
Russia seems to be interesting, will they get closed off from the Baltics like OTL?
Russia seems to be interesting, will they get closed off from the Baltics like OTL?
Well, in the last thread to the Eastern Europe and in the Epiloge I had written in the French version of this TL, Hungary is in a better shape than IOTL, especially for the Hungarian Crown.
They will. While the end of the conflict is only glossed in the appendix, their situation is in a way similar and yet worse than IOTL due to the fact that the Jagellon dynasty won't know the struggles and end it knew IOTL (mainly the period between 1572 and 1576 where the death of Sigismund II and the flight of Henry I (future Henry III of France) led the Republic of the Two-Nations to be in uncertainty, allowing Ivan IV to strike efficiently in Livonia before the offensive and successful return of the Poles in the conflict after1577).
1560-1564: Ruckus in Scandinavia
1560-1564: Ruckus in Scandinavia
The early 1560s saw the return of tension and unrest to the Scandinavian kingdoms, with the emergence of new, more ambitious and rival rulers.
In the early 1560s, Frederick II of Denmark sought to strengthen his kingdom and dreamed of re-establishing the Union of Kalmar. His relations with the Kingdom of Norway were difficult, as his ambitions were seen as a danger by John II of Norway. The new ruler of Denmark supported the Danish-Norwegian nobles who had remained in Norway, seeking to weaken his neighbor. He denounced John II's brutal repression after the failure of the 1562 conspiracy, playing on the religious chord and portraying his relative as a Papist henchman. In addition to his complicated relations with the Kingdom of Norway, Frederick II's early reign was marked by the impact of the Livonian conflict and his burning and growing rivalry with the Kingdom of Sweden. Taking advantage of the treaty signed the previous year with Bishop Johann von Münchhausen to designate his successor, the Danish king appointed his brother Magnus of Holstein to head the bishopric of Ösel-Wiek in the spring of 1560, who soon afterwards set about purchasing the bishopric of Courland and attempted to expand into the county of Harju on the Gulf of Finland. These actions, carried out without Frederick II's consent, brought Magnus into conflict with Eric XIV of Sweden, the latter considering that the Kingdom of Denmark was seeking to expand into the Baltic Sea. Frederick II was asked by Eric XIV to remove the symbol of the three Swedish crowns from his coat of arms, but the Danish king refused the Swedish sovereign's request. The rivalry between the two kingdoms led Frederick II to focus on the Kingdom of Sweden, which he considered dangerous to his plans, particularly in view of Eric XIV's attempts to form an alliance with John II of Norway. Rumors of a potential alliance between Eric XIV and John II heightened tensions, with Frederick II taking a dim view of this potential rapprochement. The King of Denmark drew closer to Lübeck, taking advantage of their resentment of Eric XIV's trade policy to hinder Russian trade and impose restrictions.
Although the beginning of 1563 remained calm with his various neighbors, Frederick II's entourage remained reluctant to engage in conflict, despite the growing tensions between the Kingdom of Sweden and the Kingdom of Denmark. However, tensions increased in the summer of 1563, when Frederick II appointed Jacob Brockenhuus to command a fleet to monitor the Baltic and prevent Swedish maritime movements. The Danish admiral's fleet encountered Swedish ships off the island of Hiiumaa in October 1563. Seeking to block Swedish access, Jacob Brockenhus provoked the Swedes into attacking him, leading to a violent naval confrontation. The Swedes eventually forced the Danes to retreat to Ösel.
The Hiiumaa confrontation crystallized tensions, with Frederick II accusing the Swedes of opening fire first and attacking a Danish convoy destined to trade with his brother Magnus of Holstein, and demanding an apology from Eric XIV. The Swedish king's refusal to accede to his demands or to send representatives to negotiate the maintenance of peace accentuated the hostility between the two kingdoms during the winter of 1563-1564. During this period, Frederick II received the support of his council for the possibility of declaring war on Sweden. In February 1564, Frederick II sent his emissary to declare war on Eric XIV. His emissary was accompanied by one from Lübeck, the port city having decided to support the King of Denmark against the King of Sweden.
At the beginning of March 1564, a Danish army of over twenty thousand mercenaries attacked Älvsborg and captured the fortress after three days of bombardment. The Danish army moved on to the fortress of Bohus and laid siege to it throughout March, the Swedish garrison resisting as best it could while taking advantage of the fortress's features, before being forced to surrender at the beginning of April 1564. The Danes burned down nearby Lödöse, suffering the same fate as Älvsborg. These successes enabled the Danes to cut off Swedish access to the North Sea and deprive them of potential support from the Kingdom of Norway via Oslo. News of the Swedish attack on Blekinge, however, forced Frederick II to halt his campaign in Bohuslän and Västergötland to defend his lands. The King of Denmark led an army of reinforcements and intercepted Eric XIV's army east of Hørgh (1) on May 3, 1564. Although outnumbered, Frederick II used his artillery and the best military tactics of his cavalry to force Eric XIV to retreat. The Danish king exploited his success to regain control of Blekinge, but had to abandon any campaign against Småland. While he was reorganizing his forces, a Danish-Lübeck fleet led by Herluf Trolle defeated Jacob Brockenhus's Swedish fleet near Öland in June 1564, enabling him to set up a blockade on the Swedish kingdom's Baltic coast. In autumn 1564, the Danes launched new attacks in Småland, seizing and ravaging Ljunby in October 1564.
During the same period, the Danish king continued to welcome Elisabeth and her entourage. Wishing to have an important ally at a time of growing tensions with the kingdoms of Norway and Sweden, he agreed to support an attempt by Edward to put himself and his wife back on the throne in 1562. The failure of the attempt dissuaded him from supporting them further, especially as tensions between him and Eric XIV, the new King of Sweden, increased over the years 1561-1563, culminating in a conflict.
On the dynastic front, Frederick II negotiated a marriage between himself and Anne of Saxony, daughter of Maurice of Saxony, both to strengthen the ties between his lineage and that of the Albertine house of Saxony. The negotiations bore fruit in 1563, and the Danish king married the wealthy heiress in the summer of 1563.
The early 1560s were a special time for the Kingdom of Sweden. The year 1560 was marked by two notable events: the consequences of the Vadstenabullret and the death of King Gustav I.
At the beginning of the year, Gustavus I had to deal with the consequences of the scandal involving his daughter Cecile and John II of East Frisia. While he allowed his daughter Catherine and her husband Edzard II to leave, thanks to the intercession of his last wife Catherine Stenbock, he refused the slightest clemency for the brother of the Count of East Frisia. He refused his son Eric's proposal to marry Cecilia to the latter, and decided to have the latter executed despite the pleas of the latter's mother, Anne of Oldenburg, and various foreign representatives. John II was executed in June 1560, and his death served to weaken relations between East Frisia and the Kingdom of Sweden, as Anne of Oldenburg did not forgive the Swedish king for executing one of her sons (2), even though Edzard II was not as affected by his brother's brutal death due to their latent rivalry. The king's decision also fuelled tensions within the family, as Cecilia did not forgive her father for his brutality and was at odds with her sister-in-law Elisabeth. John II's execution was greeted with disapproval by foreign representatives, leading to a deterioration in relations between the Kingdom of Sweden and several of its neighbors.
In autumn 1560, Gustav I died, and was succeeded by Eric, who took the name of Eric XIV (3). Among his first decisions, the new sovereign allowed his sister Catherine and her husband Edzard II to return to East Frisia the following year, and repatriated the body of John II. This gesture eased the bad relations between East Frisia and his kingdom, even if Anne of Oldenburg's resentment remained strong. In the spring of 1561, he convened the Riksdag in Abroga and implemented the Articles of Abroga, which reduced the power of the royal grand dukes, his brothers, who were dukes of Finland, Södermanland and Östergötland (4). The King of Sweden sought to strengthen relations with his various neighbors, while reinforcing his kingdom's position as a regional power. He sought to improve relations with the county of East Frisia to secure the trade treaty and undermine the monopoly of the Hanseatic League and Lübeck.
The early years of Eric XIV's reign were marked by two major trends: the struggle against the power of the nobility, and the expansion of Sweden as a regional power. He pursued the first policy with the support of Göran Persson, who was an adversary of John. Opposition between Eric XIV and his brother intensified during the period due to differences over foreign policy in the Baltic Sea: Eric XIV hoped to extend the kingdom's influence in Livonia, profiting in particular from the unrest caused by Ivan IV's war in the region, but did not wish to see his brother strengthened. The birth of his son in the autumn of 1560 and the support of his wife helped to alleviate some of his paranoid distrust of the Swedish barons, even though he relied heavily on his advisor, which contributed to unspeakable tensions within the couple.
In parallel with his anti-nobility policy, the King of Sweden also sought to neutralize Russian trade and develop his influence in Livonia. This policy conflicted with that of Frederick II of Denmark, due to the actions of the latter's brother, Magnus of Holstein. Eric XIV feared Danish expansion into the Baltic Sea would jeopardize his policy of making Sweden a great power. He therefore prevented Magnus de Holstein and the Danes from expanding into Estonia. At the same time, he seized Reval in 1561 and Pernaü in 1562, and sought Swedish protection for Riga, bringing him into conflict with Sigismund II. The territory he controlled became the Duchy of Estonia. In 1563, he took control of the island of Hiiumaa, north of Ösel. Territorial rivalry was compounded by grievances inherited from the end of the Kalmar Union: Eric XIV unsuccessfully asked Frederick II to remove the symbol of the three Swedish crowns from the Danish coat of arms. Rising tensions between the two kingdoms led Eric XIV to seek a treaty with John II of Norway in 1562. The latter declined any plans for an alliance, but undertook to remain neutral in the event of conflict between Sweden and Denmark, and to develop trade with his neighbor.
During 1563, tensions with the Kingdom of Denmark increased, culminating in the Hiiumaa confrontation in October 1563, when a Swedish fleet crossed paths with Jacob Brockenhus's Danish fleet. The Swedes attacked the Danes, who tried to block their passage, causing the Swedes to drive the Danes away. The confrontation leads the Swedes to accuse the Danes of trying to provoke them and prevent them from crossing the Baltic. Eric XIV refused to apologize to Frederick II. In February 1564, he received declarations of war from the Kingdom of Denmark and from Lübeck. Shortly afterwards, he learned of the Danish attack on Älvsborg, which prompted him to assemble an army. Having learned of the fall of the fortress of Älvsborg and the siege of Bohus, Eric XIV decided to focus his efforts on the Danish provinces of Blekinge and Skåne. Attacking Blekinge in early April 1564, he ransacked the region, but failed to capture the port of Sölvesborg due to a lack of artillery, even though the city had been supplied. Penetrating Skåne in the second half of April 1564, the Swedes decided to attack the town of Hørgh. But on May 3rd, 1564, they came up against Frederick II's army in the vicinity. The latter took advantage of the fighting qualities of his mercenaries and the superior military tactics of his cavalry to force Eric XIV to retreat to Kalmar. Frederick II took advantage of his success to regain control of Blekinge, before being forced to return to Malmö by his mercenaries' demands for payment. The two sovereigns reorganized their forces during the spring of 1564. In June 1564, a new naval confrontation pitted the Swedish fleet against the Danish-Lübeck fleet north of Gotland, and ended in triumph for the allied fleet, enabling them to set up a blockade on the Swedish kingdom's Baltic coast. Eric XIV had to send part of his forces to arrest his brother in the summer of 1564, preventing him from leading a campaign to retake Älvsborg and Bohus. On the other hand, he had to endure Danish raids in the autumn of 1564, with the latter attacking Ljunby in October 1564.
On the dynastic front, Eric XIV and his wife Elisabeth of Hesse had three children in addition to Marie-Cecilia: Crown Prince Gustavus, born in September 1560, Margaret in May 1562 and Sigrid in July 1563. The sovereign's relations with his wife were neutral: although they got on well, Elisabeth was suspicious of the strong influence of her advisor Göran Persson, which fueled disagreements between the king and his wife. As her husband became increasingly distrustful of the Swedish nobility, Elisabeth strove to preserve her son's rights and advise her husband to restrict his actions as much as possible, gradually creating disagreements between them. The queen consort sought to maintain good contacts with the nobility, particularly her brothers-in-law, in order to preserve her husband's position and above all that of their son. Elisabeth of Hesse's relations with her sisters-in-law were also complicated, with the wife of Eric XIV supporting the latter against Princess Cecilia, whose attitude she found deplorable following the Vadstenabullret scandal. When Cecile is implicated with her sisters in a new scandal (5), she supports her husband against Cecile, bringing her into rivalry with her sisters-in-law. However, Eric XIV succeeded in getting his sister Anne Marie married to Georges-Jean de Palatinat-Veldenz in 1562, the latter initially negotiating to marry Cecilia before the Vadstenabullret scandal led him to turn to Anna Maria.
The King of Sweden's relations with his siblings are also complicated. On the one hand, the dubious actions of his sister Cecilia led him to establish a strict protocol aimed at monitoring his sisters' actions to prevent them from damaging their own reputations. Eric XIV's relations with his brothers, especially Jean, became increasingly conflictual, due to the Arbroga articles and political differences, particularly concerning Livonia. He is particularly at odds with John, his distrust and rivalry towards his brother being fueled by that of Göran Persson. John had conflicting relations with his brother and his advisor, but remained cautious in his actions at first, and benefited from the positive influence of Elisabeth of Hesse and the birth of her nephew Gustavus to temper his brother. The tense situation with the Kingdom of Denmark and the Articles of Abroga, however, contributed to a deterioration in relations between the two brothers: John wished to strengthen his duchy and came into conflict with Eric XIV on this issue. Ignoring the restrictions of the Articles of Abroga and seeking to capitalize on his brother's conflict with Frederick II of Denmark, John sought to extend the Duchy of Finland into Livonia during the spring and summer of 1564. Eric XIV caught wind of his brother's plans and, despite the difficulties and setbacks he had experienced earlier in the year against the Danes, allowed Göran Persson to take an armed force with him to stop his brother. Turku Castle was besieged in August 1564, before John was forced to capitulate. Göran Persson had John's allies executed and imprisoned him at Gripsholm Castle, where he did not hesitate to inflict the worst forms of abuse and humiliation on the prince. The news of the Prince's arrest and imprisonment spread throughout the autumn of 1564, to the dismay of the Swedish nobility and Elisabeth of Hesse. The latter asked her husband to show clemency and dismiss her advisor, who had exceeded royal orders and whose influence she considered harmful to her husband. Eric XIV agreed to improve the conditions of his brother's captivity, but refused to release him or dismiss his advisor, believing him to be more indispensable than ever as his kingdom came under renewed attack from the Danes in the autumn. Eric's inflexibility and the continued captivity of John reinforced the rift between him and the nobles and his other brothers. Added to this was the nobility's disapproval of their sovereign, accusing him in low tones of caring more about the supposed treachery of his brothers and nobles than defending the kingdom against the Danes.
The early 1560s were a pivotal period for John II of Norway. As he pursued his policy of asserting royal authority, he faced opposition from the last remaining representatives of the Danish-Norwegian nobility, who sought to oust him in favor of his cousin Frederick II, even though their power had been greatly diminished by the royal reforms and the development of a new Norwegian nobility more attached to the royal figure as a result of the legacy of the War of the Two Kings. In 1562, the King of Norway succeeded in uncovering a plot by members of the Danish-Norwegian nobility, leading him to banish some of the conspirators to prison and condemn them. The discovery of the plot also contributed to the intensification of John II's religious policy against Calvinists and Lutherans, inspired in part by the policy deployed by his cousin Philip II of Spain in the Spanish Netherlands. The sovereign relied on the Order of St. Olav to reinforce his authority and position, showering the nobles who supported him with honors. From the 1560s onwards, John II began to renovate and build various palaces and fortresses, notably the fortress of Abershus.
In the early 1560s, Icelandic fishermen increasingly moved to Greenland and Heilagurjón, allowing the area to develop despite local and environmental constraints. In 1563, John II reaffirmed the Norwegian crown's suzerainty over Greenland and organized a small expedition to find a passage to the northwest. The sovereign continued the important trade policy established by his father, trading extensively with the Spanish Netherlands and the British Isles. His commercial policy was reinforced by the creation of merchant guilds during this period. The kingdom prospered thanks to the royal policy on trade. The threat posed by Frederick II of Denmark tempered John II's desire to carry out an expedition to discover a passage to the northwest, although he did start looking into the matter in 1564.
On the dynastic front, John II saw the birth of his first grandchildren during the period: Crown Prince Christian in spring 1561, Princess Maria in autumn 1562 and Princess Anna in winter 1564. During this period, he gave his heir Charles many responsibilities to prepare him for his future position as king.
On the diplomatic front, John II's reign was marked by an important policy of neutrality at a time when his two neighbors were tearing each other apart after 1563. The Norwegian king was concerned by the ambitions of Eric XIV of Sweden and Frederick II of Denmark, the latter with dynastic claims to the Norwegian crown. In the spring of 1562, he received an alliance proposal from Eric XIV against Frederick II. John II was reluctant to enter into such an alliance because of his hostility to the Lutheran faith, but the possibility of protecting himself from Frederick II was a necessary and crucial prospect. The Norwegian king was urged to do so by some of his advisors, even though his wife, his chancellor and the clergy members of the Riskråd were opposed for political and confessional reasons. Maritime incidents involving some Norwegian ships and Danish vessels, however, led him to develop relations with the King of Sweden, seeking to lessen his potential isolation in Scandinavia and play up the division between the two Lutheran kingdoms, sending representatives to meet with Eric XIV in the summer of 1562. The meeting came to nothing, however, apart from an informal promise from Eric XIV to respect the neutrality of John II's kingdom and develop a few trade links. When conflict broke out between Denmark and Sweden in early 1564, John II remained on the sidelines, even though he had to deal with skirmishes perpetrated by Danish ships, leading him to reinforce his fleets leaving Oslo to protect his trade. The Swedish defeats worried John II, however, with the risk of his neighbor's collapse and the prospect of Frederick II turning his sights on his kingdom. He also set about strengthening his kingdom's defenses, preparing for the possibility of a Danish attack on his realm. However, he was reluctant to deal with Eric XIV when he learned of the latter's brother's arrest and captivity in the autumn of 1564.
Alongside complex relations with his Scandinavian neighbors, John II pursued his policy of strengthening ties outside Scandinavia, seeking to maintain important relations with the Habsburgs. Eleanor was destined to marry one of the Habsburg princes, and married Charles Louis, the emperor's youngest son, in the summer of 1562, Philip II of Spain having expressed little interest in seeing his son Charles of Austria married. Keen to strengthen his lineage and extend his ties, John II also turned to the French crown to find a wife for his youngest son Christian. Finally, the Norwegian king continued to develop relations with the British kingdoms, thanks to trade and the return of relative stability in England, bringing him closer to Mary I of England.
(1) Old name (15th/16th century at least) for Höör.
(2) John II of East Frisia was the favorite son of Anne of Oldenburg, who divided East Frisia between her three sons in 1558.
(3) Eric considers himself the fourteenth Swedish king of this name, based on the legendary (and sometimes fanciful) history of Sweden established by Johannes Magnus in his Historia de omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus (1554), a collection inspired in part by the sagas and in part by Magnus's own imagination, which led to a greater number of Swedish kings than actually existed (for example, there were only eight kings named Eric before Eric XIV).
(4) Gustav I bestowed these titles on his sons in the late 1550s.
(5) Cécile and her sisters were having a party in their rooms at night and were discovered by their brother.
The early 1560s saw the return of tension and unrest to the Scandinavian kingdoms, with the emergence of new, more ambitious and rival rulers.
In the early 1560s, Frederick II of Denmark sought to strengthen his kingdom and dreamed of re-establishing the Union of Kalmar. His relations with the Kingdom of Norway were difficult, as his ambitions were seen as a danger by John II of Norway. The new ruler of Denmark supported the Danish-Norwegian nobles who had remained in Norway, seeking to weaken his neighbor. He denounced John II's brutal repression after the failure of the 1562 conspiracy, playing on the religious chord and portraying his relative as a Papist henchman. In addition to his complicated relations with the Kingdom of Norway, Frederick II's early reign was marked by the impact of the Livonian conflict and his burning and growing rivalry with the Kingdom of Sweden. Taking advantage of the treaty signed the previous year with Bishop Johann von Münchhausen to designate his successor, the Danish king appointed his brother Magnus of Holstein to head the bishopric of Ösel-Wiek in the spring of 1560, who soon afterwards set about purchasing the bishopric of Courland and attempted to expand into the county of Harju on the Gulf of Finland. These actions, carried out without Frederick II's consent, brought Magnus into conflict with Eric XIV of Sweden, the latter considering that the Kingdom of Denmark was seeking to expand into the Baltic Sea. Frederick II was asked by Eric XIV to remove the symbol of the three Swedish crowns from his coat of arms, but the Danish king refused the Swedish sovereign's request. The rivalry between the two kingdoms led Frederick II to focus on the Kingdom of Sweden, which he considered dangerous to his plans, particularly in view of Eric XIV's attempts to form an alliance with John II of Norway. Rumors of a potential alliance between Eric XIV and John II heightened tensions, with Frederick II taking a dim view of this potential rapprochement. The King of Denmark drew closer to Lübeck, taking advantage of their resentment of Eric XIV's trade policy to hinder Russian trade and impose restrictions.
Although the beginning of 1563 remained calm with his various neighbors, Frederick II's entourage remained reluctant to engage in conflict, despite the growing tensions between the Kingdom of Sweden and the Kingdom of Denmark. However, tensions increased in the summer of 1563, when Frederick II appointed Jacob Brockenhuus to command a fleet to monitor the Baltic and prevent Swedish maritime movements. The Danish admiral's fleet encountered Swedish ships off the island of Hiiumaa in October 1563. Seeking to block Swedish access, Jacob Brockenhus provoked the Swedes into attacking him, leading to a violent naval confrontation. The Swedes eventually forced the Danes to retreat to Ösel.
The Hiiumaa confrontation crystallized tensions, with Frederick II accusing the Swedes of opening fire first and attacking a Danish convoy destined to trade with his brother Magnus of Holstein, and demanding an apology from Eric XIV. The Swedish king's refusal to accede to his demands or to send representatives to negotiate the maintenance of peace accentuated the hostility between the two kingdoms during the winter of 1563-1564. During this period, Frederick II received the support of his council for the possibility of declaring war on Sweden. In February 1564, Frederick II sent his emissary to declare war on Eric XIV. His emissary was accompanied by one from Lübeck, the port city having decided to support the King of Denmark against the King of Sweden.
At the beginning of March 1564, a Danish army of over twenty thousand mercenaries attacked Älvsborg and captured the fortress after three days of bombardment. The Danish army moved on to the fortress of Bohus and laid siege to it throughout March, the Swedish garrison resisting as best it could while taking advantage of the fortress's features, before being forced to surrender at the beginning of April 1564. The Danes burned down nearby Lödöse, suffering the same fate as Älvsborg. These successes enabled the Danes to cut off Swedish access to the North Sea and deprive them of potential support from the Kingdom of Norway via Oslo. News of the Swedish attack on Blekinge, however, forced Frederick II to halt his campaign in Bohuslän and Västergötland to defend his lands. The King of Denmark led an army of reinforcements and intercepted Eric XIV's army east of Hørgh (1) on May 3, 1564. Although outnumbered, Frederick II used his artillery and the best military tactics of his cavalry to force Eric XIV to retreat. The Danish king exploited his success to regain control of Blekinge, but had to abandon any campaign against Småland. While he was reorganizing his forces, a Danish-Lübeck fleet led by Herluf Trolle defeated Jacob Brockenhus's Swedish fleet near Öland in June 1564, enabling him to set up a blockade on the Swedish kingdom's Baltic coast. In autumn 1564, the Danes launched new attacks in Småland, seizing and ravaging Ljunby in October 1564.
During the same period, the Danish king continued to welcome Elisabeth and her entourage. Wishing to have an important ally at a time of growing tensions with the kingdoms of Norway and Sweden, he agreed to support an attempt by Edward to put himself and his wife back on the throne in 1562. The failure of the attempt dissuaded him from supporting them further, especially as tensions between him and Eric XIV, the new King of Sweden, increased over the years 1561-1563, culminating in a conflict.
On the dynastic front, Frederick II negotiated a marriage between himself and Anne of Saxony, daughter of Maurice of Saxony, both to strengthen the ties between his lineage and that of the Albertine house of Saxony. The negotiations bore fruit in 1563, and the Danish king married the wealthy heiress in the summer of 1563.
The early 1560s were a special time for the Kingdom of Sweden. The year 1560 was marked by two notable events: the consequences of the Vadstenabullret and the death of King Gustav I.
At the beginning of the year, Gustavus I had to deal with the consequences of the scandal involving his daughter Cecile and John II of East Frisia. While he allowed his daughter Catherine and her husband Edzard II to leave, thanks to the intercession of his last wife Catherine Stenbock, he refused the slightest clemency for the brother of the Count of East Frisia. He refused his son Eric's proposal to marry Cecilia to the latter, and decided to have the latter executed despite the pleas of the latter's mother, Anne of Oldenburg, and various foreign representatives. John II was executed in June 1560, and his death served to weaken relations between East Frisia and the Kingdom of Sweden, as Anne of Oldenburg did not forgive the Swedish king for executing one of her sons (2), even though Edzard II was not as affected by his brother's brutal death due to their latent rivalry. The king's decision also fuelled tensions within the family, as Cecilia did not forgive her father for his brutality and was at odds with her sister-in-law Elisabeth. John II's execution was greeted with disapproval by foreign representatives, leading to a deterioration in relations between the Kingdom of Sweden and several of its neighbors.
In autumn 1560, Gustav I died, and was succeeded by Eric, who took the name of Eric XIV (3). Among his first decisions, the new sovereign allowed his sister Catherine and her husband Edzard II to return to East Frisia the following year, and repatriated the body of John II. This gesture eased the bad relations between East Frisia and his kingdom, even if Anne of Oldenburg's resentment remained strong. In the spring of 1561, he convened the Riksdag in Abroga and implemented the Articles of Abroga, which reduced the power of the royal grand dukes, his brothers, who were dukes of Finland, Södermanland and Östergötland (4). The King of Sweden sought to strengthen relations with his various neighbors, while reinforcing his kingdom's position as a regional power. He sought to improve relations with the county of East Frisia to secure the trade treaty and undermine the monopoly of the Hanseatic League and Lübeck.
The early years of Eric XIV's reign were marked by two major trends: the struggle against the power of the nobility, and the expansion of Sweden as a regional power. He pursued the first policy with the support of Göran Persson, who was an adversary of John. Opposition between Eric XIV and his brother intensified during the period due to differences over foreign policy in the Baltic Sea: Eric XIV hoped to extend the kingdom's influence in Livonia, profiting in particular from the unrest caused by Ivan IV's war in the region, but did not wish to see his brother strengthened. The birth of his son in the autumn of 1560 and the support of his wife helped to alleviate some of his paranoid distrust of the Swedish barons, even though he relied heavily on his advisor, which contributed to unspeakable tensions within the couple.
In parallel with his anti-nobility policy, the King of Sweden also sought to neutralize Russian trade and develop his influence in Livonia. This policy conflicted with that of Frederick II of Denmark, due to the actions of the latter's brother, Magnus of Holstein. Eric XIV feared Danish expansion into the Baltic Sea would jeopardize his policy of making Sweden a great power. He therefore prevented Magnus de Holstein and the Danes from expanding into Estonia. At the same time, he seized Reval in 1561 and Pernaü in 1562, and sought Swedish protection for Riga, bringing him into conflict with Sigismund II. The territory he controlled became the Duchy of Estonia. In 1563, he took control of the island of Hiiumaa, north of Ösel. Territorial rivalry was compounded by grievances inherited from the end of the Kalmar Union: Eric XIV unsuccessfully asked Frederick II to remove the symbol of the three Swedish crowns from the Danish coat of arms. Rising tensions between the two kingdoms led Eric XIV to seek a treaty with John II of Norway in 1562. The latter declined any plans for an alliance, but undertook to remain neutral in the event of conflict between Sweden and Denmark, and to develop trade with his neighbor.
During 1563, tensions with the Kingdom of Denmark increased, culminating in the Hiiumaa confrontation in October 1563, when a Swedish fleet crossed paths with Jacob Brockenhus's Danish fleet. The Swedes attacked the Danes, who tried to block their passage, causing the Swedes to drive the Danes away. The confrontation leads the Swedes to accuse the Danes of trying to provoke them and prevent them from crossing the Baltic. Eric XIV refused to apologize to Frederick II. In February 1564, he received declarations of war from the Kingdom of Denmark and from Lübeck. Shortly afterwards, he learned of the Danish attack on Älvsborg, which prompted him to assemble an army. Having learned of the fall of the fortress of Älvsborg and the siege of Bohus, Eric XIV decided to focus his efforts on the Danish provinces of Blekinge and Skåne. Attacking Blekinge in early April 1564, he ransacked the region, but failed to capture the port of Sölvesborg due to a lack of artillery, even though the city had been supplied. Penetrating Skåne in the second half of April 1564, the Swedes decided to attack the town of Hørgh. But on May 3rd, 1564, they came up against Frederick II's army in the vicinity. The latter took advantage of the fighting qualities of his mercenaries and the superior military tactics of his cavalry to force Eric XIV to retreat to Kalmar. Frederick II took advantage of his success to regain control of Blekinge, before being forced to return to Malmö by his mercenaries' demands for payment. The two sovereigns reorganized their forces during the spring of 1564. In June 1564, a new naval confrontation pitted the Swedish fleet against the Danish-Lübeck fleet north of Gotland, and ended in triumph for the allied fleet, enabling them to set up a blockade on the Swedish kingdom's Baltic coast. Eric XIV had to send part of his forces to arrest his brother in the summer of 1564, preventing him from leading a campaign to retake Älvsborg and Bohus. On the other hand, he had to endure Danish raids in the autumn of 1564, with the latter attacking Ljunby in October 1564.
On the dynastic front, Eric XIV and his wife Elisabeth of Hesse had three children in addition to Marie-Cecilia: Crown Prince Gustavus, born in September 1560, Margaret in May 1562 and Sigrid in July 1563. The sovereign's relations with his wife were neutral: although they got on well, Elisabeth was suspicious of the strong influence of her advisor Göran Persson, which fueled disagreements between the king and his wife. As her husband became increasingly distrustful of the Swedish nobility, Elisabeth strove to preserve her son's rights and advise her husband to restrict his actions as much as possible, gradually creating disagreements between them. The queen consort sought to maintain good contacts with the nobility, particularly her brothers-in-law, in order to preserve her husband's position and above all that of their son. Elisabeth of Hesse's relations with her sisters-in-law were also complicated, with the wife of Eric XIV supporting the latter against Princess Cecilia, whose attitude she found deplorable following the Vadstenabullret scandal. When Cecile is implicated with her sisters in a new scandal (5), she supports her husband against Cecile, bringing her into rivalry with her sisters-in-law. However, Eric XIV succeeded in getting his sister Anne Marie married to Georges-Jean de Palatinat-Veldenz in 1562, the latter initially negotiating to marry Cecilia before the Vadstenabullret scandal led him to turn to Anna Maria.
The King of Sweden's relations with his siblings are also complicated. On the one hand, the dubious actions of his sister Cecilia led him to establish a strict protocol aimed at monitoring his sisters' actions to prevent them from damaging their own reputations. Eric XIV's relations with his brothers, especially Jean, became increasingly conflictual, due to the Arbroga articles and political differences, particularly concerning Livonia. He is particularly at odds with John, his distrust and rivalry towards his brother being fueled by that of Göran Persson. John had conflicting relations with his brother and his advisor, but remained cautious in his actions at first, and benefited from the positive influence of Elisabeth of Hesse and the birth of her nephew Gustavus to temper his brother. The tense situation with the Kingdom of Denmark and the Articles of Abroga, however, contributed to a deterioration in relations between the two brothers: John wished to strengthen his duchy and came into conflict with Eric XIV on this issue. Ignoring the restrictions of the Articles of Abroga and seeking to capitalize on his brother's conflict with Frederick II of Denmark, John sought to extend the Duchy of Finland into Livonia during the spring and summer of 1564. Eric XIV caught wind of his brother's plans and, despite the difficulties and setbacks he had experienced earlier in the year against the Danes, allowed Göran Persson to take an armed force with him to stop his brother. Turku Castle was besieged in August 1564, before John was forced to capitulate. Göran Persson had John's allies executed and imprisoned him at Gripsholm Castle, where he did not hesitate to inflict the worst forms of abuse and humiliation on the prince. The news of the Prince's arrest and imprisonment spread throughout the autumn of 1564, to the dismay of the Swedish nobility and Elisabeth of Hesse. The latter asked her husband to show clemency and dismiss her advisor, who had exceeded royal orders and whose influence she considered harmful to her husband. Eric XIV agreed to improve the conditions of his brother's captivity, but refused to release him or dismiss his advisor, believing him to be more indispensable than ever as his kingdom came under renewed attack from the Danes in the autumn. Eric's inflexibility and the continued captivity of John reinforced the rift between him and the nobles and his other brothers. Added to this was the nobility's disapproval of their sovereign, accusing him in low tones of caring more about the supposed treachery of his brothers and nobles than defending the kingdom against the Danes.
The early 1560s were a pivotal period for John II of Norway. As he pursued his policy of asserting royal authority, he faced opposition from the last remaining representatives of the Danish-Norwegian nobility, who sought to oust him in favor of his cousin Frederick II, even though their power had been greatly diminished by the royal reforms and the development of a new Norwegian nobility more attached to the royal figure as a result of the legacy of the War of the Two Kings. In 1562, the King of Norway succeeded in uncovering a plot by members of the Danish-Norwegian nobility, leading him to banish some of the conspirators to prison and condemn them. The discovery of the plot also contributed to the intensification of John II's religious policy against Calvinists and Lutherans, inspired in part by the policy deployed by his cousin Philip II of Spain in the Spanish Netherlands. The sovereign relied on the Order of St. Olav to reinforce his authority and position, showering the nobles who supported him with honors. From the 1560s onwards, John II began to renovate and build various palaces and fortresses, notably the fortress of Abershus.
In the early 1560s, Icelandic fishermen increasingly moved to Greenland and Heilagurjón, allowing the area to develop despite local and environmental constraints. In 1563, John II reaffirmed the Norwegian crown's suzerainty over Greenland and organized a small expedition to find a passage to the northwest. The sovereign continued the important trade policy established by his father, trading extensively with the Spanish Netherlands and the British Isles. His commercial policy was reinforced by the creation of merchant guilds during this period. The kingdom prospered thanks to the royal policy on trade. The threat posed by Frederick II of Denmark tempered John II's desire to carry out an expedition to discover a passage to the northwest, although he did start looking into the matter in 1564.
On the dynastic front, John II saw the birth of his first grandchildren during the period: Crown Prince Christian in spring 1561, Princess Maria in autumn 1562 and Princess Anna in winter 1564. During this period, he gave his heir Charles many responsibilities to prepare him for his future position as king.
On the diplomatic front, John II's reign was marked by an important policy of neutrality at a time when his two neighbors were tearing each other apart after 1563. The Norwegian king was concerned by the ambitions of Eric XIV of Sweden and Frederick II of Denmark, the latter with dynastic claims to the Norwegian crown. In the spring of 1562, he received an alliance proposal from Eric XIV against Frederick II. John II was reluctant to enter into such an alliance because of his hostility to the Lutheran faith, but the possibility of protecting himself from Frederick II was a necessary and crucial prospect. The Norwegian king was urged to do so by some of his advisors, even though his wife, his chancellor and the clergy members of the Riskråd were opposed for political and confessional reasons. Maritime incidents involving some Norwegian ships and Danish vessels, however, led him to develop relations with the King of Sweden, seeking to lessen his potential isolation in Scandinavia and play up the division between the two Lutheran kingdoms, sending representatives to meet with Eric XIV in the summer of 1562. The meeting came to nothing, however, apart from an informal promise from Eric XIV to respect the neutrality of John II's kingdom and develop a few trade links. When conflict broke out between Denmark and Sweden in early 1564, John II remained on the sidelines, even though he had to deal with skirmishes perpetrated by Danish ships, leading him to reinforce his fleets leaving Oslo to protect his trade. The Swedish defeats worried John II, however, with the risk of his neighbor's collapse and the prospect of Frederick II turning his sights on his kingdom. He also set about strengthening his kingdom's defenses, preparing for the possibility of a Danish attack on his realm. However, he was reluctant to deal with Eric XIV when he learned of the latter's brother's arrest and captivity in the autumn of 1564.
Alongside complex relations with his Scandinavian neighbors, John II pursued his policy of strengthening ties outside Scandinavia, seeking to maintain important relations with the Habsburgs. Eleanor was destined to marry one of the Habsburg princes, and married Charles Louis, the emperor's youngest son, in the summer of 1562, Philip II of Spain having expressed little interest in seeing his son Charles of Austria married. Keen to strengthen his lineage and extend his ties, John II also turned to the French crown to find a wife for his youngest son Christian. Finally, the Norwegian king continued to develop relations with the British kingdoms, thanks to trade and the return of relative stability in England, bringing him closer to Mary I of England.
(1) Old name (15th/16th century at least) for Höör.
(2) John II of East Frisia was the favorite son of Anne of Oldenburg, who divided East Frisia between her three sons in 1558.
(3) Eric considers himself the fourteenth Swedish king of this name, based on the legendary (and sometimes fanciful) history of Sweden established by Johannes Magnus in his Historia de omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus (1554), a collection inspired in part by the sagas and in part by Magnus's own imagination, which led to a greater number of Swedish kings than actually existed (for example, there were only eight kings named Eric before Eric XIV).
(4) Gustav I bestowed these titles on his sons in the late 1550s.
(5) Cécile and her sisters were having a party in their rooms at night and were discovered by their brother.
1560-1564: Changes in Muslim lands
1560-1564: Changes in Muslim lands
The early 1560s were marked by a number of upheavals in the Muslim world, which altered the balance of power between the various kingdoms and between them and the Christian kingdoms.
The Kingdom of Morocco underwent a change of leadership in the early 1560s: the Saadian Sultan Mohammed ech-cheikh died in the autumn of 1561 at the age of seventy-one. The sultan left behind a reorganized kingdom, strengthened by the conquest of part of the Oranais region. His son Abdallah, nicknamed el-Ghalib, succeeded him on the throne. The new sultan consolidated his authority and the position of the Saadians with the help of his two brothers, Abu Marwan Abd al-Malik and Ahmed al-Mansur. Determined to strengthen and extend the Cherifian kingdom, the new sultan and his two brothers led a campaign in the Oranais and against the Koukou sultanate during 1562. The campaign not only led to numerous raids, but also rallied some of the local tribes before defeating a Koukou force near Saïda in August 1562. After this campaign, the sultan returned to Fez, where he consolidated his authority and began to develop architectural projects designed to make his capital shine. He also attempted an attack on one of the Portuguese enclaves, Anfa, during 1563, although his attempt to seize it failed. In the same year, his kingdom came under attack from the Koukous in the Oranais region, who sought to seize Tlemcen in the summer of 1563. With the help of his brother Ahmed Al-Mansur, the sultan repelled their attacks.
However, Abdallah el-Ghalib had to contend with Philip II's Spain, which decided to support the claims of Abû al-Hassan's sons Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad to the Moroccan throne. In the summer of 1564, he learned of the landing of an Iberian army on his capital. Hastily assembling a large army, the Moroccan sultan and his brothers met their adversaries not far from Meziat on the Oued Sra. On August 24th, 1564, the Moroccan army went on the attack, seeking to encircle the opposing army in order to destroy it, but the cannons and discipline of the tercios halted their attacks, while the watercourse of the oued impeded their maneuvers. In the early afternoon, the Spanish attacked the center of the Moroccan army's position. Their assault almost cut the Sultan's army in two and reached him. The Moroccans managed to repel the attack with great difficulty, Abdallah el-Ghalib being wounded in the confrontation, while his brother Ahmed Al-Mansur was seriously injured. The battle ended in the evening, with the Moroccans having one of their wings destroyed. His army weakened, Abdallah el-Ghalib charged two of his men to kill the opposing commander and his rival the following night. Although he had no news of his men, the next day he discovered that the opposing army had left. The battle of Meziat has cost him six thousand men, and his forces are too exhausted to pursue their adversaries. Although he returned to Fez in triumph at the beginning of September 1564, the Moroccan sultan was aware that he would be facing a formidable Christian power whose people feared their lands would be invaded, leading him to seek to prepare to counter them, or even to attempt to bring the fight to their lands. To celebrate his victory, he began renovating the Zaouïa of Moulay Idriss.
The Koukou sultanate went through a complicated period in the early 1560's. Although it developed important relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbès, it had to face new attacks from the Moroccans in 1562, shortly after welcoming the brother of the new sultan. They turned to the Spaniards in Oran for help in countering the Cherifian kingdom and supporting Ahmed al-Mansur's rights. During 1563, they raided Moroccan-controlled Oranais, seeking to regain control. They attempted to seize Tlemcen in July 1563, but failed before being repulsed by Abdallah el-Ghalib and Ahmed al-Mansur. The following year, the Koukous tried again to attack the Oranais region, taking advantage of the Spanish attack on Fez. They managed to retake some territory, but faced opposition from tribes that had rallied to the Moroccans, and from the forces of the Viceroy of Debdou.
The years 1560-1564 saw the kingdom of Beni Abbés strengthen and prosper. The kingdom consolidated its ties with the Koukou sultanate through alliances and exchanges. It maintained complex relations with the Spanish, with whom they were both allies and rivals, particularly in the face of the Moroccans or in opposition to the Hafsid caliphate. El Abbès strengthened his kingdom towards the Sahara and in the border regions of the Tunis caliphate, with local populations preferring to accept his suzerainty in the hope of escaping the risk of increasing Spanish influence. The kingdom's eastward expansion increased tensions with Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi, who sought to preserve what little authority he had left over his territory. Clashes occurred between the two kingdoms between 1562 and 1564, until the Hafsid caliph sought to regain control of the Constantine region in 1564. The two kingdoms clashed near the ancient Roman fortress of Tiffech in June 1564. The men of El Abbès defeated the Hafsid army thanks to the harquebuses developed by the kingdom during this period.
In the early 1560s, the Hafsid caliphate faced major challenges to its survival. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi sought to preserve and strengthen his authority over a kingdom in full decline. Territories to the west were threatened by interference from the kingdom of Beni Abbès, while local populations to the south were breaking away from their loyalty to his authority, further weakening the caliphate's position. The caliph maintained a complicated and complex relationship with the Spaniards, having to deal with his subjects who feared that the Christians would seek to impose themselves, while their presence was underlined by their control of the fortress of La Goulette and Bizerte, and their proximity to Malta and Sicily. Seeking to emancipate himself from Iberian influence, Ahmed III once again began to detach himself from his treaty obligations to the Spanish, gradually ceasing to pay the indemnity due to the governor of La Goulette and beginning to trade once again with the Ottoman Empire. The passage of the Christian fleet in 1563 forced him to exercise caution, but its failure and the disappearance of Suleiman gave the Hafsid caliph the opportunity to seek to defend his position with the Sublime Porte and make it an ally. In his desire to defend his territories, the caliph sent some of his forces to protect the western provinces, which led to clashes with El Abbès' men from 1562 onwards, while they also had to deal with revolts in the other provinces. These incidents multiplied until Ahmed III decided to retake Constantine from his neighbor in 1564. He confronted an army from the neighboring kingdom near the ruins of the Tiffech fortress in June 1564. Although his army had the numerical advantage, it was defeated by its opponents, who knew how to take advantage of the harquebuses that the kingdom had acquired over the years. Forced to retreat, the Hafsid caliph found himself even more vulnerable to his various adversaries.
The Ottoman Empire experienced several major events in the early 1560's. The power struggle between Selim and Bayezid turned in favor of the former in 1560, forcing the latter into exile with Tahmasp I, seeking his help. Tahmasp I welcomed him during the years 1560-1562, but executed him following threats from Soliman. With the death of Bayezid and his family, Selim became the sole heir to the Ottoman sultan, who was now in his sixties.
The Ottoman sultan spent the years 1562-1563 preparing a new expedition against Rhodes, determined to make amends for the failure of 1523 and ensure almost complete control of the eastern Mediterranean. He assembled a substantial fleet with the help of Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis and mobilized an army of almost one hundred thousand men. He left Constantinople in May 1563 and landed on Rhodes in June 1563. On June 11th, 1563, the Turkish fleet faced the fleet led by Giannettino Doria. The confrontation is brutal, but Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis manages to dislocate the opposing fleet and disperse it. During the battle, the Christian fleet lost around fifty ships out of the hundred it had, while the Turks lost around fifteen and five thousand men in the clashes, including Giannettino Doria. After the battle, the Ottomans set up a blockade and laid siege to the island. Soliman reached the island at the beginning of July 1563, allowing the siege to begin. Faced with the huge Ottoman army, the Knights Hospitallers and their allies numbered around twelve thousand and were well supplied with resources. The siege raged throughout the summer and autumn of 1563, with the Ottomans applying their traditional tactics while the defenders put up stiff resistance. The Turks once again suffered from dysentery, but proved formidable in their assaults on the bastions of Provence and England. Having learned from the failure of the previous siege, Soliman worked to maintain an effective blockade, but also to provide his forces with the best possible supplies. The old sultan was weakened and ill, but persisted in his determination to see the fortress and the island fall into his hands. From November 1563 onwards, the assaults became more numerous and ferocious, while several bastions were on the verge of collapse due to Ottoman sieges. The fragility of the defenses and the readiness of the fighting divided the defenders on the need to continue the fight, while more and more inhabitants called for surrender. The situation changed dramatically on St. Nicholas Day 1563, when the Italian and English bastions collapsed, compromising the city's defense. The Ottomans led the largest and most brutal assault, almost overwhelming the defenders in what became known to chroniclers as the "Red Saint Nicholas". Although they succeeded in preventing the Ottomans from entering the city, the Knights Hospitallers and their allies were bruised, exhausted and weakened. Shortly afterwards, the Grand Master of the Order resigned himself to negotiating and presented the surrender of Rhodes on December 15th, 1563. Soliman accepted the surrender and authorized the knights to leave the island, but was ruthless with the Spanish and Genoese survivors who had helped them: some were executed, while others were turned into slaves. The second siege of Rhodes saw the Hospitallers and their allies lose over six thousand men, while the Ottomans lost almost forty thousand, most of them to dysentery.
Soliman had no time to exploit his success at Rhodes. The disease finished him off in January 1564, and the old Ottoman sultan passed away on the island on January 22th, 1564. His grand vizier, Mehmed Sokollu, kept his death a secret to allow the rise of his son Selim. The latter became Selim II and brought his father's remains back to Constantinople in the spring of 1564. Selim II had to deal with the aftermath of his father's death, with major seditious movements among the janissaries. The new sultan relied heavily on his father's last vizier, Mehmed Sokollu. The new sultan was very fond of pleasures and entertainment, and surrounded himself with scholars and artists, even though he was not very fond of public appearances. He seeks to build on his father's success on Rhodes and in the Dodecanese to consolidate his authority. The sultan also supported Alexandru II Mircea to take over the position of prince of Wallachia during the same period, in order to regain control in the region and counteract Hungarian interference in one of his empire's vassals.
On the diplomatic front, Selim II maintained complicated relations with Louis III of Hungary, even though he instructed his grand vizier to negotiate a lasting peace with the Magyar king by obtaining the latter's recognition of Ottoman suzerainty. These relations were further complicated by Hungarian and Transylvanian interference in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Sultan forged relations with Tahmasp I, and maintained complex diplomatic and commercial ties with the Republic of Venice. Russian interference against the Crimean Khanate was closely and vigilantly observed by the Ottomans.
In parallel with the Rhodes campaign and the succession to Suleiman I, the Ottoman Empire continued to strengthen its fleet in the Red Sea in order to counter the Portuguese and break their influence and position in the region. Raids were carried out by both sides, the Ottomans against Khamaran in 1562 and Aden in 1564, while the Portuguese sought to drive the Ottomans from the Farasan Islands. Ottoman raids ransacked the Portuguese-controlled Yemeni coasts, weakening their position in the region, while the Ottoman Red Sea fleet grew stronger. In the Mediterranean, the Ottomans raided Spanish possessions in Tripolitania and the Hafsid caliphate, and Genoese territories in the eastern Mediterranean in 1564.
The Persian Sefevid Empire recovered from its long conflict with the Ottoman Empire in the early 1560's. During this period, Tahmasp I remained active in the arts, contributing to the flourishing of historiography around his dynasty to consolidate the prestige of his lineage. The Persian shah also pursued his policy of integrating the Georgian provinces into his empire by imposing numerous Iranian political and social institutions, such as the bilingual Georgian-Persian farmâns, with the aim of establishing Persian as the official administrative language of Sefevid Georgia. On the diplomatic front, the Persian ruler maintained peace with his Ottoman neighbor. One of the most notable events of the period was Tahmasp I's reception of Prince Bayezid and his children. The prince asked for the Shah's help against his father, but Tahmasp I did not want to break the peace of Amasya. Pressure from Suleiman I and fear of a plot by his guest led Tahmasp I to execute Suleiman I and his children in 1562. After the death of Suleiman I, the Persian ruler began to forge ties with Selim II to consolidate the peace. He maintained complex relations with the Portuguese in Muscat, the latter having consolidated their monopoly on maritime routes in the Indian Ocean.
The early 1560s were marked by a number of upheavals in the Muslim world, which altered the balance of power between the various kingdoms and between them and the Christian kingdoms.
The Kingdom of Morocco underwent a change of leadership in the early 1560s: the Saadian Sultan Mohammed ech-cheikh died in the autumn of 1561 at the age of seventy-one. The sultan left behind a reorganized kingdom, strengthened by the conquest of part of the Oranais region. His son Abdallah, nicknamed el-Ghalib, succeeded him on the throne. The new sultan consolidated his authority and the position of the Saadians with the help of his two brothers, Abu Marwan Abd al-Malik and Ahmed al-Mansur. Determined to strengthen and extend the Cherifian kingdom, the new sultan and his two brothers led a campaign in the Oranais and against the Koukou sultanate during 1562. The campaign not only led to numerous raids, but also rallied some of the local tribes before defeating a Koukou force near Saïda in August 1562. After this campaign, the sultan returned to Fez, where he consolidated his authority and began to develop architectural projects designed to make his capital shine. He also attempted an attack on one of the Portuguese enclaves, Anfa, during 1563, although his attempt to seize it failed. In the same year, his kingdom came under attack from the Koukous in the Oranais region, who sought to seize Tlemcen in the summer of 1563. With the help of his brother Ahmed Al-Mansur, the sultan repelled their attacks.
However, Abdallah el-Ghalib had to contend with Philip II's Spain, which decided to support the claims of Abû al-Hassan's sons Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad to the Moroccan throne. In the summer of 1564, he learned of the landing of an Iberian army on his capital. Hastily assembling a large army, the Moroccan sultan and his brothers met their adversaries not far from Meziat on the Oued Sra. On August 24th, 1564, the Moroccan army went on the attack, seeking to encircle the opposing army in order to destroy it, but the cannons and discipline of the tercios halted their attacks, while the watercourse of the oued impeded their maneuvers. In the early afternoon, the Spanish attacked the center of the Moroccan army's position. Their assault almost cut the Sultan's army in two and reached him. The Moroccans managed to repel the attack with great difficulty, Abdallah el-Ghalib being wounded in the confrontation, while his brother Ahmed Al-Mansur was seriously injured. The battle ended in the evening, with the Moroccans having one of their wings destroyed. His army weakened, Abdallah el-Ghalib charged two of his men to kill the opposing commander and his rival the following night. Although he had no news of his men, the next day he discovered that the opposing army had left. The battle of Meziat has cost him six thousand men, and his forces are too exhausted to pursue their adversaries. Although he returned to Fez in triumph at the beginning of September 1564, the Moroccan sultan was aware that he would be facing a formidable Christian power whose people feared their lands would be invaded, leading him to seek to prepare to counter them, or even to attempt to bring the fight to their lands. To celebrate his victory, he began renovating the Zaouïa of Moulay Idriss.
The Koukou sultanate went through a complicated period in the early 1560's. Although it developed important relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbès, it had to face new attacks from the Moroccans in 1562, shortly after welcoming the brother of the new sultan. They turned to the Spaniards in Oran for help in countering the Cherifian kingdom and supporting Ahmed al-Mansur's rights. During 1563, they raided Moroccan-controlled Oranais, seeking to regain control. They attempted to seize Tlemcen in July 1563, but failed before being repulsed by Abdallah el-Ghalib and Ahmed al-Mansur. The following year, the Koukous tried again to attack the Oranais region, taking advantage of the Spanish attack on Fez. They managed to retake some territory, but faced opposition from tribes that had rallied to the Moroccans, and from the forces of the Viceroy of Debdou.
The years 1560-1564 saw the kingdom of Beni Abbés strengthen and prosper. The kingdom consolidated its ties with the Koukou sultanate through alliances and exchanges. It maintained complex relations with the Spanish, with whom they were both allies and rivals, particularly in the face of the Moroccans or in opposition to the Hafsid caliphate. El Abbès strengthened his kingdom towards the Sahara and in the border regions of the Tunis caliphate, with local populations preferring to accept his suzerainty in the hope of escaping the risk of increasing Spanish influence. The kingdom's eastward expansion increased tensions with Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi, who sought to preserve what little authority he had left over his territory. Clashes occurred between the two kingdoms between 1562 and 1564, until the Hafsid caliph sought to regain control of the Constantine region in 1564. The two kingdoms clashed near the ancient Roman fortress of Tiffech in June 1564. The men of El Abbès defeated the Hafsid army thanks to the harquebuses developed by the kingdom during this period.
In the early 1560s, the Hafsid caliphate faced major challenges to its survival. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi sought to preserve and strengthen his authority over a kingdom in full decline. Territories to the west were threatened by interference from the kingdom of Beni Abbès, while local populations to the south were breaking away from their loyalty to his authority, further weakening the caliphate's position. The caliph maintained a complicated and complex relationship with the Spaniards, having to deal with his subjects who feared that the Christians would seek to impose themselves, while their presence was underlined by their control of the fortress of La Goulette and Bizerte, and their proximity to Malta and Sicily. Seeking to emancipate himself from Iberian influence, Ahmed III once again began to detach himself from his treaty obligations to the Spanish, gradually ceasing to pay the indemnity due to the governor of La Goulette and beginning to trade once again with the Ottoman Empire. The passage of the Christian fleet in 1563 forced him to exercise caution, but its failure and the disappearance of Suleiman gave the Hafsid caliph the opportunity to seek to defend his position with the Sublime Porte and make it an ally. In his desire to defend his territories, the caliph sent some of his forces to protect the western provinces, which led to clashes with El Abbès' men from 1562 onwards, while they also had to deal with revolts in the other provinces. These incidents multiplied until Ahmed III decided to retake Constantine from his neighbor in 1564. He confronted an army from the neighboring kingdom near the ruins of the Tiffech fortress in June 1564. Although his army had the numerical advantage, it was defeated by its opponents, who knew how to take advantage of the harquebuses that the kingdom had acquired over the years. Forced to retreat, the Hafsid caliph found himself even more vulnerable to his various adversaries.
The Ottoman Empire experienced several major events in the early 1560's. The power struggle between Selim and Bayezid turned in favor of the former in 1560, forcing the latter into exile with Tahmasp I, seeking his help. Tahmasp I welcomed him during the years 1560-1562, but executed him following threats from Soliman. With the death of Bayezid and his family, Selim became the sole heir to the Ottoman sultan, who was now in his sixties.
The Ottoman sultan spent the years 1562-1563 preparing a new expedition against Rhodes, determined to make amends for the failure of 1523 and ensure almost complete control of the eastern Mediterranean. He assembled a substantial fleet with the help of Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis and mobilized an army of almost one hundred thousand men. He left Constantinople in May 1563 and landed on Rhodes in June 1563. On June 11th, 1563, the Turkish fleet faced the fleet led by Giannettino Doria. The confrontation is brutal, but Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis manages to dislocate the opposing fleet and disperse it. During the battle, the Christian fleet lost around fifty ships out of the hundred it had, while the Turks lost around fifteen and five thousand men in the clashes, including Giannettino Doria. After the battle, the Ottomans set up a blockade and laid siege to the island. Soliman reached the island at the beginning of July 1563, allowing the siege to begin. Faced with the huge Ottoman army, the Knights Hospitallers and their allies numbered around twelve thousand and were well supplied with resources. The siege raged throughout the summer and autumn of 1563, with the Ottomans applying their traditional tactics while the defenders put up stiff resistance. The Turks once again suffered from dysentery, but proved formidable in their assaults on the bastions of Provence and England. Having learned from the failure of the previous siege, Soliman worked to maintain an effective blockade, but also to provide his forces with the best possible supplies. The old sultan was weakened and ill, but persisted in his determination to see the fortress and the island fall into his hands. From November 1563 onwards, the assaults became more numerous and ferocious, while several bastions were on the verge of collapse due to Ottoman sieges. The fragility of the defenses and the readiness of the fighting divided the defenders on the need to continue the fight, while more and more inhabitants called for surrender. The situation changed dramatically on St. Nicholas Day 1563, when the Italian and English bastions collapsed, compromising the city's defense. The Ottomans led the largest and most brutal assault, almost overwhelming the defenders in what became known to chroniclers as the "Red Saint Nicholas". Although they succeeded in preventing the Ottomans from entering the city, the Knights Hospitallers and their allies were bruised, exhausted and weakened. Shortly afterwards, the Grand Master of the Order resigned himself to negotiating and presented the surrender of Rhodes on December 15th, 1563. Soliman accepted the surrender and authorized the knights to leave the island, but was ruthless with the Spanish and Genoese survivors who had helped them: some were executed, while others were turned into slaves. The second siege of Rhodes saw the Hospitallers and their allies lose over six thousand men, while the Ottomans lost almost forty thousand, most of them to dysentery.
Soliman had no time to exploit his success at Rhodes. The disease finished him off in January 1564, and the old Ottoman sultan passed away on the island on January 22th, 1564. His grand vizier, Mehmed Sokollu, kept his death a secret to allow the rise of his son Selim. The latter became Selim II and brought his father's remains back to Constantinople in the spring of 1564. Selim II had to deal with the aftermath of his father's death, with major seditious movements among the janissaries. The new sultan relied heavily on his father's last vizier, Mehmed Sokollu. The new sultan was very fond of pleasures and entertainment, and surrounded himself with scholars and artists, even though he was not very fond of public appearances. He seeks to build on his father's success on Rhodes and in the Dodecanese to consolidate his authority. The sultan also supported Alexandru II Mircea to take over the position of prince of Wallachia during the same period, in order to regain control in the region and counteract Hungarian interference in one of his empire's vassals.
On the diplomatic front, Selim II maintained complicated relations with Louis III of Hungary, even though he instructed his grand vizier to negotiate a lasting peace with the Magyar king by obtaining the latter's recognition of Ottoman suzerainty. These relations were further complicated by Hungarian and Transylvanian interference in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Sultan forged relations with Tahmasp I, and maintained complex diplomatic and commercial ties with the Republic of Venice. Russian interference against the Crimean Khanate was closely and vigilantly observed by the Ottomans.
In parallel with the Rhodes campaign and the succession to Suleiman I, the Ottoman Empire continued to strengthen its fleet in the Red Sea in order to counter the Portuguese and break their influence and position in the region. Raids were carried out by both sides, the Ottomans against Khamaran in 1562 and Aden in 1564, while the Portuguese sought to drive the Ottomans from the Farasan Islands. Ottoman raids ransacked the Portuguese-controlled Yemeni coasts, weakening their position in the region, while the Ottoman Red Sea fleet grew stronger. In the Mediterranean, the Ottomans raided Spanish possessions in Tripolitania and the Hafsid caliphate, and Genoese territories in the eastern Mediterranean in 1564.
The Persian Sefevid Empire recovered from its long conflict with the Ottoman Empire in the early 1560's. During this period, Tahmasp I remained active in the arts, contributing to the flourishing of historiography around his dynasty to consolidate the prestige of his lineage. The Persian shah also pursued his policy of integrating the Georgian provinces into his empire by imposing numerous Iranian political and social institutions, such as the bilingual Georgian-Persian farmâns, with the aim of establishing Persian as the official administrative language of Sefevid Georgia. On the diplomatic front, the Persian ruler maintained peace with his Ottoman neighbor. One of the most notable events of the period was Tahmasp I's reception of Prince Bayezid and his children. The prince asked for the Shah's help against his father, but Tahmasp I did not want to break the peace of Amasya. Pressure from Suleiman I and fear of a plot by his guest led Tahmasp I to execute Suleiman I and his children in 1562. After the death of Suleiman I, the Persian ruler began to forge ties with Selim II to consolidate the peace. He maintained complex relations with the Portuguese in Muscat, the latter having consolidated their monopoly on maritime routes in the Indian Ocean.
Good updates, hopefully the Moroccans can strengthen themselves in order to counter Spanish power, maybe a closer alliance with France?
Well, that is something that will be mentionned in the epilogue of this TL (concluding the story and the appendix), but they will find a little opportunity to strike back to the Spaniards in the last parts of the TL tied to the Iberian peninsula and to the Muslims realms and kingdoms. However, considering both the trade agreements between France and Morocco and the fact that it is the sole Muslim realm in this part of the Mediterranean Sea that isn't "vassalized" by Spain would be enough a reason for the Kingdom of France to build up relation and a potential alliance with them to counterbalance Spanish power.
1565-1569: Pax Britannica
1565-1569: Pax Britannica
The late 1560s were a perennial and peaceful period for the British kingdoms, as their rulers consolidated their authority and continued to reform their territories.
During the years 1565-1569, Mary I of England and her husband Francis IV of Brittany continued to consolidate their authority over the kingdom. However, the period saw the emergence of disagreements between the two members of the couple, particularly concerning their relationship with Parliament. Marie I sought to take its representatives into account in order to develop her authority and secure their support, while François IV was less inclined to take this approach, wishing instead to diminish their influence and role, particularly on the issue of taxation. This difference in outlook was reflected in the factions and rivalries within the royal court, but also in royal policies, as Mary I sought to consolidate her authority as sovereign while at the same time sparing her husband. The sovereign did, however, enjoy the relative support of her allies and certain court officials, while Francis IV had to deal with the barons of the realm due to his status as the sovereign's husband and a foreign prince. The royal couple benefited, however, from the absence of any new attempts by Elizabeth and her husband Edward during this period to consolidate their legitimacy among their subjects. Their son Francis, now a young adult, is now Prince of Wales and is given various responsibilities designed to help prepare him for his position as heir and future sovereign. Mary I was also responsible for training her grandson Arthur in the habits and customs of the English kingdom.
In addition to the dynastic and political issues at stake, Mary I and her husband had to manage the economic challenges arising from inflation, the problems caused by the development of enclosures and the subsistence crisis that hit the kingdom during the period. Following in the footsteps of her predecessors, the sovereign sought to restrict the development of the practice so that peasants could continue to benefit from communal pastures, but had to contend with some of the kingdom's leading figures who took advantage of enclosures to prosper. The sovereign had to contend with unrest and riots during the period, particularly in Lincolnshire and Kent, as the local population could not bear the economic constraints they were suffering or the impact of enclosures on their ability to pay their dues to the local lords and the crown. Mary I and her husband sought to meet these challenges through new expedients, even if they had to deal with Parliament. The pontifical agreement to draw taxes from the convents enabled them to secure some income for a few years, although the power of the convents and the uncertainty of pontifical endorsement due to papal succession during the period were uncertain and restricted the English crown's ability to take advantage of this source of income. However, Mary I benefited from the renewal of Channel and North Sea trade. Calais was more than ever considered the Pearl of the Realm, as trade with the Kingdom of France and the Spanish Netherlands enabled the port city to maintain a high level of prosperity, with a population of around 50,000 in 1567, rivaling that of northern merchant towns such as Douai and Bruges. Trade also developed with the Kingdom of Norway and representatives of the Hanseatic League. As a result of her experience at the head of the Duchy of Brittany, Marie I was also gradually thinking of relaunching expeditions to the west, mainly to find a route to Asia, but also to establish trading posts and colonies to develop trade with the natives of the New World.
On the religious front, Mary I and her husband continued to defend the supremacy of the Catholic Church against Tyndalian, Lutheran and Calvinist ideas. The royal couple were divided, however, over their approach to the Church of England: Mary tended to adopt the policy of her half-brother and their father, while Francis IV wished to draw inspiration from the Concordat of Carpentras to reinforce the authority of the English crown over the local clergy. From 1567 onwards, however, these differences began to fade, as Mary I saw some advantages in drawing on French religious policy, given her experience and the benefits it could bring to the English crown. The idea of a concordat was supported by some representatives of the nobility and Parliament, who saw it as an opportunity to strengthen their influence to the detriment of the clergy, even if the prospect of the crown strengthening its power caused apprehension and hesitation among the latter. Marie I decided to negotiate with the Pope for a concordat similar to that of the Kingdom of France from 1568 onwards, but had to contend with the hesitations of Pope Benedict XIII.
Marie I also had to deal with the Irish question. Thomas Butler managed the various rivalries and tensions within the Emerald Isle to the best of his ability, while seeking to strengthen his authority and influence. This led to enmity on the part of various Irish lords, notably his rival Gerald FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, as well as Shane O'Neill, who took a dim view of the Earl of Ormonde strengthening his influence from the English Pale. Thomas Butler's position as arbiter not only enabled him to develop an important position in Ireland. It also enabled the English crown to consolidate its influence and authority over the Emerald Isle under the reigns of Henry IX and Elizabeth I, without falling into the pitfalls caused by the latter's illusion of a return to a previous situation. However, the Earl of Ormonde faced opposition and hostility from a number of Irish lords, some out of rivalry, while others took a dim view of his strong position and proximity to the English crown.
On the diplomatic front, Mary I continued to forge important relations with the kingdoms of Scotland and France. Her relations with James VI of Scotland were cordial, while those with Charles IX of France were more complicated due to the ambiguous position of her husband and their children, despite the commitment made at the Amboise meeting. The sovereign also undertook to forge relations with Philip II of Spain, seeking to develop commercial ties with the latter through the Spanish Netherlands and the Spanish kingdoms themselves, but also to have a powerful ally. She developed relations with John II of Norway, in particular to support the latter in the face of the threat posed by Frederick II of Norway, as Mary I and her husband did not want to take the risk of seeing the King of Denmark grow stronger and have more means to support Elizabeth and her husband Edward in their bid to regain the English crown. They did not hesitate to support the Kingdom of Sweden to distract the King of Denmark from providing further support to their rivals.
The years 1565-1569 were a period of serenity and tranquility for the Kingdom of Scotland, as James VI set about consolidating his authority.
The Scottish king set about consolidating his authority in the late 1560s, but had to contend with the various Scottish clans, notably the MacDonnells, whose links with Ireland affected his relations with the kingdom of England. James VI relied heavily on the Parliament of Edinburgh to develop his authority and lessen the influence of the Scottish clans. To strengthen his kingdom, the Scottish sovereign continued to develop trade with his various neighbors, particularly on the North Sea. On the religious front, the Scottish sovereign pursued his policy of defending the Catholic faith. He also undertook the renovation and construction of royal residences to enhance the prestige of his reign and consolidate royal authority. To carry out his reforms, he relied on Matthew Stewart, who remained his most trusted advisor. At the Scottish court, factions were evolving, marked less by diplomatic alignments than by clan rivalries. Matthew Stewart clashed with David Douglas and James Hamilton, the latter now opposing the King of Scotland on the strengthening of his royal authority, not wanting to see their influence fought and weakened.
On the diplomatic front, James VI consolidated his relations with Mary I of England in order to maintain peace between their respective kingdoms and develop trade relations. These relations were strengthened by the fact that he was married to the English sovereign's daughter. These relations are sometimes complicated by the MacDonnells' links with their relatives in Antrim, Ireland. The King of Scotland also maintains important relations with the kingdom of France, particularly the Duchy of Brittany, as he is the son-in-law of Francis IV of Brittany. His relations with the kingdom of France are also commercial. Good relations with the kingdom of England meant that the Stuart sovereign had less need to maintain the Auld Alliance. Through trade, James VI maintained important relations with John II of Norway.
The late 1560s were a perennial and peaceful period for the British kingdoms, as their rulers consolidated their authority and continued to reform their territories.
During the years 1565-1569, Mary I of England and her husband Francis IV of Brittany continued to consolidate their authority over the kingdom. However, the period saw the emergence of disagreements between the two members of the couple, particularly concerning their relationship with Parliament. Marie I sought to take its representatives into account in order to develop her authority and secure their support, while François IV was less inclined to take this approach, wishing instead to diminish their influence and role, particularly on the issue of taxation. This difference in outlook was reflected in the factions and rivalries within the royal court, but also in royal policies, as Mary I sought to consolidate her authority as sovereign while at the same time sparing her husband. The sovereign did, however, enjoy the relative support of her allies and certain court officials, while Francis IV had to deal with the barons of the realm due to his status as the sovereign's husband and a foreign prince. The royal couple benefited, however, from the absence of any new attempts by Elizabeth and her husband Edward during this period to consolidate their legitimacy among their subjects. Their son Francis, now a young adult, is now Prince of Wales and is given various responsibilities designed to help prepare him for his position as heir and future sovereign. Mary I was also responsible for training her grandson Arthur in the habits and customs of the English kingdom.
In addition to the dynastic and political issues at stake, Mary I and her husband had to manage the economic challenges arising from inflation, the problems caused by the development of enclosures and the subsistence crisis that hit the kingdom during the period. Following in the footsteps of her predecessors, the sovereign sought to restrict the development of the practice so that peasants could continue to benefit from communal pastures, but had to contend with some of the kingdom's leading figures who took advantage of enclosures to prosper. The sovereign had to contend with unrest and riots during the period, particularly in Lincolnshire and Kent, as the local population could not bear the economic constraints they were suffering or the impact of enclosures on their ability to pay their dues to the local lords and the crown. Mary I and her husband sought to meet these challenges through new expedients, even if they had to deal with Parliament. The pontifical agreement to draw taxes from the convents enabled them to secure some income for a few years, although the power of the convents and the uncertainty of pontifical endorsement due to papal succession during the period were uncertain and restricted the English crown's ability to take advantage of this source of income. However, Mary I benefited from the renewal of Channel and North Sea trade. Calais was more than ever considered the Pearl of the Realm, as trade with the Kingdom of France and the Spanish Netherlands enabled the port city to maintain a high level of prosperity, with a population of around 50,000 in 1567, rivaling that of northern merchant towns such as Douai and Bruges. Trade also developed with the Kingdom of Norway and representatives of the Hanseatic League. As a result of her experience at the head of the Duchy of Brittany, Marie I was also gradually thinking of relaunching expeditions to the west, mainly to find a route to Asia, but also to establish trading posts and colonies to develop trade with the natives of the New World.
On the religious front, Mary I and her husband continued to defend the supremacy of the Catholic Church against Tyndalian, Lutheran and Calvinist ideas. The royal couple were divided, however, over their approach to the Church of England: Mary tended to adopt the policy of her half-brother and their father, while Francis IV wished to draw inspiration from the Concordat of Carpentras to reinforce the authority of the English crown over the local clergy. From 1567 onwards, however, these differences began to fade, as Mary I saw some advantages in drawing on French religious policy, given her experience and the benefits it could bring to the English crown. The idea of a concordat was supported by some representatives of the nobility and Parliament, who saw it as an opportunity to strengthen their influence to the detriment of the clergy, even if the prospect of the crown strengthening its power caused apprehension and hesitation among the latter. Marie I decided to negotiate with the Pope for a concordat similar to that of the Kingdom of France from 1568 onwards, but had to contend with the hesitations of Pope Benedict XIII.
Marie I also had to deal with the Irish question. Thomas Butler managed the various rivalries and tensions within the Emerald Isle to the best of his ability, while seeking to strengthen his authority and influence. This led to enmity on the part of various Irish lords, notably his rival Gerald FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, as well as Shane O'Neill, who took a dim view of the Earl of Ormonde strengthening his influence from the English Pale. Thomas Butler's position as arbiter not only enabled him to develop an important position in Ireland. It also enabled the English crown to consolidate its influence and authority over the Emerald Isle under the reigns of Henry IX and Elizabeth I, without falling into the pitfalls caused by the latter's illusion of a return to a previous situation. However, the Earl of Ormonde faced opposition and hostility from a number of Irish lords, some out of rivalry, while others took a dim view of his strong position and proximity to the English crown.
On the diplomatic front, Mary I continued to forge important relations with the kingdoms of Scotland and France. Her relations with James VI of Scotland were cordial, while those with Charles IX of France were more complicated due to the ambiguous position of her husband and their children, despite the commitment made at the Amboise meeting. The sovereign also undertook to forge relations with Philip II of Spain, seeking to develop commercial ties with the latter through the Spanish Netherlands and the Spanish kingdoms themselves, but also to have a powerful ally. She developed relations with John II of Norway, in particular to support the latter in the face of the threat posed by Frederick II of Norway, as Mary I and her husband did not want to take the risk of seeing the King of Denmark grow stronger and have more means to support Elizabeth and her husband Edward in their bid to regain the English crown. They did not hesitate to support the Kingdom of Sweden to distract the King of Denmark from providing further support to their rivals.
The years 1565-1569 were a period of serenity and tranquility for the Kingdom of Scotland, as James VI set about consolidating his authority.
The Scottish king set about consolidating his authority in the late 1560s, but had to contend with the various Scottish clans, notably the MacDonnells, whose links with Ireland affected his relations with the kingdom of England. James VI relied heavily on the Parliament of Edinburgh to develop his authority and lessen the influence of the Scottish clans. To strengthen his kingdom, the Scottish sovereign continued to develop trade with his various neighbors, particularly on the North Sea. On the religious front, the Scottish sovereign pursued his policy of defending the Catholic faith. He also undertook the renovation and construction of royal residences to enhance the prestige of his reign and consolidate royal authority. To carry out his reforms, he relied on Matthew Stewart, who remained his most trusted advisor. At the Scottish court, factions were evolving, marked less by diplomatic alignments than by clan rivalries. Matthew Stewart clashed with David Douglas and James Hamilton, the latter now opposing the King of Scotland on the strengthening of his royal authority, not wanting to see their influence fought and weakened.
On the diplomatic front, James VI consolidated his relations with Mary I of England in order to maintain peace between their respective kingdoms and develop trade relations. These relations were strengthened by the fact that he was married to the English sovereign's daughter. These relations are sometimes complicated by the MacDonnells' links with their relatives in Antrim, Ireland. The King of Scotland also maintains important relations with the kingdom of France, particularly the Duchy of Brittany, as he is the son-in-law of Francis IV of Brittany. His relations with the kingdom of France are also commercial. Good relations with the kingdom of England meant that the Stuart sovereign had less need to maintain the Auld Alliance. Through trade, James VI maintained important relations with John II of Norway.
1565-1569: Upheaval in Italy
1565-1569: Upheaval in Italy
The end of the 1560s was a special period for the Italian and Swiss territories, marked in particular by the return of local conflicts linked to rivalries between certain cities and territorial or dynastic claims.
The years 1565-1568 saw Gregory XIV seek to put his stamp on the Catholic Church. The Pope strengthened the Roman Inquisition to combat the so-called reformed churches in Italy and beyond. He supported Louis III's Kingdom of Hungary by providing financial aid to combat the Ottoman Empire. The Sovereign Pontiff supported Philip II against Saadian Morocco and lent his support to Francesco II Sforza in his claims to Valtellina, seeing this as an opportunity to weaken the Protestant position in the Swiss cantons. Influenced by the cardinals Alexander Farnese and Ippolito de' Medici, the Pope remained neutral in the conflict between the Duchy of Florence and the Republic of Siena. Gregory XIV continued the architectural projects of his predecessor, as much out of artistic interest as out of a desire to strengthen the influence and prestige of the Catholic Church and embody its triumph over the Protestant movements. Among the cardinals he created were his nephew Luigi Pisani in June 1565 and his compatriot Federico Cornaro in October 1567.
However, the pontiff died in April 1568. In the month following his death, the conclave held to designate his successor saw opposition from various factions, notably that led by Alexander Farnese, that of Luigi Cornaro, who represented the late pope's supporters, and that led by Ippolito de' Medici, who was determined to acquire the position of supreme pontiff. In addition to these internal rivalries, there were also external rivalries between cardinals with French preferences and those with Spanish preferences. Among the favourites were Ippolito de' Medici, Ugo Boncompagni and Giovanni Gerolamo Morone. Thanks to the support of Alexander Farnese and his allies and the Spanish faction, Ippolito de Medici was elected in May 1568 and enthroned as Leo, becoming Leo XI. However, the new pope died at the beginning of June 1568, a few weeks after his election. This precipitated a new conclave, where the choice fell on the dean of the college of cardinals, Giovanni Gerolamo Morone, after around a month of debate in which the various factions struggled to reach agreement and put forward their champion. The new pontiff chose the name Benedict in reference to his role as protector of the Benedictine order, initially becoming Benedict XIV before retracting to Benedict XIII, the previous Benedict XIII being considered an antipope (1).
The new Pope set out to strengthen his relations with the various states of Christendom, seeking in particular to mobilise the Christian powers against the Ottoman Empire, whose success on Rhodes once again increased their threat in the Mediterranean. He continued his predecessor's policy of supporting Louis III of Hungary, who was now facing Sultan Selim II. Benedict XIII particularly developed his links with Emperor Maximilian II in order to be able to develop a policy of reconciliation and reintegration of the Lutherans into the fold of the Church. He maintained the Roman Inquisition, but restricted the extension of their influence and actions beyond the Papal States and the Italian territories where they had established themselves. The Pope undertook to pursue reforms within the Church, with the aim of reconciling the different components of Christianity. He showcased Baroque architecture to make Rome shine and strengthen the appeal of the Catholic Church. His religious policies, particularly that of reconciliation and the reintegration of Lutherans into the Catholic faith, were received with mixed feelings within the Roman Curia and rekindled rumours of his Lutheran sympathies, which had been denied under the pontificate of Gregory XIV. However, the pontifical policy enabled Rome to preserve its lustre and prestige, winning the admiration of foreign representatives and visitors.
On the diplomatic front, Benedict XIII developed important relations with Emperor Maximilian II, who shared his desire to reintegrate the Lutherans into the Catholic Church. He maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, supporting the latter against the Kingdom of Morocco. He maintained important relations with the Kingdom of France. He also intervened in the conflict between Siena and Florence, acting as arbitrator in favour of Siena to counter the influence of the Medici and Farnese families. He developed relations with Mary I of England, some of whose religious policies he supported, even though he was reluctant to grant her the right to appoint English bishops, following the example of the Concordat of Carpentras for the Kingdom of France. Finally, he supported John II of Norway, whom he saw as a valuable ally in the restoration of the Catholic faith in the northern kingdoms.
The years 1565-1569 were a special time for the Duchy of Milan. While its duke, Francesco II, pursued a policy of patronage designed to make his capital one of the most prestigious on the Italian peninsula, surrounding himself with the most brilliant artists and cultured men. The duchy regained some of its former prosperity thanks to trade, even if it had to bear the brunt of the inflation raging throughout Christendom. On the religious front, Francesco II fought resolutely against Protestant ideas, supporting the strengthening of the Roman Inquisition led by Pope Clement VIII, with whom he strengthened his relations, particularly in his plan to recover Valtellina from the Alliance of the Three Leagues.
The Duke also sought to isolate the Grisons Leagues. He secured the neutrality of his other neighbours, notably Charles IX of France and Emperor Maximilian II, in order to be able to carry out his plans. He also obtained the support of Ferdinand of Tyrol, the Emperor's brother, who saw it as an opportunity to extend the territory of the Lower Engadine controlled by the Grisons. The internal divisions within the Swiss Confederation provided him with an opportunity to implement his plan.
These diplomatic negotiations enabled Francesco II to send an ultimatum to the Alliance of the Three Leagues in the spring of 1566, demanding that they cede the region to him. When the Grey Leagues refused, the Duke declared war on them in the summer of 1566 and prepared his forces, justifying his campaign in the name of the Catholic faith. Recruiting Swiss condottieres and mercenaries from Catholic cantons, the Duke of Milan attacked the Como and Valtellina region in July 1566. His forces captured Como at the end of August 1566 and reached Sondrio at the beginning of September 1566. The Milanese moved up towards Chiavenna and met a Grison army north of Lake Mezzola on 13th August 1566. The confrontation was brutal, with the Grisons using the terrain to counter the Milanese attacks. Thanks to the condottieres they had recruited, the Milanese eventually dispersed the Grisons and took Chiavenna on 16th September 1566. The Milanese then turned their attention to Bormio, which they occupied in October 1566. The news that a Grisons army was approaching Chiavenna led the Milanese to return to the latter in an attempt to stop their adversaries. At the beginning of September 1566, the two armies clashed in Val Bregaglia. Unlike the confrontation at Lake Mezzola, the Milanese did not have the numerical advantage and were exhausted by their campaign. Their situation was complicated by the growing problem of paying the mercenaries who made up their forces. All these factors contributed to the Grisons' success in the battle of 8th September 1566, causing part of the Milanese forces to rout. Following this success, the Graubünden regained control of most of Valtellina in the autumn of 1566.
Despite the defeat in Val Bregaglia, Francesco II did not concede defeat and sought to involve Ferdinand of Tyrol in the conflict in order to divide the Graubünden forces, convinced that the confessional divisions between the Swiss cantons would prevent them from supporting the Three League Alliance. In parallel with the new negotiations with the Habsburgs, the Duke of Milan carried out various skirmishes against the Graubünden to weaken their position in the region, but also to prevent them from moving south to threaten him. However, the exchanges with Ferdinand of Tyrol were long and uncertain, with the Count of Tyrol more reluctant to intervene openly in the conflict. He also learned of the formation of the League of Glarus in November 1567 by the Protestant cantons of the eastern part of the Swiss Confederation. Despite these setbacks, Francesco II tried to save the situation and, with difficulty, raised a new army at the beginning of 1567, which he sent to regain control of Valtellina in February 1567. The Milanese came up against the Graubünden army and their allies south of Morbigno in mid-February 1567. The ensuing battle was deadly, with the Milanese failing to break the Graubunden lines in their assaults and with the support of their cannons before a flanking attack failed to bypass the opposing army, causing panic among the Milanese.
Following the further defeat of his forces and the risk of an invasion of his duchy by the Grisons and their allies, Francesco II was urged by his entourage to negotiate a truce with the Alliance of the Three Leagues. The truce was signed between the duchy and the Grison leagues in March 1567, and the status quo was maintained. After the end of the Valtellina War, Francesco II concentrated on reorganising his duchy's finances and resuming his policy of patronage. Despite his failure to retake Valtellina, he continued to keep a close eye on the situation in the Swiss cantons and the Alliance of the Three Leagues, particularly the divisions and tensions that shook the Swiss cantons following the creation of the League of Glarus.
However, Milanese incursions into Valtellina brought the plague to the duchy, while a major epidemic affected the Swiss cantons and, from 1566-1567, the Three League Alliance. Francesco II endeavoured to limit the impact of the epidemic, which struck Como and Brescia particularly hard in 1568-1569.
On the diplomatic front, Francesco II developed important relations with the Habsburgs, particularly Ferdinand of Tyrol, although these did not lead to an alliance. His relations with the Swiss cantons were mixed, with good relations with several of the Catholic cantons and strained relations with the Protestant cantons, particularly due to their support for the Alliance of the Three Leagues. It had a special relationship with the papacy, although the religious policy of Benedict XIII caused some friction between the duchy and the Papal States. Relations with the Republic of Genoa were complex, especially as the events that affected the maritime republic from 1566 onwards rekindled Milan's temptation to reassert its influence over the latter. Francesco II maintained complicated ties with the kingdom of France, particularly as a result of the kingdom's growing influence over the Genoese republic from 1567 onwards. At the end of 1569, the Duke learnt of the death of Charles IX, prompting a mixed reaction from him due to the uncertainties surrounding the intentions of the new French king, Charles X.
The end of the 1560s was a complicated time for the Republic of Genoa. Having replaced his father as admiral and unofficial ruler of Genoa, Giovannia Andrea sought to maintain his position and win over the Albergo factions. He set about restoring the Genoese fleet and strengthening diplomatic ties with Philip II of Spain and trade in the Mediterranean and its various neighbours. Although his relations with the Duchy of Milan were neutral, they remained excellent compared to the uncertain and tense relations with the Kingdom of France and even the Duchy of Savoy, as Louis II was close to the French crown. Relations with Alessandro II de' Medici, on the other hand, were more complex, as the Duke of Florence was very ambitious and wanted to strengthen his dukedom.
The death of Giannettino in 1563 contributed to the strengthening of the Albergi's intrigues and the hostility of some of them towards the Doria, with a strong desire to regain the power lost since the end of the war in the League of Perugia. The Fieschis and the Fregosos joined forces to plot the overthrow of the Doria and the restoration of the doge-for-life system, seeking in particular to influence the election of the biennial doges. Faced with the Albergi's intrigues, Giovanni Andrea sought to counter them in various ways, playing off rivalries with rival families and developing his influence in the City Council. Although he lacked his father's arrogance and Caesarian approach, Giovanni Andrea sought to preserve his family's influence over the Genoese republic. These intrigues culminated in September 1565 in the election of Ottavio Gentile Oderico by the nuovi and vecchi of the City Council, who were partly influenced by Giovanni. Giovanni had supported this candidate, who had no political experience, on the grounds that he was weak and malleable, thus countering his rivals.
Following this election and Giovanni Doria's interference in the city's affairs, some of the Albergo family joined forces to plot against the Doria family and re-establish the previous system. Among the conspirators were Ottobuono Fieschi and Giovanni Luigi Fieschi, the latter distancing himself from his father in his dealings with the Doria. However, the conspirators had difficulty finding outside allies who would support them in overthrowing the Doria and putting an end to the growing Spanish influence in the city. The Fieschis involved in the plot set about contacting the French crown to obtain its support (2) and to be able to implement the plot. Exchanges developed from autumn 1565 onwards, before the conspirators received the support of Charles IX, Louis II of Savoy and Alberico Cybo. On the strength of this support, the conspirators agreed on a plan to seize the Genoese fleet and the city gates, but were divided over the ideal time to carry out their plan: some wanted to act quickly to avoid having their plot exposed, while others wanted to prepare the ground and strike at the most appropriate moment. A compromise was reached with the choice of Easter as the date for the execution of the plot.
On the morning of 14 April 1566, the conspirators led by Giacomo Fieschi and Alberico Cybo set out to seize the Genoese fleet and the gates of Genoa. Faced with the uproar caused by the conspirators' actions, Giovanni barely escaped at sea. The conspirators set out to seize the government with their allies. They managed to seize most of the members of the Council and Ottavio Gentile Oderico. They also captured Giovanni Andrea Doria's wife, Zenobia del Carretto, and the Spanish ambassador in Genoa, not hesitating to kill the latter (3). Having succeeded in seizing Genoa's various nerve centres, the conspirators set up a council to govern the city and reform its political organisation. Ottavio Gentile Oderico remained doge for a time, before having to step down on 17th April 1566. The provisional council that was established sought to re-establish the old system of electing doges. It also took advantage of the situation to confiscate the Doria estates. The new regime set about reforming the city's administration, while preserving many of the advances made under the biennial doges and the Doria. The members of the council also sought the support of their allies to protect Genoa from Giovanni Doria's potential retaliation. The Fieschi family therefore undertook to send a representative to Charles IX to obtain his support and protection. Having learned of Giovanni Doria's presence in Rapallo at the beginning of May 1566, the Council sought to send forces to retake the city and capture the last representative of the Doria family. Despite difficulties in gathering a force due to the hostility of the communes and the need to consolidate control over Genoa, the Council sent a small troop to Rapallo in May 1566. They captured Rapallo after a violent confrontation, but failed to capture Giovanni Doria, who had escaped a short time earlier.
However, their policy was opposed by the communes, who rejected the coup and feared that the Albergo family would reduce their position in the political life of the city. The anger of the communes was gradually fuelled by supporters of the Doria family who had escaped capture and who hoped to pave the way for Giovanni Doria's return. These oppositions were compounded by the development of rivalries among the Albergo, as the great Genoese families sought to regain power and corner it for themselves. These rivalries were exacerbated by divisions over the alliances to be forged to preserve the new regime, even though the assassination of the Spanish ambassador helped to impose the idea of a rapprochement with the kingdom of France. Despite awareness of the risk of Giovanni Doria's return with his allies, the council was divided into factions represented mainly by the various Albergo, but also a small group supporting Alberico Cybo. The latter was seeking to develop a leading position within the council and wanted the support of the Genoese to take back the Marquisate of Massa and the Lordship of Carrara from his brother Giulio as a reward for his support. The refusal or lack of interest shown by the main members of the council led Alberico to plot to obtain a position of choice in Genoa so that he could carry out his plans. These various rivalries were particularly strong with regard to the Fieschi family, who were able to take advantage of their role as leaders of the conspiracy to take the leading role in the council and work to regain the position of doge. However, the Genoese family was also divided by the rivalry between Giovanni Fieschi and his brother Ottobuono, with both men claiming the leading position on the council due to their role in the conspiracy. Although Giovanni Fieschi was elected doge at the beginning of May 1566, he was overthrown by his opponents in the autumn of 1566 and replaced by Alberico Cybo-Malaspina.
The new doge sought to consolidate his position within the city and abroad, by attempting to renew ties with Philip II of Spain. He acceded to the sovereign's request to punish the murderers of his ambassador, having some of those responsible sentenced in November 1566. However, his action helped to provoke hostility from the Fieschi family and some of the other Albergi, while the communes continued to take a dim view of the return of the doge-for-life system at a time when their political weight had been weakened. The new doge sought to prepare his plan to regain control of the seigniory of Carrara and the marquisate of Massa. However, his plan was denounced by the other Albergi, who took a dim view of the misappropriation of public funds for a project that did not concern them. They forced Alberico to resign in January 1567. He was replaced by Cesare Fregoso (4). The new doge set about developing relations with the kingdom of France and the duchy of Savoy to protect the republic from the risks posed by the duchy of Milan or an attempt by Giovanni Doria to regain control of the city. The new doge sought to strengthen Corsica's defences, unwilling to see the deposed admiral attempt to use the island to regain control of the city. He managed to consolidate his position during 1567, even though relations with the Kingdom of Spain were more complicated, particularly due to the rehabilitation of those executed under his predecessor and the survival of Giovanni Doria.
Despite the internal unrest and the vagaries of diplomacy, the Republic of Genoa managed to maintain its trade with its various neighbours, even consolidating its trade with the Kingdom of France. The strengthening of its ties with the kingdom of France led it to gradually fall under the influence of the French crown.
In the late 1560s, the Duchy of Florence was again involved in various events and troubles that affected the region. During this period, Alessandro II undertook to develop Florence to rival Rome and Milan, supporting a major policy of patronage by supporting painters, sculptors and architects, including Agnolo Bronzino and Bartolomeo Ammannati. In particular, he encouraged the development of Baroque art from Rome. In governing his territories, Alessandro continued to rely on his father-in-law Cosme, but increasingly distanced himself from the latter, eager to prove himself and less and less appreciative of Cosme's administrative talents, feeling that he was in Cosme's shadow. His marriage to Madeleine Sforza gave birth to a second daughter, Cecilia, in autumn 1566. A son, Lorenzo, was born in the summer of 1567 but died shortly afterwards.
During this period, Alessandro II also wanted to strengthen his territory and legitimacy by neutralising Florence's rival, Siena. The Duke was determined to defeat the rival city and seize part of its territories. He was all the more determined to act because he wanted to succeed where his father-in-law and mother had failed a decade earlier, and because he took a dim view of the Strozzi presence in Siena, recalling the existence of notable figures defending the republican regime against which the Medici had had problems. He decided to rely on his uncles Ottavio and Rannucio, the former of whom had important claims on Siena. He met them in Cortona in the spring of 1566 and undertook to defend their claims in exchange for some of Siena's territories. The meeting was somewhat tense due to the Farneses' own interests, but an agreement was reached between the Duke of Florence and his uncles. In the summer of 1566, Alessandro II received a representative from Siena asking for the truce between their two cities to be renewed. Duke Medici refused to extend the peace. In preparation for his campaign against the Sienese, the Duke undertook to forge diplomatic links with several of his neighbours and the King of Spain in order to gain support or guarantee their neutrality, particularly in the case of the Papacy through the intermediary of his uncles, Cardinals Farnese and Ippolito de' Medici. In September 1566, he received Giovanni Doria, who asked for his help in recapturing Genoa. The Duke was unable to accede to his guest's request, as he was concentrating on preparing his campaign against Siena. He did, however, allow Giovanni Doria to reach the Kingdom of Naples.
Having assembled an army in the winter of 1566-1567, he attacked Siena in February 1567, putting his father-in-law in charge of the city. Determined to isolate the Sienese Republic from any outside support, he attacked Monterrigioni while his two uncles were passing through Casole d'Elsa. The Duke of Florence laid siege to the fortified city for a fortnight before surrendering. He joined his uncles, who had begun the siege of Siena at the beginning of March 1567. While his forces and those of his uncle Ottavio Farnese continued the siege, those of Rannuccio Farnese undertook a campaign in the south-west to seize the territories close to the coast and isolate Siena from any maritime support. Rannuccio Farnese captured Montieri at the beginning of April 1567 before laying siege to the fortress of Massa (5) at the beginning of April 1567, but had to face a Sienese army led by Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni at the end of April 1567. Rannuccio was killed in the confrontation, while his army was routed by the Sienese.
Alessandro II and his uncle Ottavio Farnese laid siege to Siena during the spring and summer of 1567. They learned of the defeat and death of Rannuccio Farnese at the beginning of May and soon afterwards suffered raids from the forces of Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni. By early summer, the Florentine forces were exhausted and weakened, and the question of payment for the mercenaries arose. Unable to take the city, Alessandro II was forced to lift the siege in June 1567 and retreat to Monterrigioni. Reaching Florence at the beginning of July, he set about reorganising his forces and gathering new ones, but had to ask his father-in-law to help him against the Sienese. At the end of the summer of 1567, on hearing the news of the siege of Monterrigioni by the Sienese, Alessandro II instructed his father-in-law to rescue the garrison. The latter reached Monterrigioni in September 1567, forcing the Sienese to lift the siege. Following this success, Cosimo reinforced the city's garrison and led raids into Sienese territory during the autumn of 1567, before returning to Florence to spend the winter of 1567-1568. At the beginning of 1568, Alessandro II learned of the Sienese attack on Volterra and in March 1568 led a new army in an attempt to bring his adversaries to heel. Accompanied by his uncle Ottavio Farnese, the Duke confronted the Sienese near San Gimignano at the end of March 1568. The battle was violent and saw Alessandro II forced to retreat to Florence. As the Volterra region was hit by the Sienese raids, the Duke of Florence was forced to rely on his father-in-law to resolve the situation. Cosimo de' Medici defeated the Sienese south of Certaldo in mid-April 1568.
At the end of spring 1568, the Florentines were forced to submit to the arbitration of the new Pope, Benedict XIII. He imposed a return to the status quo for both cities in July 1568. Alessandro II resented the imposition of peace and the papal interference. This was compounded by his growing jealousy of his father-in-law Cosimo, whose administrative and military talents made him popular with the Florentine population and undermined Alessandro II's position. A growing rivalry developed between the two men, with Alessandro II now seeking to emancipate himself from his father-in-law and even thinking of getting rid of him, fearing that the Florentines would support Cosimo to his detriment. Alessandro II tried to have Cosme poisoned in the spring of 1569, but failed. Worried that he might be overthrown, he instructed trusted men to assassinate Cosme in May 1569. The attack succeeded, but rumours of Alessandro's involvement spread as Cosimo's brutal death was keenly felt by the Florentine population. Alessandro II's relations with his mother deteriorated as the Pope intervened in the affair in the autumn of 1569, denouncing Cosimo's assassination and demanding that Alessandro II show repentance.
The territory of Siena went through a rather complicated period at the end of the 1560s. Although Peter Strozzi and the governing council continued to provide fairly stable governance for the city, allowing it to prosper economically and artistically, the Sienese found themselves confronted with the ambitions of the Duke of Florence, Alessandro II de' Medici. Having learned of the negotiations between the Medici and the Farnese, Peter Strozzi and the city council sent a representative to negotiate an extension of the truce in the summer of 1566, but were rebuffed by Alessandro II. This led Peter Strozzi and the city council to prepare for the possibility of conflict, seeking allies to counter Alessandro II, in particular from the French crown, and seeking papal arbitration. They received no specific response from Gregory XIV, but were promised potential support from the French, who were backing the new Doge of Genoa. Faced with the imminent risk of conflict, Peter Strozzi sought to recruit an army and strengthen the defences of the Sienese territory. He obtained the services of Astore Baglioni to lead part of the forces charged with defending the Sienese republic.
In February 1567, Siena was attacked by Alessandro II de' Medici and his uncles Ottavio and Rannucio Farnese. On hearing of the fall of Casole d'Elsa and the siege of Monterrigioni, Peter Strozzi and the council raised a militia of almost ten thousand men to defend the city. Siena was besieged by the Farnese forces from mid-March 1567, before Alessandro II joined them. Peter Strozzi organised the city's defences against the Florentines and entrusted his son Philip and Astore Baglioni with the task of preventing the Florentines from moving inland and isolating Siena. While Peter Strozzi effectively defended Siena against Alessandro II, his son and Astore Baglioni defeated Rannuccio Farnese at the Battle of Massa before raiding the Florentines to disrupt their supply lines and force them to lift the siege of Siena in June 1567. Following this success, the Sienese sought to retake the territories that the Florentines had taken from them. Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni attacked Casole d'Elsa at the beginning of July 1567. They recaptured the town before attempting to retake Monterrigioni in August 1567. The siege was difficult and the Sienese almost took it, but in September 1567 they faced a new Sienese army led by Cosimo de' Medici, forcing them to lift the siege and withdraw to Siena. The Republic of Siena was subjected to raids by Cosimo de' Medici during the autumn of 1567, particularly in the Castelnuovo Berardenga region. However, the Sienese took advantage of the winter of 1567-1568 to organise themselves and prepare their defences. Peter Strozzi and the council decided to attack Volterra to force the Florentines on the defensive. They sent an army led by Astore Baglioni and Peter Strozzi in February 1568. The Sienese reached Volterra shortly afterwards and took it after a few days. The Sienese raided the region, taking San Gimignano in particular. However, at the end of March 1568, they came up against the nearby army of Alessandro II and Ottavio de' Medici. The battle was brutal, but Astore Baglioni eventually forced the Florentines to retreat to Florence. The Sienese continued their raids in the region, but were defeated by Cosimo de' Medici in mid-April 1568 near Certaldo, forcing them to retreat to Volterra. Astore Baglioni was seriously wounded in the confrontation and died of his injuries a few days later.
In the summer of 1568, Siena obtained a return to peace thanks to the intervention of Pope Benedict XIII. This allowed the council and Peter Strozzi to concentrate on governing the city and strengthening its ties with the outside world, in particular with the new pontiff and the Republic of Genoa.
In the late 1560s, the Republic of Venice pursued its policy of renewing trade relations with the Ottoman Empire, taking advantage of the new sultan to try and obtain concessions from him. The Serenissima also continued to develop investments in Domini di Terraferma (6), even though the two Doges of the period were not very involved in this policy.
On the diplomatic front, the Serenissima sought to improve its relations with the Ottoman Empire by taking advantage of the advent of the new sultan, Selim II. It also sought to maintain good diplomatic and commercial relations with its neighbours, mainly the Papacy and the Habsburgs. It kept a close eye on the unrest that shook the Republic of Genoa and on Selim II's moves against the latter in the Aegean between 1568 and 1569.
The Swiss cantons faced a complicated and tense situation during the years 1565-1569. The Catholic and Protestant cantons sought to find a compromise that would ensure the stability of the confederation, although the Catholic Church sought to strengthen its presence among the Swiss cantons, while the Protestant cantons sought to preserve their gains. The cantons sought to draw inspiration from the Treaty of Augsburg and the principle of respect for each canton's own religious practices at federal diets. These tensions were compounded by the plague epidemic that had been affecting the region since 1563, and which struck various cantons between 1565 and 1568, devastating several of them.
The divisions and the plague made it difficult to establish a policy of compromise, especially as the tensions between the Alliance of the Three Leagues and the Duchy of Milan further complicated the situation. The Protestant cantons were prepared to support their neighbours and allies in Graubünden, while certain Catholic cantons such as Lucerne and Fribourg were prepared to remain neutral, or even to support Duke Francesco II. These tensions prevented the Swiss cantons from reaching a compromise and led to the Valtellina War between the Alliance of the Three Leagues and Milan in 1566. The Protestant cantons in the east were determined to support the Three League Alliance and united in the League of Glarus in autumn 1566. Despite the constraints resulting from the plague epidemic, the alliance sent men to support the Graubünden against the Milanese, playing a crucial role in the victory at Bitto in February 1567, forcing Francesco II to sign a truce with the Three League Alliance and maintain the status quo in March 1567.
However, this success contributed to heightening tensions between the Catholic and Protestant cantons, with the Catholic cantons fearing that the Protestant cantons would try to carry out the policy pursued under Ulrich Zwingli in the 1530s. These tensions were not helped by the speeches made by certain religious representatives of the Catholic clergy, who warned the Catholic cantons of the risk of a repeat of the Germanic situation, or even of an attack by the Protestant cantons to force the Catholic cantons to give in to their demands. The risk of conflict and religious tensions brought the Federal Diet to an impasse, with unanimity on decisions concerning the status of confessional practice being very difficult to achieve, despite the desire of cantons of both denominations to achieve a situation similar to the Alliance of the Three Leagues, or similar to the Germanic regions with the Treaty of Augsburg. Bern and Fribourg played a significant role in the negotiations at the Federal Diet, as the two cantons had important relations despite their denominational differences. Conversely, the members of the League of Glarus were reluctant to dissolve their alliance, while several of the members of the former Christian Union demanded that they do so. These controversies were compounded by those of the local clergy, with some representatives of the Catholic Church defending local specificities in contrast to the main representatives, such as the Prince-Bishop of Sion. The members of the Diet resigned themselves to a tense status quo, while several Catholic cantons preferred to join forces to avoid the risk of a Protestant backlash.
The years 1568-1569 saw the situation ease somewhat as the Swiss cantons learned of the new papal policy. The Papacy's conciliatory approach towards Protestants enabled some of the cantons to reach agreement and work to maintain peace. Although the League of Glarus and the Christian Union did not disarm each other, they agreed to set up a system similar to that in the lands of the Empire. In the spring of 1569, a treaty was signed in Sion, committing the various cantons to respecting each other's religious practices while maintaining their own. However, the treaty left open the question of the Catholic Church's relationship with the Zwinglians, Lutherans and Calvinists, as the relations between these different reformed churches had not been clarified and the radicalism of Calvinism and the defensive stance of Lutheranism complicated any approach to conciliation.
Diplomatically, the Swiss cantons were divided by their religious differences. Relations with the princes of the empire were good, and imperial policy led to a good relationship with Emperor Maximilian II, although the Habsburg shenanigans in the conflict between Milan and the Alliance of the Three Leagues kept the cantons on their toes. Relations with the French crown were complex, particularly as a result of Charles IX's rapprochement with Louis II of Savoy. Relations with the Duchy of Savoy were complex and tense, as Savoyard claims on the Republic of Geneva continued to exist. The Catholic cantons maintained important relations with the papacy, even if the defence of local specificities constituted a distance from the Holy See. The election of Benedict XIII and the start of a conciliatory policy to try and bring Protestants back into the fold of the Catholic Church eased some of the tensions within the Swiss cantons. Relations with the Alliance of the Three Leagues were complex, with the Protestant cantons strengthening their relations with the cantons of Graubünden. Relations with the Republic of Geneva were complex: the canton of Bern remained an important ally of the city, but controversies within the confederation led it to focus on resolving tensions between the Catholic and Protestant cantons.
The years 1565-1569 were rather complex for the Alliance of the Three Leagues. In spring 1566, they had to face up to the claims of Francesco II Sforza. Despite having complicated relations with the Swiss cantons, the Graubünden Leagues refused to give in to the demands of the Duke of Milan. They were attacked by the Duke in Valtellina in the summer of 1566, and one of their forces was defeated north of Lake Mezzola in August 1566. Mobilising their forces, the Graubünden confronted and defeated the Milanese at Val Bregaglia in September 1566, before regaining control of most of Valtellina and carrying out attacks in the Como region in the autumn of 1566. Skirmishes raged between them and the Milanese during this period, but they enjoyed the support of the Swiss Protestant cantons, which united in the League of Glarus. This alliance enabled them to counter the duchy's new attack in February 1567 at the Battle of Bitto and to attack in the Como region at the beginning of March 1567, forcing Francesco II into a truce that restored the status quo.
During the years 1567-1569, the Alliance of the Three Leagues carefully and vigilantly managed the denominational question, seeking to maintain the system that allowed each of its cantons to freely practise the denomination of their choice, while the influence of the Catholic Church grew stronger as a result of the various pontifical policies and tensions were high within the Swiss cantons. This does not prevent the Graubünden Leagues from maintaining good relations with the Protestant cantons. It remained vigilant against the Duchy of Milan and the Habsburgs, whose expansionist intentions in Lower Engandine it mistrusted.
In the late 1560s, the Duchy of Savoy was consolidated under the governance of Louis II of Savoy. He drew inspiration from the French court and the court of Milan to give his duchy a certain prestige. He continued to maintain good relations with the French crown, even though he tried to maintain a certain independence. The Duke maintained some links with the other princes of the empire. However, his relations with the Swiss cantons and the Italian territories were more important. His relations with the Swiss cantons were complicated by Savoyard claims on the Republic of Geneva. He closely watched the tensions within the Swiss confederation, aware that this could give him an opportunity to strengthen his duchy's influence over Geneva and counter Calvinist ideas. His relations with the Duchy of Milan were neutral but cordial, while those with the Republic of Genoa were rather complicated due to the unrest that shook the city from the summer of 1566. Relations between the Duchy of Savoy and the Kingdom of France were, however, strengthened by the rapprochement between the maritime republic and the latter. In dynastic terms, the Duke and his wife gave birth to Charles in autumn 1565, Elisabeth in spring 1567 and Catherine in summer 1568.
(1) Benedict XIII (1394-1423) was Pope of Avignon during the Great Western Schism. Although the Catholic Church has not yet decided whether or not he is an antipope, Giovanni Gerolamo Morone considered him to be one in view of the Reformation.
(2) The Fieschis were among the great Genoese families with the closest ties to the French crown.
(3) Spanish influence and interference were not well perceived by some Genoese, particularly because of the strong ties between the Doria family and the Spanish crowns.
(4) Son of Cesare Fregoso (1500-1561), a Genoese scholar and diplomat who fought alongside Ottaviano Fregoso, Doge of Genoa, in 1513 to reconquer the city, which was ruled by the Adorno family.
(5) This is Massa Marittima.
(6) The land territory of the Republic of Venice.
The end of the 1560s was a special period for the Italian and Swiss territories, marked in particular by the return of local conflicts linked to rivalries between certain cities and territorial or dynastic claims.
The years 1565-1568 saw Gregory XIV seek to put his stamp on the Catholic Church. The Pope strengthened the Roman Inquisition to combat the so-called reformed churches in Italy and beyond. He supported Louis III's Kingdom of Hungary by providing financial aid to combat the Ottoman Empire. The Sovereign Pontiff supported Philip II against Saadian Morocco and lent his support to Francesco II Sforza in his claims to Valtellina, seeing this as an opportunity to weaken the Protestant position in the Swiss cantons. Influenced by the cardinals Alexander Farnese and Ippolito de' Medici, the Pope remained neutral in the conflict between the Duchy of Florence and the Republic of Siena. Gregory XIV continued the architectural projects of his predecessor, as much out of artistic interest as out of a desire to strengthen the influence and prestige of the Catholic Church and embody its triumph over the Protestant movements. Among the cardinals he created were his nephew Luigi Pisani in June 1565 and his compatriot Federico Cornaro in October 1567.
However, the pontiff died in April 1568. In the month following his death, the conclave held to designate his successor saw opposition from various factions, notably that led by Alexander Farnese, that of Luigi Cornaro, who represented the late pope's supporters, and that led by Ippolito de' Medici, who was determined to acquire the position of supreme pontiff. In addition to these internal rivalries, there were also external rivalries between cardinals with French preferences and those with Spanish preferences. Among the favourites were Ippolito de' Medici, Ugo Boncompagni and Giovanni Gerolamo Morone. Thanks to the support of Alexander Farnese and his allies and the Spanish faction, Ippolito de Medici was elected in May 1568 and enthroned as Leo, becoming Leo XI. However, the new pope died at the beginning of June 1568, a few weeks after his election. This precipitated a new conclave, where the choice fell on the dean of the college of cardinals, Giovanni Gerolamo Morone, after around a month of debate in which the various factions struggled to reach agreement and put forward their champion. The new pontiff chose the name Benedict in reference to his role as protector of the Benedictine order, initially becoming Benedict XIV before retracting to Benedict XIII, the previous Benedict XIII being considered an antipope (1).
The new Pope set out to strengthen his relations with the various states of Christendom, seeking in particular to mobilise the Christian powers against the Ottoman Empire, whose success on Rhodes once again increased their threat in the Mediterranean. He continued his predecessor's policy of supporting Louis III of Hungary, who was now facing Sultan Selim II. Benedict XIII particularly developed his links with Emperor Maximilian II in order to be able to develop a policy of reconciliation and reintegration of the Lutherans into the fold of the Church. He maintained the Roman Inquisition, but restricted the extension of their influence and actions beyond the Papal States and the Italian territories where they had established themselves. The Pope undertook to pursue reforms within the Church, with the aim of reconciling the different components of Christianity. He showcased Baroque architecture to make Rome shine and strengthen the appeal of the Catholic Church. His religious policies, particularly that of reconciliation and the reintegration of Lutherans into the Catholic faith, were received with mixed feelings within the Roman Curia and rekindled rumours of his Lutheran sympathies, which had been denied under the pontificate of Gregory XIV. However, the pontifical policy enabled Rome to preserve its lustre and prestige, winning the admiration of foreign representatives and visitors.
On the diplomatic front, Benedict XIII developed important relations with Emperor Maximilian II, who shared his desire to reintegrate the Lutherans into the Catholic Church. He maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, supporting the latter against the Kingdom of Morocco. He maintained important relations with the Kingdom of France. He also intervened in the conflict between Siena and Florence, acting as arbitrator in favour of Siena to counter the influence of the Medici and Farnese families. He developed relations with Mary I of England, some of whose religious policies he supported, even though he was reluctant to grant her the right to appoint English bishops, following the example of the Concordat of Carpentras for the Kingdom of France. Finally, he supported John II of Norway, whom he saw as a valuable ally in the restoration of the Catholic faith in the northern kingdoms.
The years 1565-1569 were a special time for the Duchy of Milan. While its duke, Francesco II, pursued a policy of patronage designed to make his capital one of the most prestigious on the Italian peninsula, surrounding himself with the most brilliant artists and cultured men. The duchy regained some of its former prosperity thanks to trade, even if it had to bear the brunt of the inflation raging throughout Christendom. On the religious front, Francesco II fought resolutely against Protestant ideas, supporting the strengthening of the Roman Inquisition led by Pope Clement VIII, with whom he strengthened his relations, particularly in his plan to recover Valtellina from the Alliance of the Three Leagues.
The Duke also sought to isolate the Grisons Leagues. He secured the neutrality of his other neighbours, notably Charles IX of France and Emperor Maximilian II, in order to be able to carry out his plans. He also obtained the support of Ferdinand of Tyrol, the Emperor's brother, who saw it as an opportunity to extend the territory of the Lower Engadine controlled by the Grisons. The internal divisions within the Swiss Confederation provided him with an opportunity to implement his plan.
These diplomatic negotiations enabled Francesco II to send an ultimatum to the Alliance of the Three Leagues in the spring of 1566, demanding that they cede the region to him. When the Grey Leagues refused, the Duke declared war on them in the summer of 1566 and prepared his forces, justifying his campaign in the name of the Catholic faith. Recruiting Swiss condottieres and mercenaries from Catholic cantons, the Duke of Milan attacked the Como and Valtellina region in July 1566. His forces captured Como at the end of August 1566 and reached Sondrio at the beginning of September 1566. The Milanese moved up towards Chiavenna and met a Grison army north of Lake Mezzola on 13th August 1566. The confrontation was brutal, with the Grisons using the terrain to counter the Milanese attacks. Thanks to the condottieres they had recruited, the Milanese eventually dispersed the Grisons and took Chiavenna on 16th September 1566. The Milanese then turned their attention to Bormio, which they occupied in October 1566. The news that a Grisons army was approaching Chiavenna led the Milanese to return to the latter in an attempt to stop their adversaries. At the beginning of September 1566, the two armies clashed in Val Bregaglia. Unlike the confrontation at Lake Mezzola, the Milanese did not have the numerical advantage and were exhausted by their campaign. Their situation was complicated by the growing problem of paying the mercenaries who made up their forces. All these factors contributed to the Grisons' success in the battle of 8th September 1566, causing part of the Milanese forces to rout. Following this success, the Graubünden regained control of most of Valtellina in the autumn of 1566.
Despite the defeat in Val Bregaglia, Francesco II did not concede defeat and sought to involve Ferdinand of Tyrol in the conflict in order to divide the Graubünden forces, convinced that the confessional divisions between the Swiss cantons would prevent them from supporting the Three League Alliance. In parallel with the new negotiations with the Habsburgs, the Duke of Milan carried out various skirmishes against the Graubünden to weaken their position in the region, but also to prevent them from moving south to threaten him. However, the exchanges with Ferdinand of Tyrol were long and uncertain, with the Count of Tyrol more reluctant to intervene openly in the conflict. He also learned of the formation of the League of Glarus in November 1567 by the Protestant cantons of the eastern part of the Swiss Confederation. Despite these setbacks, Francesco II tried to save the situation and, with difficulty, raised a new army at the beginning of 1567, which he sent to regain control of Valtellina in February 1567. The Milanese came up against the Graubünden army and their allies south of Morbigno in mid-February 1567. The ensuing battle was deadly, with the Milanese failing to break the Graubunden lines in their assaults and with the support of their cannons before a flanking attack failed to bypass the opposing army, causing panic among the Milanese.
Following the further defeat of his forces and the risk of an invasion of his duchy by the Grisons and their allies, Francesco II was urged by his entourage to negotiate a truce with the Alliance of the Three Leagues. The truce was signed between the duchy and the Grison leagues in March 1567, and the status quo was maintained. After the end of the Valtellina War, Francesco II concentrated on reorganising his duchy's finances and resuming his policy of patronage. Despite his failure to retake Valtellina, he continued to keep a close eye on the situation in the Swiss cantons and the Alliance of the Three Leagues, particularly the divisions and tensions that shook the Swiss cantons following the creation of the League of Glarus.
However, Milanese incursions into Valtellina brought the plague to the duchy, while a major epidemic affected the Swiss cantons and, from 1566-1567, the Three League Alliance. Francesco II endeavoured to limit the impact of the epidemic, which struck Como and Brescia particularly hard in 1568-1569.
On the diplomatic front, Francesco II developed important relations with the Habsburgs, particularly Ferdinand of Tyrol, although these did not lead to an alliance. His relations with the Swiss cantons were mixed, with good relations with several of the Catholic cantons and strained relations with the Protestant cantons, particularly due to their support for the Alliance of the Three Leagues. It had a special relationship with the papacy, although the religious policy of Benedict XIII caused some friction between the duchy and the Papal States. Relations with the Republic of Genoa were complex, especially as the events that affected the maritime republic from 1566 onwards rekindled Milan's temptation to reassert its influence over the latter. Francesco II maintained complicated ties with the kingdom of France, particularly as a result of the kingdom's growing influence over the Genoese republic from 1567 onwards. At the end of 1569, the Duke learnt of the death of Charles IX, prompting a mixed reaction from him due to the uncertainties surrounding the intentions of the new French king, Charles X.
The end of the 1560s was a complicated time for the Republic of Genoa. Having replaced his father as admiral and unofficial ruler of Genoa, Giovannia Andrea sought to maintain his position and win over the Albergo factions. He set about restoring the Genoese fleet and strengthening diplomatic ties with Philip II of Spain and trade in the Mediterranean and its various neighbours. Although his relations with the Duchy of Milan were neutral, they remained excellent compared to the uncertain and tense relations with the Kingdom of France and even the Duchy of Savoy, as Louis II was close to the French crown. Relations with Alessandro II de' Medici, on the other hand, were more complex, as the Duke of Florence was very ambitious and wanted to strengthen his dukedom.
The death of Giannettino in 1563 contributed to the strengthening of the Albergi's intrigues and the hostility of some of them towards the Doria, with a strong desire to regain the power lost since the end of the war in the League of Perugia. The Fieschis and the Fregosos joined forces to plot the overthrow of the Doria and the restoration of the doge-for-life system, seeking in particular to influence the election of the biennial doges. Faced with the Albergi's intrigues, Giovanni Andrea sought to counter them in various ways, playing off rivalries with rival families and developing his influence in the City Council. Although he lacked his father's arrogance and Caesarian approach, Giovanni Andrea sought to preserve his family's influence over the Genoese republic. These intrigues culminated in September 1565 in the election of Ottavio Gentile Oderico by the nuovi and vecchi of the City Council, who were partly influenced by Giovanni. Giovanni had supported this candidate, who had no political experience, on the grounds that he was weak and malleable, thus countering his rivals.
Following this election and Giovanni Doria's interference in the city's affairs, some of the Albergo family joined forces to plot against the Doria family and re-establish the previous system. Among the conspirators were Ottobuono Fieschi and Giovanni Luigi Fieschi, the latter distancing himself from his father in his dealings with the Doria. However, the conspirators had difficulty finding outside allies who would support them in overthrowing the Doria and putting an end to the growing Spanish influence in the city. The Fieschis involved in the plot set about contacting the French crown to obtain its support (2) and to be able to implement the plot. Exchanges developed from autumn 1565 onwards, before the conspirators received the support of Charles IX, Louis II of Savoy and Alberico Cybo. On the strength of this support, the conspirators agreed on a plan to seize the Genoese fleet and the city gates, but were divided over the ideal time to carry out their plan: some wanted to act quickly to avoid having their plot exposed, while others wanted to prepare the ground and strike at the most appropriate moment. A compromise was reached with the choice of Easter as the date for the execution of the plot.
On the morning of 14 April 1566, the conspirators led by Giacomo Fieschi and Alberico Cybo set out to seize the Genoese fleet and the gates of Genoa. Faced with the uproar caused by the conspirators' actions, Giovanni barely escaped at sea. The conspirators set out to seize the government with their allies. They managed to seize most of the members of the Council and Ottavio Gentile Oderico. They also captured Giovanni Andrea Doria's wife, Zenobia del Carretto, and the Spanish ambassador in Genoa, not hesitating to kill the latter (3). Having succeeded in seizing Genoa's various nerve centres, the conspirators set up a council to govern the city and reform its political organisation. Ottavio Gentile Oderico remained doge for a time, before having to step down on 17th April 1566. The provisional council that was established sought to re-establish the old system of electing doges. It also took advantage of the situation to confiscate the Doria estates. The new regime set about reforming the city's administration, while preserving many of the advances made under the biennial doges and the Doria. The members of the council also sought the support of their allies to protect Genoa from Giovanni Doria's potential retaliation. The Fieschi family therefore undertook to send a representative to Charles IX to obtain his support and protection. Having learned of Giovanni Doria's presence in Rapallo at the beginning of May 1566, the Council sought to send forces to retake the city and capture the last representative of the Doria family. Despite difficulties in gathering a force due to the hostility of the communes and the need to consolidate control over Genoa, the Council sent a small troop to Rapallo in May 1566. They captured Rapallo after a violent confrontation, but failed to capture Giovanni Doria, who had escaped a short time earlier.
However, their policy was opposed by the communes, who rejected the coup and feared that the Albergo family would reduce their position in the political life of the city. The anger of the communes was gradually fuelled by supporters of the Doria family who had escaped capture and who hoped to pave the way for Giovanni Doria's return. These oppositions were compounded by the development of rivalries among the Albergo, as the great Genoese families sought to regain power and corner it for themselves. These rivalries were exacerbated by divisions over the alliances to be forged to preserve the new regime, even though the assassination of the Spanish ambassador helped to impose the idea of a rapprochement with the kingdom of France. Despite awareness of the risk of Giovanni Doria's return with his allies, the council was divided into factions represented mainly by the various Albergo, but also a small group supporting Alberico Cybo. The latter was seeking to develop a leading position within the council and wanted the support of the Genoese to take back the Marquisate of Massa and the Lordship of Carrara from his brother Giulio as a reward for his support. The refusal or lack of interest shown by the main members of the council led Alberico to plot to obtain a position of choice in Genoa so that he could carry out his plans. These various rivalries were particularly strong with regard to the Fieschi family, who were able to take advantage of their role as leaders of the conspiracy to take the leading role in the council and work to regain the position of doge. However, the Genoese family was also divided by the rivalry between Giovanni Fieschi and his brother Ottobuono, with both men claiming the leading position on the council due to their role in the conspiracy. Although Giovanni Fieschi was elected doge at the beginning of May 1566, he was overthrown by his opponents in the autumn of 1566 and replaced by Alberico Cybo-Malaspina.
The new doge sought to consolidate his position within the city and abroad, by attempting to renew ties with Philip II of Spain. He acceded to the sovereign's request to punish the murderers of his ambassador, having some of those responsible sentenced in November 1566. However, his action helped to provoke hostility from the Fieschi family and some of the other Albergi, while the communes continued to take a dim view of the return of the doge-for-life system at a time when their political weight had been weakened. The new doge sought to prepare his plan to regain control of the seigniory of Carrara and the marquisate of Massa. However, his plan was denounced by the other Albergi, who took a dim view of the misappropriation of public funds for a project that did not concern them. They forced Alberico to resign in January 1567. He was replaced by Cesare Fregoso (4). The new doge set about developing relations with the kingdom of France and the duchy of Savoy to protect the republic from the risks posed by the duchy of Milan or an attempt by Giovanni Doria to regain control of the city. The new doge sought to strengthen Corsica's defences, unwilling to see the deposed admiral attempt to use the island to regain control of the city. He managed to consolidate his position during 1567, even though relations with the Kingdom of Spain were more complicated, particularly due to the rehabilitation of those executed under his predecessor and the survival of Giovanni Doria.
Despite the internal unrest and the vagaries of diplomacy, the Republic of Genoa managed to maintain its trade with its various neighbours, even consolidating its trade with the Kingdom of France. The strengthening of its ties with the kingdom of France led it to gradually fall under the influence of the French crown.
In the late 1560s, the Duchy of Florence was again involved in various events and troubles that affected the region. During this period, Alessandro II undertook to develop Florence to rival Rome and Milan, supporting a major policy of patronage by supporting painters, sculptors and architects, including Agnolo Bronzino and Bartolomeo Ammannati. In particular, he encouraged the development of Baroque art from Rome. In governing his territories, Alessandro continued to rely on his father-in-law Cosme, but increasingly distanced himself from the latter, eager to prove himself and less and less appreciative of Cosme's administrative talents, feeling that he was in Cosme's shadow. His marriage to Madeleine Sforza gave birth to a second daughter, Cecilia, in autumn 1566. A son, Lorenzo, was born in the summer of 1567 but died shortly afterwards.
During this period, Alessandro II also wanted to strengthen his territory and legitimacy by neutralising Florence's rival, Siena. The Duke was determined to defeat the rival city and seize part of its territories. He was all the more determined to act because he wanted to succeed where his father-in-law and mother had failed a decade earlier, and because he took a dim view of the Strozzi presence in Siena, recalling the existence of notable figures defending the republican regime against which the Medici had had problems. He decided to rely on his uncles Ottavio and Rannucio, the former of whom had important claims on Siena. He met them in Cortona in the spring of 1566 and undertook to defend their claims in exchange for some of Siena's territories. The meeting was somewhat tense due to the Farneses' own interests, but an agreement was reached between the Duke of Florence and his uncles. In the summer of 1566, Alessandro II received a representative from Siena asking for the truce between their two cities to be renewed. Duke Medici refused to extend the peace. In preparation for his campaign against the Sienese, the Duke undertook to forge diplomatic links with several of his neighbours and the King of Spain in order to gain support or guarantee their neutrality, particularly in the case of the Papacy through the intermediary of his uncles, Cardinals Farnese and Ippolito de' Medici. In September 1566, he received Giovanni Doria, who asked for his help in recapturing Genoa. The Duke was unable to accede to his guest's request, as he was concentrating on preparing his campaign against Siena. He did, however, allow Giovanni Doria to reach the Kingdom of Naples.
Having assembled an army in the winter of 1566-1567, he attacked Siena in February 1567, putting his father-in-law in charge of the city. Determined to isolate the Sienese Republic from any outside support, he attacked Monterrigioni while his two uncles were passing through Casole d'Elsa. The Duke of Florence laid siege to the fortified city for a fortnight before surrendering. He joined his uncles, who had begun the siege of Siena at the beginning of March 1567. While his forces and those of his uncle Ottavio Farnese continued the siege, those of Rannuccio Farnese undertook a campaign in the south-west to seize the territories close to the coast and isolate Siena from any maritime support. Rannuccio Farnese captured Montieri at the beginning of April 1567 before laying siege to the fortress of Massa (5) at the beginning of April 1567, but had to face a Sienese army led by Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni at the end of April 1567. Rannuccio was killed in the confrontation, while his army was routed by the Sienese.
Alessandro II and his uncle Ottavio Farnese laid siege to Siena during the spring and summer of 1567. They learned of the defeat and death of Rannuccio Farnese at the beginning of May and soon afterwards suffered raids from the forces of Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni. By early summer, the Florentine forces were exhausted and weakened, and the question of payment for the mercenaries arose. Unable to take the city, Alessandro II was forced to lift the siege in June 1567 and retreat to Monterrigioni. Reaching Florence at the beginning of July, he set about reorganising his forces and gathering new ones, but had to ask his father-in-law to help him against the Sienese. At the end of the summer of 1567, on hearing the news of the siege of Monterrigioni by the Sienese, Alessandro II instructed his father-in-law to rescue the garrison. The latter reached Monterrigioni in September 1567, forcing the Sienese to lift the siege. Following this success, Cosimo reinforced the city's garrison and led raids into Sienese territory during the autumn of 1567, before returning to Florence to spend the winter of 1567-1568. At the beginning of 1568, Alessandro II learned of the Sienese attack on Volterra and in March 1568 led a new army in an attempt to bring his adversaries to heel. Accompanied by his uncle Ottavio Farnese, the Duke confronted the Sienese near San Gimignano at the end of March 1568. The battle was violent and saw Alessandro II forced to retreat to Florence. As the Volterra region was hit by the Sienese raids, the Duke of Florence was forced to rely on his father-in-law to resolve the situation. Cosimo de' Medici defeated the Sienese south of Certaldo in mid-April 1568.
At the end of spring 1568, the Florentines were forced to submit to the arbitration of the new Pope, Benedict XIII. He imposed a return to the status quo for both cities in July 1568. Alessandro II resented the imposition of peace and the papal interference. This was compounded by his growing jealousy of his father-in-law Cosimo, whose administrative and military talents made him popular with the Florentine population and undermined Alessandro II's position. A growing rivalry developed between the two men, with Alessandro II now seeking to emancipate himself from his father-in-law and even thinking of getting rid of him, fearing that the Florentines would support Cosimo to his detriment. Alessandro II tried to have Cosme poisoned in the spring of 1569, but failed. Worried that he might be overthrown, he instructed trusted men to assassinate Cosme in May 1569. The attack succeeded, but rumours of Alessandro's involvement spread as Cosimo's brutal death was keenly felt by the Florentine population. Alessandro II's relations with his mother deteriorated as the Pope intervened in the affair in the autumn of 1569, denouncing Cosimo's assassination and demanding that Alessandro II show repentance.
The territory of Siena went through a rather complicated period at the end of the 1560s. Although Peter Strozzi and the governing council continued to provide fairly stable governance for the city, allowing it to prosper economically and artistically, the Sienese found themselves confronted with the ambitions of the Duke of Florence, Alessandro II de' Medici. Having learned of the negotiations between the Medici and the Farnese, Peter Strozzi and the city council sent a representative to negotiate an extension of the truce in the summer of 1566, but were rebuffed by Alessandro II. This led Peter Strozzi and the city council to prepare for the possibility of conflict, seeking allies to counter Alessandro II, in particular from the French crown, and seeking papal arbitration. They received no specific response from Gregory XIV, but were promised potential support from the French, who were backing the new Doge of Genoa. Faced with the imminent risk of conflict, Peter Strozzi sought to recruit an army and strengthen the defences of the Sienese territory. He obtained the services of Astore Baglioni to lead part of the forces charged with defending the Sienese republic.
In February 1567, Siena was attacked by Alessandro II de' Medici and his uncles Ottavio and Rannucio Farnese. On hearing of the fall of Casole d'Elsa and the siege of Monterrigioni, Peter Strozzi and the council raised a militia of almost ten thousand men to defend the city. Siena was besieged by the Farnese forces from mid-March 1567, before Alessandro II joined them. Peter Strozzi organised the city's defences against the Florentines and entrusted his son Philip and Astore Baglioni with the task of preventing the Florentines from moving inland and isolating Siena. While Peter Strozzi effectively defended Siena against Alessandro II, his son and Astore Baglioni defeated Rannuccio Farnese at the Battle of Massa before raiding the Florentines to disrupt their supply lines and force them to lift the siege of Siena in June 1567. Following this success, the Sienese sought to retake the territories that the Florentines had taken from them. Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni attacked Casole d'Elsa at the beginning of July 1567. They recaptured the town before attempting to retake Monterrigioni in August 1567. The siege was difficult and the Sienese almost took it, but in September 1567 they faced a new Sienese army led by Cosimo de' Medici, forcing them to lift the siege and withdraw to Siena. The Republic of Siena was subjected to raids by Cosimo de' Medici during the autumn of 1567, particularly in the Castelnuovo Berardenga region. However, the Sienese took advantage of the winter of 1567-1568 to organise themselves and prepare their defences. Peter Strozzi and the council decided to attack Volterra to force the Florentines on the defensive. They sent an army led by Astore Baglioni and Peter Strozzi in February 1568. The Sienese reached Volterra shortly afterwards and took it after a few days. The Sienese raided the region, taking San Gimignano in particular. However, at the end of March 1568, they came up against the nearby army of Alessandro II and Ottavio de' Medici. The battle was brutal, but Astore Baglioni eventually forced the Florentines to retreat to Florence. The Sienese continued their raids in the region, but were defeated by Cosimo de' Medici in mid-April 1568 near Certaldo, forcing them to retreat to Volterra. Astore Baglioni was seriously wounded in the confrontation and died of his injuries a few days later.
In the summer of 1568, Siena obtained a return to peace thanks to the intervention of Pope Benedict XIII. This allowed the council and Peter Strozzi to concentrate on governing the city and strengthening its ties with the outside world, in particular with the new pontiff and the Republic of Genoa.
In the late 1560s, the Republic of Venice pursued its policy of renewing trade relations with the Ottoman Empire, taking advantage of the new sultan to try and obtain concessions from him. The Serenissima also continued to develop investments in Domini di Terraferma (6), even though the two Doges of the period were not very involved in this policy.
On the diplomatic front, the Serenissima sought to improve its relations with the Ottoman Empire by taking advantage of the advent of the new sultan, Selim II. It also sought to maintain good diplomatic and commercial relations with its neighbours, mainly the Papacy and the Habsburgs. It kept a close eye on the unrest that shook the Republic of Genoa and on Selim II's moves against the latter in the Aegean between 1568 and 1569.
The Swiss cantons faced a complicated and tense situation during the years 1565-1569. The Catholic and Protestant cantons sought to find a compromise that would ensure the stability of the confederation, although the Catholic Church sought to strengthen its presence among the Swiss cantons, while the Protestant cantons sought to preserve their gains. The cantons sought to draw inspiration from the Treaty of Augsburg and the principle of respect for each canton's own religious practices at federal diets. These tensions were compounded by the plague epidemic that had been affecting the region since 1563, and which struck various cantons between 1565 and 1568, devastating several of them.
The divisions and the plague made it difficult to establish a policy of compromise, especially as the tensions between the Alliance of the Three Leagues and the Duchy of Milan further complicated the situation. The Protestant cantons were prepared to support their neighbours and allies in Graubünden, while certain Catholic cantons such as Lucerne and Fribourg were prepared to remain neutral, or even to support Duke Francesco II. These tensions prevented the Swiss cantons from reaching a compromise and led to the Valtellina War between the Alliance of the Three Leagues and Milan in 1566. The Protestant cantons in the east were determined to support the Three League Alliance and united in the League of Glarus in autumn 1566. Despite the constraints resulting from the plague epidemic, the alliance sent men to support the Graubünden against the Milanese, playing a crucial role in the victory at Bitto in February 1567, forcing Francesco II to sign a truce with the Three League Alliance and maintain the status quo in March 1567.
However, this success contributed to heightening tensions between the Catholic and Protestant cantons, with the Catholic cantons fearing that the Protestant cantons would try to carry out the policy pursued under Ulrich Zwingli in the 1530s. These tensions were not helped by the speeches made by certain religious representatives of the Catholic clergy, who warned the Catholic cantons of the risk of a repeat of the Germanic situation, or even of an attack by the Protestant cantons to force the Catholic cantons to give in to their demands. The risk of conflict and religious tensions brought the Federal Diet to an impasse, with unanimity on decisions concerning the status of confessional practice being very difficult to achieve, despite the desire of cantons of both denominations to achieve a situation similar to the Alliance of the Three Leagues, or similar to the Germanic regions with the Treaty of Augsburg. Bern and Fribourg played a significant role in the negotiations at the Federal Diet, as the two cantons had important relations despite their denominational differences. Conversely, the members of the League of Glarus were reluctant to dissolve their alliance, while several of the members of the former Christian Union demanded that they do so. These controversies were compounded by those of the local clergy, with some representatives of the Catholic Church defending local specificities in contrast to the main representatives, such as the Prince-Bishop of Sion. The members of the Diet resigned themselves to a tense status quo, while several Catholic cantons preferred to join forces to avoid the risk of a Protestant backlash.
The years 1568-1569 saw the situation ease somewhat as the Swiss cantons learned of the new papal policy. The Papacy's conciliatory approach towards Protestants enabled some of the cantons to reach agreement and work to maintain peace. Although the League of Glarus and the Christian Union did not disarm each other, they agreed to set up a system similar to that in the lands of the Empire. In the spring of 1569, a treaty was signed in Sion, committing the various cantons to respecting each other's religious practices while maintaining their own. However, the treaty left open the question of the Catholic Church's relationship with the Zwinglians, Lutherans and Calvinists, as the relations between these different reformed churches had not been clarified and the radicalism of Calvinism and the defensive stance of Lutheranism complicated any approach to conciliation.
Diplomatically, the Swiss cantons were divided by their religious differences. Relations with the princes of the empire were good, and imperial policy led to a good relationship with Emperor Maximilian II, although the Habsburg shenanigans in the conflict between Milan and the Alliance of the Three Leagues kept the cantons on their toes. Relations with the French crown were complex, particularly as a result of Charles IX's rapprochement with Louis II of Savoy. Relations with the Duchy of Savoy were complex and tense, as Savoyard claims on the Republic of Geneva continued to exist. The Catholic cantons maintained important relations with the papacy, even if the defence of local specificities constituted a distance from the Holy See. The election of Benedict XIII and the start of a conciliatory policy to try and bring Protestants back into the fold of the Catholic Church eased some of the tensions within the Swiss cantons. Relations with the Alliance of the Three Leagues were complex, with the Protestant cantons strengthening their relations with the cantons of Graubünden. Relations with the Republic of Geneva were complex: the canton of Bern remained an important ally of the city, but controversies within the confederation led it to focus on resolving tensions between the Catholic and Protestant cantons.
The years 1565-1569 were rather complex for the Alliance of the Three Leagues. In spring 1566, they had to face up to the claims of Francesco II Sforza. Despite having complicated relations with the Swiss cantons, the Graubünden Leagues refused to give in to the demands of the Duke of Milan. They were attacked by the Duke in Valtellina in the summer of 1566, and one of their forces was defeated north of Lake Mezzola in August 1566. Mobilising their forces, the Graubünden confronted and defeated the Milanese at Val Bregaglia in September 1566, before regaining control of most of Valtellina and carrying out attacks in the Como region in the autumn of 1566. Skirmishes raged between them and the Milanese during this period, but they enjoyed the support of the Swiss Protestant cantons, which united in the League of Glarus. This alliance enabled them to counter the duchy's new attack in February 1567 at the Battle of Bitto and to attack in the Como region at the beginning of March 1567, forcing Francesco II into a truce that restored the status quo.
During the years 1567-1569, the Alliance of the Three Leagues carefully and vigilantly managed the denominational question, seeking to maintain the system that allowed each of its cantons to freely practise the denomination of their choice, while the influence of the Catholic Church grew stronger as a result of the various pontifical policies and tensions were high within the Swiss cantons. This does not prevent the Graubünden Leagues from maintaining good relations with the Protestant cantons. It remained vigilant against the Duchy of Milan and the Habsburgs, whose expansionist intentions in Lower Engandine it mistrusted.
In the late 1560s, the Duchy of Savoy was consolidated under the governance of Louis II of Savoy. He drew inspiration from the French court and the court of Milan to give his duchy a certain prestige. He continued to maintain good relations with the French crown, even though he tried to maintain a certain independence. The Duke maintained some links with the other princes of the empire. However, his relations with the Swiss cantons and the Italian territories were more important. His relations with the Swiss cantons were complicated by Savoyard claims on the Republic of Geneva. He closely watched the tensions within the Swiss confederation, aware that this could give him an opportunity to strengthen his duchy's influence over Geneva and counter Calvinist ideas. His relations with the Duchy of Milan were neutral but cordial, while those with the Republic of Genoa were rather complicated due to the unrest that shook the city from the summer of 1566. Relations between the Duchy of Savoy and the Kingdom of France were, however, strengthened by the rapprochement between the maritime republic and the latter. In dynastic terms, the Duke and his wife gave birth to Charles in autumn 1565, Elisabeth in spring 1567 and Catherine in summer 1568.
(1) Benedict XIII (1394-1423) was Pope of Avignon during the Great Western Schism. Although the Catholic Church has not yet decided whether or not he is an antipope, Giovanni Gerolamo Morone considered him to be one in view of the Reformation.
(2) The Fieschis were among the great Genoese families with the closest ties to the French crown.
(3) Spanish influence and interference were not well perceived by some Genoese, particularly because of the strong ties between the Doria family and the Spanish crowns.
(4) Son of Cesare Fregoso (1500-1561), a Genoese scholar and diplomat who fought alongside Ottaviano Fregoso, Doge of Genoa, in 1513 to reconquer the city, which was ruled by the Adorno family.
(5) This is Massa Marittima.
(6) The land territory of the Republic of Venice.
1565-1569: Trouble on the Iberian Peninsula
1565-1569: Trouble on the Iberian Peninsula
The end of the 1560s was a rather special period for the Iberian kingdoms, particularly Spain, which found itself involved in various conflicts aimed at preserving its kingdom or the Catholic faith.
In the late 1560s, Philip II faced a series of challenges that complicated his reign, particularly on the domestic and religious fronts. The Spanish king pursued his policy of vigilance and compromise to consolidate his authority over the local assemblies and lords, and took advantage of the wealth of the New World, the Spanish Netherlands and trade to strengthen his kingdom. However, the constraints of a small population and inflation limited his room for manoeuvre. These difficulties were compounded by two major crises in which the religious question played a particular role: the troubles in the Spanish Netherlands and the troubles in the Alpujarras.
The mixed results of the 1564 expedition to Morocco crystallised fears in Spain of a Moroccan threat to the south of the kingdom and strengthened the determination of the Spanish crown to put an end to the religious practice of the Moriscos, fearing that they would support the Moroccans in the event of an invasion. In January 1565, this led the Archbishop of Granada to call for a synod to enforce the decisions of 1526 and to implement a repressive policy towards Moriscos who refused to submit to these decisions. Philip II agreed to the synod, which led to the introduction of the Pragmatica at the beginning of 1566, prohibiting all Morisco practices. The Moriscos tried to negotiate and find a compromise, but Philip II was firm and intransigent, determined to strengthen the Catholic faith in his kingdom and prevent the Moriscos from having a potential ally in his kingdom. The Crown's refusal to amend the Pragmatic Sanction of February 1566 led the Moriscos to prepare a revolt, even though they continued negotiations to obtain concessions on the Synod's decision. During the years 1566-1567, the Spanish authorities arrested a number of Moriscos on suspicion of sedition or seeking to support the Moroccans in a potential invasion project. Despite the numerous arrests, this did not deter the other members of the community from amassing weapons and supplies in caves, determined to defend their culture and faith and fearing exile or the Spanish Inquisition. The main leaders met in the Albaicín (1) to prepare their project. There was disagreement over whether to ask the Kingdom of Morocco for help: some of the chiefs were in favour, while others were reluctant, believing that it was first and foremost a matter of defending their culture and their rights. However, they all agreed in October 1567 to appoint a leader to lead the revolt.
The revolt broke out on Christmas Eve 1567 in the village of Béznar with the enthronement of Hernando de Córdoba y Valór as king. The rebels sought the support of the Moriscos of Granada, but achieved only mixed results. In early 1568, the revolt took a fanatical turn, with the torture and massacre of priests and monks, and the burning and desecration of churches. In response to the revolt in the Alpujarras, the Spanish launched a campaign in the region with two armed forces, one led by the Marquis of Mondéjar to the west of the Alpujarras and the other by the Marquis of Los Veléz to the east. The campaign was carried out in early 1568 and saw atrocities committed by both sides. Although the two commanders led an effective campaign that pushed the revolt to its very limits, their rivalry and the violence of the Spanish atrocities against the Moriscos helped to strengthen the revolt with the support of the lowland towns. From the summer of 1568, this local support was joined by that of the Kingdom of Morocco, as Abdallah el-Ghalib sought to take advantage of the revolt to try and weaken his Christian rival. Moroccan support came in the form of reinforcements and, above all, raids against the Spanish coast and Spanish enclaves, particularly Oran. The rebels waged a war of skirmishes, taking advantage of the complex terrain of the Sierras and avoiding confrontations on open ground.
Faced with the strengthening of the rebels and the support of the Moroccans, the Spanish deployed their fleet to defend their coasts and dissuade any ships from Morocco from approaching the Andalusian shores. Philip II also replaced the Marquis of Mondéjar with Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens in the late spring of 1568. During 1568, the region was marked by atrocities on both sides, with the Spanish trying to contain the rebel attacks and Granada finding itself somewhat isolated for a time due to the raids by the rebels and their Moroccan allies. With the support of the Marquis of Los Veléz and Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, Duke of Sessa, Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens launched a new military campaign at the beginning of 1569 in the Pitres-Poqueira region, besieging Galera in a violent siege. During his campaign, his forces dwindled due to desertions and his progress was hampered by the resistance of the Moriscos, but by the end of the spring of 1569 he had managed to win the Serón region and move closer to the Alpujarras. In April 1569, the Spanish attacked the Alpujarras in force, Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens to the west, Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba to the north and the Marquis of Veléz to the east. The Spaniards destroyed every last one they encountered, killing all those who resisted and taking the survivors prisoner. However, their advance was slowed by the violent resistance of the Moriscos and their Moroccan allies, who used all the features of the sierras to delay their adversaries. Despite the difficulties, losses and desertions, the Spanish managed to penetrate to the heart of the Alpujarras, forcing some of the rebels to surrender in the autumn of 1569. However, some of them continued to resist at the end of the year, led by Aben Abou.
On the dynastic front, Philip II saw the birth of his daughter Marie-Jeanne in the autumn of 1567. His relations with his heir, Prince Charles, deteriorated further during this period, not least because of the increasing attention Philip II paid to his half-brother Diego. The deterioration in relations between the king and his heir led the latter to seek allies, particularly among the local nobility. He also drew closer to the representatives of the Spanish Netherlands, who were increasingly annoyed by the policies being pursued in their territory. Finally, the Prince exchanged views with John IV of Navarre, promising the latter to return Upper Navarre to him in exchange for his support in defending his position as heir should he lose his position to his half-brothers. In so doing, the Prince drew closer to Charles IX of France. These various dealings were reported to his father in 1567, who sought to have him arrested. The Prince narrowly escaped arrest and took refuge with John IV of Navarre in the summer of 1567. Philip II denounced his son as a traitor and in autumn 1567 appointed his son Diego as his new heir. Charles of Austria stayed at the Château de Foix and in the autumn of 1567 met representatives of Charles IX, who was keen to gain the support of the King of France in his claims and to revive his exchanges with the Malcontent party. Although the initial exchanges were unsuccessful, Charles was allowed to return to the Château d'Amboise in the winter of 1567-1568, while John IV of Navarre was under pressure from Philip II. This change of location enabled the deposed prince to meet Charles IX. The meeting was complicated by the prince's character and Charles IX's scruples, but an agreement was reached with the prospect of meeting representatives of the Malcontents of the Sixteen Provinces. At the beginning of 1568, Charles met representatives of the House of Orange and the Count of Egmont near Saint-Dizier, where negotiations were held between the Malcontents and the French crown. The Treaty of Saint-Dizier was concluded in February 1568, enabling Charles of Austria to become the leader of the Malcontents and to have the support of the French crown. He took part in the 1568 campaign, forcing his father Philip II to increase the presence of military forces in the Spanish Netherlands to neutralise his rebellious son.
On the diplomatic front, Philip II had very complicated relations with John IV of Navarre and Charles IX of France due to territorial disputes. Philip II did not know how to resolve the problem of Upper Navarre with John IV, who had drawn closer to Charles IX of France. Relations deteriorated further when Prince Charles took refuge with the King of Navarre. Relations with the King of France were strained, particularly because of his support for the Republic of Genoa after the events of summer 1566 and the French crown's support for his eldest son from 1568. The King of Spain's relations with the Republic of Genoa were complex and changeable due to the circumstances and the instability that returned to the city: links with the maritime city were very strong with the governance of the Doria family, but the overthrow of the latter and the assassination of its ambassador contributed to making exchanges between Philip II and the new leaders of the republic hostile, the sovereign being ready to support the claims of Giovanni Andrea Doria when the latter offered his services and his wish to regain control of Genoa. The execution of his ambassador's murderers in early 1567 eased tensions between the Spanish crown and the maritime republic, but the arrival of Cesare Fregoso as doge in late spring 1567 helped to rekindle tensions, particularly as a result of the rehabilitation of the Spanish ambassador's murderers and the Genoese republic's rapprochement with the French crown. However, the unrest in the Spanish Netherlands and in the territory of Granada diverted Philip II's attention from the Maritime Republic. He did, however, put Giovanni Doria in charge of the Spanish fleet responsible for guarding the coasts to prevent the Moroccans from attempting initiatives that would threaten his kingdom. Philip II maintained important but complex relations with the papacy, particularly as a result of the conciliatory policies pursued by Benedict XIII from 1569 onwards. He developed relations with the Duchy of Florence and the Kingdom of England during this period. Lastly, he had important relations with his cousin Maximilian II, although they disagreed on the confessional question. He consolidated his relations with the Kingdom of Portugal, particularly in the context of the latent conflict with the Kingdom of Morocco. The Spanish sovereign was in latent conflict with Abdallah el-Ghalib, who was determined to prevent the expansion of the Cherifian kingdom and its involvement in the Morisco rebellion.
At the end of the 1560s, tensions in the Spanish Netherlands increased as a result of a number of factors. Poor harvests in 1565 put the Sixteen Provinces in a complicated position when it came to meeting its needs, even if trade with its neighbours partly offset the losses. These tensions were exacerbated by the religious quarrels that divided the territory: the rhetoric of Calvinist preachers was countered by the actions of the Spanish authorities and the Spanish Inquisition, which was beginning to establish itself in the Sixteen Provinces. The reinforcement of the policies pursued by Ferdinand d'Alvare de Tolède crystallised tensions within the Dutch and Flemish nobility: René de Chalon and Charles de Berlaymont were among those who supported the crown, while Lamoral d'Egmont and others denounced the policies pursued in the name of Philip II and defended the rights and freedoms of the Sixteen Provinces. In so doing, they drew closer to Prince Charles, who claimed to defend their interests and wanted their support to be able to defend his position as heir to the crown.
Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo endeavoured to resolve the difficulties affecting the Sixteen Provinces while pursuing his policies, particularly in the fight against the spread of Calvinist ideas. However, the governor sought to maintain good relations with the local nobility and made compromises whenever possible to appease those who were opposed or hostile to his policies, whom some of his aides began to nickname the Malcontents.
While the divisions between the opponents of the Governor of the Netherlands and the strict religious discipline hampered the development of any movement during the years 1565-1566, the growing tensions and news from Spain helped to blur the differences and obstacles. In the spring of 1566, a group of nobles organised around Philippe de Marnix, Henri de Brederode and William and Louis de Nassau, presented a petition to Ferdinand d'Alvare of Toledo asking him to moderate the religious policy and activities of the Inquisition. The governor was reluctant to accede to their requests, but agreed to think about it. The governor and his advisors considered the matter but decided to refer to Philip II before making a decision. The governor's response aroused discontent among the Malcontents, although the more moderate and those close to the governor sought to appease their anger. The governor's apparent refusal to accept the so-called "Compromise of the Nobles" served to reinforce the anger of certain sections of the population, stirred up by Calvinist preachers. This led to iconoclastic incidents in June 1566, particularly in Brabant and Zeeland. The Duke of Alba undertook to set up garrisons in the cities affected to restore order, even asking Philip II to send reinforcements to enable him to re-establish order. He also decided not to accept the compromise proposed by the nobility, despite the insistence of the petitioners. While most of the nobility denounced the acts of iconoclasm, the petitioners and the Malcontents movement were disappointed and furious at the governor's final refusal and the strengthening of religious policies in the Sixteen Provinces. The nobles close to the governor tried to calm the situation, but their efforts were in vain as repression intensified against the Calvinists, particularly during the uprising in Valenciennes in the autumn of 1566. Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo sent a force to regain control of the city, despite the demands of Philippe de Noircarmes, the stadhouder of Hainaut, who first wanted to obtain the reopening of the city through negotiation. A siege began in October 1566, in which the stadhouder of Hainaut was forced to take part if he did not want to find himself at odds with the Duke of Alba. During the autumn and winter of 1566-1567, the Spanish carried out an intense siege and defeated a relief force that was trying to clear the siege. The defeated prisoners were executed as rebels. At the beginning of December 1566, the Spanish bombarded the city, forcing it to surrender before inflicting heavy punishment, including the execution of Guy de Brès and Pérégrin de la Grange, two prominent Calvinists living in the city.
The campaign against Valenciennes and its repression caused great concern among the local nobility, helping to strengthen and radicalise the Malcontents movement. Among the latter, Lamoral d'Egmont and the Nassau d'Orange preferred to leave the Sixteen Provinces for fear of being arrested for their Calvinist sympathies. Philippe de Montmorency-Nivelle, on the other hand, was arrested in February 1567 when the titles and property of the nobles who had fled were taken away from them. The exiled nobles sought to build up their forces and agree on common objectives. Lamoral d'Egmont was appointed leader of the movement because of his military and political experience. The loss of their titles and their weak or non-existent links outside the Spanish Netherlands meant that they were hard pressed to find allies and forces to recruit. However, the Malcontents were welcomed by William V of Cleves, who was a neighbour in the Spanish Netherlands, even though the Duke preferred to remain neutral in his potential support for the exiled lords. Through the Duke and his wife Marguerite, the Count of Egmont and his allies began to make contact with the French crown in the spring of 1567, despite their reservations and reticence. They sought to make contact with other princes of empires and even the King of Denmark, Frederick II. Despite reservations, they finally made contact with René de Chalon's cousin, William of Nassau-Dillenbourg, who and his brothers were convinced Lutherans and princes of empire. William did not immediately commit himself to supporting the Malcontents, but his brothers Louis and Adolphe joined Lamoral d'Egmont in offering their services.
During 1567, order and peace seemed to reign in the Sixteen Provinces. But anger at the Duke of Alba's brutal policies strengthened the Malcontents' camp, especially as arrests of nobles deemed too close to the Calvinists multiplied during the period. The weakness of the Malcontents seemed to ensure that the governor had no real threat. However, his policies and the arrest of the Earl of Hornes also helped to reinforce divisions and antagonisms among the nobles who remained loyal to the crown. There was a particularly heated dispute between the Governor and the Prince of Orange, René de Chalon, with Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo beginning to distrust the latter, while René disapproved of the way the Governor was managing the Sixteen Provinces, less and less as a territory in its own right and more as a Spanish province. These disagreements erupted with the Quarrel of Ghent in May 1567, when the governor accused René de Chalon of being in contact with Prince Charles and of seeking sedition. This conflict led to a rift between the two men, culminating in René de Chalon's departure to his lands in Orange. René initially refused, as his disagreements with the Duke of Alba had not marred his loyalty to the Habsburgs, despite his criticism of the policy developed for the Sixteen Provinces. The situation changed in autumn 1567 when he heard of Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo's intention to send his son to Spain. For the Prince of Orange, the intention was clear: his son would be used as a hostage to dissuade him from joining the Malcontents. In November 1567, René made contact with Lamoral d'Egmont and eventually joined the Malcontent party in the winter of 1567-1568. His rallying strengthened the Malcontent party and enabled the exiled nobles to make contact with Nicolas II of Lorraine and to strengthen exchanges with the French crown, especially as Charles of Austria joined the kingdom of France during this period. These exchanges culminated in the meeting and Treaty of Saint-Dizier in March 1568, when the French crown pledged its support to the Malcontents and allowed Charles of Austria to join the movement.
These events strengthened the Malcontent party and enabled them to recruit various armed forces, but differences divided the main leaders, particularly on religious issues and military strategy or objectives, with the Malcontent nobles seeking first and foremost to defend the interests of the Sixteen Provinces when Charles of Austria now wished to resume his position as heir and denounce his father. The disagreements were all the stronger because the difficult character of the exiled prince made compromise difficult. In the spring of 1568, however, many of the differences were ironed out and a strategy was put in place with two armies, one led by Charles of Austria and René de Chalon to the south, while the Count of Egmont led another to the north. The Malcontents and the deposed prince also established links with Duke William V of Cleves and Duke Nicholas II of Lorraine, although the latter remained neutral in the quarrels between the Malcontents and the Duke of Alba.
In May 1568, Charles of Austria and René de Chalon crossed the Meuse after obtaining the support of Maastricht. Accompanied by an army of twelve thousand men, they advanced on Brussels with the intention of taking it and forcing the Duke of Alba to give in to their demands. In mid-May 1568, Lamoral d'Egmont and Joost de Soete entered Holland with an army of seven thousand men. The Count succeeded in rallying certain territories and defeated a loyalist army near Geten (2). He sought the support of Groningen, but its representatives refused, forcing him to lay siege to the city.
Faced with the Malcontent attack, Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo raised an army and went to meet the forces of René de Chalon and Charles of Austria. The approach of the Duke of Alba's army led the Prince of Orange to want to avoid him, but Charles of Austria was determined to confront the Duke in the hope of winning him over and, if not, consolidating his position with a prestigious victory. The two armies met east of Tienen at the end of May 1568. The meeting between the deposed prince and the governor failed and led to a confrontation between the two armies. Despite the military skills and advice of the Prince of Orange, Charles of Austria and his forces were crushed by the army of Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo and forced to flee, half of his army destroyed in the confrontation. After this success, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo pursued the remnants of the deposed prince's forces as far as Maastricht, but had to give up his attempt to take the city as the threat from the Count of Egmont's forces grew stronger with the capture of Groningen at the beginning of June 1568 and threatened Zwolle and Utrecht. Moving north, the Duke sought to intercept the second opposing army. Lamoral d'Egmont retreated to Emmen, which he occupied in June 1568. His army narrowly escaped Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo as it crossed the Ems north of Haren towards the end of June 1568. Despite his failure to neutralise the Count of Egmont's army, the Duke of Alba set about regaining control of the region during July 1568. Returning to Brussels at the beginning of August 1568, he had the Count of Hornes executed and further strengthened repression and military governance of the Sixteen Provinces. Shortly afterwards, he laid siege to Maastricht in September 1568, the city having been reinforced by forces sent by Lamoral d'Egmont to defend the city and secure the loyalist army.
In the autumn of 1568, the rest of Count d'Egmont's forces led a new campaign with the help of René de Chalon and Charles of Austria. Crossing the Meuse near Ruremonde in early October 1568, the Malcontents advanced on Antwerp with the intention of making it a strategic location for their forces and gaining access to the North Sea. As they reached Meerhout shortly before mid-October, the deposed prince and his allies learned of the fall of Maastricht and the Duke of Alba's advance to intercept their forces. Seeking to avoid a confrontation with the governor, the forces of the Malcontents moved up towards the territories of Gelderland. They crossed the Ems at Venlo, but were attacked by the Duke of Alba there at the end of October 1568. Clashes raged for several hours, during which the Malcontent forces contained the Spanish assaults to allow part of the army to withdraw. The Duke of Alba finally broke through the opposing defences and forced his opponents into a rout, which he exploited with his cavalry. The rearguard of the forces of Charles of Austria and his allies were massacred by the Spaniards, while the rest of the army had difficulty escaping the pursuit of the horsemen of Ferdinand Alvaro of Toledo.
The success of Venlo enabled the Duke of Alba to consolidate his authority over the Spanish Netherlands and neutralise the threat of the Malcontents, even though he stepped up the surveillance of the borders of the Sixteen Provinces and increased the repression of Calvinists and those close to the Malcontents, forcing certain sections of the population to flee to the lands of the Empire. For their part, Charles of Austria and his allies reorganised themselves in the Principality of Orange, but major divisions emerged between the main leaders, particularly over objectives, with some thinking of breaking away from the Spanish crown. Although the support of the French crown enabled the Malcontents to reorganise their forces, they were nevertheless fairly isolated, as the princes of empire were uncertain or wary of supporting them when they had the former heir to the Spanish crown in their ranks. The announcement of the death of Charles IX of France in the autumn of 1569 worried the Malcontents, who feared that the new sovereign would give up supporting them, leading Charles of Austria to seek a meeting with Charles X to negotiate with him.
During the late 1560s, the Kingdom of Portugal continued to benefit from the regency of Cardinal Henry of Evora on behalf of his grand-nephew, Alexander I. The latter continued his political and military training while being imbued with a deep religious feeling. The regency ended in 1568 when the young sovereign came of age. His character was religious, austere and chaste, but at the same time violent, fiery and even despotic. Alexander I was passionate about all bodily exercises and, at the beginning of his reign, left bits of power to his grandmother Catherine of Castile. The young sovereign surrounded himself with courtiers who encouraged his bellicose character, leading him to plan a campaign against Morocco to spread the Christian faith and put an end to the threat posed by the Saadian dynasty. For his plans, he demanded funds from the Church and began to levy additional taxes on the population. Within the court, rivalries and struggles for influence developed between his grandmother and her opponents, who were determined to play a central role with the young king.
The Kingdom of Portugal continued to develop its influence and relations in the Indian Ocean and Asia, in particular strengthening its influence on the Indian coast and in South-East Asia. They developed their relations with local kingdoms from Ethiopia to Japan. They continued to develop their colony in Brazil, in particular to avoid French interference. Relations with the Kingdom of Morocco and the Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, remained more tense and conflictual. The Portuguese sought to protect their enclaves from the Moroccans, particularly from 1568 with the start of the personal reign of Alexander I, although attacks on the remaining enclaves were reduced by the latent conflict between Morocco and Spain. On the other hand, clashes and conflicts with the Ottomans intensified during this period in the Red Sea, with the Ottoman fleet carrying out another major raid against the Portuguese possessions in Yemen in 1567, where they managed to take Aden, although the fort of Kamaran remained in Portuguese hands, the latter taking advantage of this to carry out piratical actions against the Ottomans in the region and hinder their expansion.
On the diplomatic front, although the Kingdom of Portugal's initial relations with the Kingdom of Spain remained cordial, a certain disagreement began to emerge between Alexander I and Philip II due to their divergent interests in Morocco. While Philip II was prepared to ally himself with the King of Portugal to counter the Saadian dynasty, Alexander I took a dim view of what he perceived as the Spanish sovereign's interference in what he increasingly saw as his own backyard, even though the idea of allying himself with his neighbour and relative as part of what he saw as a new crusade was a strong one. The young sovereign set about forging other links, in particular with the kingdom of England, and strengthened his relations with the papacy, even though Benedict XIII's conciliatory policy was viewed with some incomprehension at the Portuguese court. Relations with the French crown were fairly neutral, but the growing number of expeditions to the coasts of Africa and the Indian Ocean contributed to the emergence of strong tensions between the two kingdoms.
(1) Morisco district of Granada.
(2) Former name of Gieten.
The end of the 1560s was a rather special period for the Iberian kingdoms, particularly Spain, which found itself involved in various conflicts aimed at preserving its kingdom or the Catholic faith.
In the late 1560s, Philip II faced a series of challenges that complicated his reign, particularly on the domestic and religious fronts. The Spanish king pursued his policy of vigilance and compromise to consolidate his authority over the local assemblies and lords, and took advantage of the wealth of the New World, the Spanish Netherlands and trade to strengthen his kingdom. However, the constraints of a small population and inflation limited his room for manoeuvre. These difficulties were compounded by two major crises in which the religious question played a particular role: the troubles in the Spanish Netherlands and the troubles in the Alpujarras.
The mixed results of the 1564 expedition to Morocco crystallised fears in Spain of a Moroccan threat to the south of the kingdom and strengthened the determination of the Spanish crown to put an end to the religious practice of the Moriscos, fearing that they would support the Moroccans in the event of an invasion. In January 1565, this led the Archbishop of Granada to call for a synod to enforce the decisions of 1526 and to implement a repressive policy towards Moriscos who refused to submit to these decisions. Philip II agreed to the synod, which led to the introduction of the Pragmatica at the beginning of 1566, prohibiting all Morisco practices. The Moriscos tried to negotiate and find a compromise, but Philip II was firm and intransigent, determined to strengthen the Catholic faith in his kingdom and prevent the Moriscos from having a potential ally in his kingdom. The Crown's refusal to amend the Pragmatic Sanction of February 1566 led the Moriscos to prepare a revolt, even though they continued negotiations to obtain concessions on the Synod's decision. During the years 1566-1567, the Spanish authorities arrested a number of Moriscos on suspicion of sedition or seeking to support the Moroccans in a potential invasion project. Despite the numerous arrests, this did not deter the other members of the community from amassing weapons and supplies in caves, determined to defend their culture and faith and fearing exile or the Spanish Inquisition. The main leaders met in the Albaicín (1) to prepare their project. There was disagreement over whether to ask the Kingdom of Morocco for help: some of the chiefs were in favour, while others were reluctant, believing that it was first and foremost a matter of defending their culture and their rights. However, they all agreed in October 1567 to appoint a leader to lead the revolt.
The revolt broke out on Christmas Eve 1567 in the village of Béznar with the enthronement of Hernando de Córdoba y Valór as king. The rebels sought the support of the Moriscos of Granada, but achieved only mixed results. In early 1568, the revolt took a fanatical turn, with the torture and massacre of priests and monks, and the burning and desecration of churches. In response to the revolt in the Alpujarras, the Spanish launched a campaign in the region with two armed forces, one led by the Marquis of Mondéjar to the west of the Alpujarras and the other by the Marquis of Los Veléz to the east. The campaign was carried out in early 1568 and saw atrocities committed by both sides. Although the two commanders led an effective campaign that pushed the revolt to its very limits, their rivalry and the violence of the Spanish atrocities against the Moriscos helped to strengthen the revolt with the support of the lowland towns. From the summer of 1568, this local support was joined by that of the Kingdom of Morocco, as Abdallah el-Ghalib sought to take advantage of the revolt to try and weaken his Christian rival. Moroccan support came in the form of reinforcements and, above all, raids against the Spanish coast and Spanish enclaves, particularly Oran. The rebels waged a war of skirmishes, taking advantage of the complex terrain of the Sierras and avoiding confrontations on open ground.
Faced with the strengthening of the rebels and the support of the Moroccans, the Spanish deployed their fleet to defend their coasts and dissuade any ships from Morocco from approaching the Andalusian shores. Philip II also replaced the Marquis of Mondéjar with Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens in the late spring of 1568. During 1568, the region was marked by atrocities on both sides, with the Spanish trying to contain the rebel attacks and Granada finding itself somewhat isolated for a time due to the raids by the rebels and their Moroccan allies. With the support of the Marquis of Los Veléz and Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, Duke of Sessa, Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens launched a new military campaign at the beginning of 1569 in the Pitres-Poqueira region, besieging Galera in a violent siege. During his campaign, his forces dwindled due to desertions and his progress was hampered by the resistance of the Moriscos, but by the end of the spring of 1569 he had managed to win the Serón region and move closer to the Alpujarras. In April 1569, the Spanish attacked the Alpujarras in force, Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens to the west, Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba to the north and the Marquis of Veléz to the east. The Spaniards destroyed every last one they encountered, killing all those who resisted and taking the survivors prisoner. However, their advance was slowed by the violent resistance of the Moriscos and their Moroccan allies, who used all the features of the sierras to delay their adversaries. Despite the difficulties, losses and desertions, the Spanish managed to penetrate to the heart of the Alpujarras, forcing some of the rebels to surrender in the autumn of 1569. However, some of them continued to resist at the end of the year, led by Aben Abou.
On the dynastic front, Philip II saw the birth of his daughter Marie-Jeanne in the autumn of 1567. His relations with his heir, Prince Charles, deteriorated further during this period, not least because of the increasing attention Philip II paid to his half-brother Diego. The deterioration in relations between the king and his heir led the latter to seek allies, particularly among the local nobility. He also drew closer to the representatives of the Spanish Netherlands, who were increasingly annoyed by the policies being pursued in their territory. Finally, the Prince exchanged views with John IV of Navarre, promising the latter to return Upper Navarre to him in exchange for his support in defending his position as heir should he lose his position to his half-brothers. In so doing, the Prince drew closer to Charles IX of France. These various dealings were reported to his father in 1567, who sought to have him arrested. The Prince narrowly escaped arrest and took refuge with John IV of Navarre in the summer of 1567. Philip II denounced his son as a traitor and in autumn 1567 appointed his son Diego as his new heir. Charles of Austria stayed at the Château de Foix and in the autumn of 1567 met representatives of Charles IX, who was keen to gain the support of the King of France in his claims and to revive his exchanges with the Malcontent party. Although the initial exchanges were unsuccessful, Charles was allowed to return to the Château d'Amboise in the winter of 1567-1568, while John IV of Navarre was under pressure from Philip II. This change of location enabled the deposed prince to meet Charles IX. The meeting was complicated by the prince's character and Charles IX's scruples, but an agreement was reached with the prospect of meeting representatives of the Malcontents of the Sixteen Provinces. At the beginning of 1568, Charles met representatives of the House of Orange and the Count of Egmont near Saint-Dizier, where negotiations were held between the Malcontents and the French crown. The Treaty of Saint-Dizier was concluded in February 1568, enabling Charles of Austria to become the leader of the Malcontents and to have the support of the French crown. He took part in the 1568 campaign, forcing his father Philip II to increase the presence of military forces in the Spanish Netherlands to neutralise his rebellious son.
On the diplomatic front, Philip II had very complicated relations with John IV of Navarre and Charles IX of France due to territorial disputes. Philip II did not know how to resolve the problem of Upper Navarre with John IV, who had drawn closer to Charles IX of France. Relations deteriorated further when Prince Charles took refuge with the King of Navarre. Relations with the King of France were strained, particularly because of his support for the Republic of Genoa after the events of summer 1566 and the French crown's support for his eldest son from 1568. The King of Spain's relations with the Republic of Genoa were complex and changeable due to the circumstances and the instability that returned to the city: links with the maritime city were very strong with the governance of the Doria family, but the overthrow of the latter and the assassination of its ambassador contributed to making exchanges between Philip II and the new leaders of the republic hostile, the sovereign being ready to support the claims of Giovanni Andrea Doria when the latter offered his services and his wish to regain control of Genoa. The execution of his ambassador's murderers in early 1567 eased tensions between the Spanish crown and the maritime republic, but the arrival of Cesare Fregoso as doge in late spring 1567 helped to rekindle tensions, particularly as a result of the rehabilitation of the Spanish ambassador's murderers and the Genoese republic's rapprochement with the French crown. However, the unrest in the Spanish Netherlands and in the territory of Granada diverted Philip II's attention from the Maritime Republic. He did, however, put Giovanni Doria in charge of the Spanish fleet responsible for guarding the coasts to prevent the Moroccans from attempting initiatives that would threaten his kingdom. Philip II maintained important but complex relations with the papacy, particularly as a result of the conciliatory policies pursued by Benedict XIII from 1569 onwards. He developed relations with the Duchy of Florence and the Kingdom of England during this period. Lastly, he had important relations with his cousin Maximilian II, although they disagreed on the confessional question. He consolidated his relations with the Kingdom of Portugal, particularly in the context of the latent conflict with the Kingdom of Morocco. The Spanish sovereign was in latent conflict with Abdallah el-Ghalib, who was determined to prevent the expansion of the Cherifian kingdom and its involvement in the Morisco rebellion.
At the end of the 1560s, tensions in the Spanish Netherlands increased as a result of a number of factors. Poor harvests in 1565 put the Sixteen Provinces in a complicated position when it came to meeting its needs, even if trade with its neighbours partly offset the losses. These tensions were exacerbated by the religious quarrels that divided the territory: the rhetoric of Calvinist preachers was countered by the actions of the Spanish authorities and the Spanish Inquisition, which was beginning to establish itself in the Sixteen Provinces. The reinforcement of the policies pursued by Ferdinand d'Alvare de Tolède crystallised tensions within the Dutch and Flemish nobility: René de Chalon and Charles de Berlaymont were among those who supported the crown, while Lamoral d'Egmont and others denounced the policies pursued in the name of Philip II and defended the rights and freedoms of the Sixteen Provinces. In so doing, they drew closer to Prince Charles, who claimed to defend their interests and wanted their support to be able to defend his position as heir to the crown.
Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo endeavoured to resolve the difficulties affecting the Sixteen Provinces while pursuing his policies, particularly in the fight against the spread of Calvinist ideas. However, the governor sought to maintain good relations with the local nobility and made compromises whenever possible to appease those who were opposed or hostile to his policies, whom some of his aides began to nickname the Malcontents.
While the divisions between the opponents of the Governor of the Netherlands and the strict religious discipline hampered the development of any movement during the years 1565-1566, the growing tensions and news from Spain helped to blur the differences and obstacles. In the spring of 1566, a group of nobles organised around Philippe de Marnix, Henri de Brederode and William and Louis de Nassau, presented a petition to Ferdinand d'Alvare of Toledo asking him to moderate the religious policy and activities of the Inquisition. The governor was reluctant to accede to their requests, but agreed to think about it. The governor and his advisors considered the matter but decided to refer to Philip II before making a decision. The governor's response aroused discontent among the Malcontents, although the more moderate and those close to the governor sought to appease their anger. The governor's apparent refusal to accept the so-called "Compromise of the Nobles" served to reinforce the anger of certain sections of the population, stirred up by Calvinist preachers. This led to iconoclastic incidents in June 1566, particularly in Brabant and Zeeland. The Duke of Alba undertook to set up garrisons in the cities affected to restore order, even asking Philip II to send reinforcements to enable him to re-establish order. He also decided not to accept the compromise proposed by the nobility, despite the insistence of the petitioners. While most of the nobility denounced the acts of iconoclasm, the petitioners and the Malcontents movement were disappointed and furious at the governor's final refusal and the strengthening of religious policies in the Sixteen Provinces. The nobles close to the governor tried to calm the situation, but their efforts were in vain as repression intensified against the Calvinists, particularly during the uprising in Valenciennes in the autumn of 1566. Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo sent a force to regain control of the city, despite the demands of Philippe de Noircarmes, the stadhouder of Hainaut, who first wanted to obtain the reopening of the city through negotiation. A siege began in October 1566, in which the stadhouder of Hainaut was forced to take part if he did not want to find himself at odds with the Duke of Alba. During the autumn and winter of 1566-1567, the Spanish carried out an intense siege and defeated a relief force that was trying to clear the siege. The defeated prisoners were executed as rebels. At the beginning of December 1566, the Spanish bombarded the city, forcing it to surrender before inflicting heavy punishment, including the execution of Guy de Brès and Pérégrin de la Grange, two prominent Calvinists living in the city.
The campaign against Valenciennes and its repression caused great concern among the local nobility, helping to strengthen and radicalise the Malcontents movement. Among the latter, Lamoral d'Egmont and the Nassau d'Orange preferred to leave the Sixteen Provinces for fear of being arrested for their Calvinist sympathies. Philippe de Montmorency-Nivelle, on the other hand, was arrested in February 1567 when the titles and property of the nobles who had fled were taken away from them. The exiled nobles sought to build up their forces and agree on common objectives. Lamoral d'Egmont was appointed leader of the movement because of his military and political experience. The loss of their titles and their weak or non-existent links outside the Spanish Netherlands meant that they were hard pressed to find allies and forces to recruit. However, the Malcontents were welcomed by William V of Cleves, who was a neighbour in the Spanish Netherlands, even though the Duke preferred to remain neutral in his potential support for the exiled lords. Through the Duke and his wife Marguerite, the Count of Egmont and his allies began to make contact with the French crown in the spring of 1567, despite their reservations and reticence. They sought to make contact with other princes of empires and even the King of Denmark, Frederick II. Despite reservations, they finally made contact with René de Chalon's cousin, William of Nassau-Dillenbourg, who and his brothers were convinced Lutherans and princes of empire. William did not immediately commit himself to supporting the Malcontents, but his brothers Louis and Adolphe joined Lamoral d'Egmont in offering their services.
During 1567, order and peace seemed to reign in the Sixteen Provinces. But anger at the Duke of Alba's brutal policies strengthened the Malcontents' camp, especially as arrests of nobles deemed too close to the Calvinists multiplied during the period. The weakness of the Malcontents seemed to ensure that the governor had no real threat. However, his policies and the arrest of the Earl of Hornes also helped to reinforce divisions and antagonisms among the nobles who remained loyal to the crown. There was a particularly heated dispute between the Governor and the Prince of Orange, René de Chalon, with Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo beginning to distrust the latter, while René disapproved of the way the Governor was managing the Sixteen Provinces, less and less as a territory in its own right and more as a Spanish province. These disagreements erupted with the Quarrel of Ghent in May 1567, when the governor accused René de Chalon of being in contact with Prince Charles and of seeking sedition. This conflict led to a rift between the two men, culminating in René de Chalon's departure to his lands in Orange. René initially refused, as his disagreements with the Duke of Alba had not marred his loyalty to the Habsburgs, despite his criticism of the policy developed for the Sixteen Provinces. The situation changed in autumn 1567 when he heard of Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo's intention to send his son to Spain. For the Prince of Orange, the intention was clear: his son would be used as a hostage to dissuade him from joining the Malcontents. In November 1567, René made contact with Lamoral d'Egmont and eventually joined the Malcontent party in the winter of 1567-1568. His rallying strengthened the Malcontent party and enabled the exiled nobles to make contact with Nicolas II of Lorraine and to strengthen exchanges with the French crown, especially as Charles of Austria joined the kingdom of France during this period. These exchanges culminated in the meeting and Treaty of Saint-Dizier in March 1568, when the French crown pledged its support to the Malcontents and allowed Charles of Austria to join the movement.
These events strengthened the Malcontent party and enabled them to recruit various armed forces, but differences divided the main leaders, particularly on religious issues and military strategy or objectives, with the Malcontent nobles seeking first and foremost to defend the interests of the Sixteen Provinces when Charles of Austria now wished to resume his position as heir and denounce his father. The disagreements were all the stronger because the difficult character of the exiled prince made compromise difficult. In the spring of 1568, however, many of the differences were ironed out and a strategy was put in place with two armies, one led by Charles of Austria and René de Chalon to the south, while the Count of Egmont led another to the north. The Malcontents and the deposed prince also established links with Duke William V of Cleves and Duke Nicholas II of Lorraine, although the latter remained neutral in the quarrels between the Malcontents and the Duke of Alba.
In May 1568, Charles of Austria and René de Chalon crossed the Meuse after obtaining the support of Maastricht. Accompanied by an army of twelve thousand men, they advanced on Brussels with the intention of taking it and forcing the Duke of Alba to give in to their demands. In mid-May 1568, Lamoral d'Egmont and Joost de Soete entered Holland with an army of seven thousand men. The Count succeeded in rallying certain territories and defeated a loyalist army near Geten (2). He sought the support of Groningen, but its representatives refused, forcing him to lay siege to the city.
Faced with the Malcontent attack, Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo raised an army and went to meet the forces of René de Chalon and Charles of Austria. The approach of the Duke of Alba's army led the Prince of Orange to want to avoid him, but Charles of Austria was determined to confront the Duke in the hope of winning him over and, if not, consolidating his position with a prestigious victory. The two armies met east of Tienen at the end of May 1568. The meeting between the deposed prince and the governor failed and led to a confrontation between the two armies. Despite the military skills and advice of the Prince of Orange, Charles of Austria and his forces were crushed by the army of Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo and forced to flee, half of his army destroyed in the confrontation. After this success, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo pursued the remnants of the deposed prince's forces as far as Maastricht, but had to give up his attempt to take the city as the threat from the Count of Egmont's forces grew stronger with the capture of Groningen at the beginning of June 1568 and threatened Zwolle and Utrecht. Moving north, the Duke sought to intercept the second opposing army. Lamoral d'Egmont retreated to Emmen, which he occupied in June 1568. His army narrowly escaped Ferdinand Alvare of Toledo as it crossed the Ems north of Haren towards the end of June 1568. Despite his failure to neutralise the Count of Egmont's army, the Duke of Alba set about regaining control of the region during July 1568. Returning to Brussels at the beginning of August 1568, he had the Count of Hornes executed and further strengthened repression and military governance of the Sixteen Provinces. Shortly afterwards, he laid siege to Maastricht in September 1568, the city having been reinforced by forces sent by Lamoral d'Egmont to defend the city and secure the loyalist army.
In the autumn of 1568, the rest of Count d'Egmont's forces led a new campaign with the help of René de Chalon and Charles of Austria. Crossing the Meuse near Ruremonde in early October 1568, the Malcontents advanced on Antwerp with the intention of making it a strategic location for their forces and gaining access to the North Sea. As they reached Meerhout shortly before mid-October, the deposed prince and his allies learned of the fall of Maastricht and the Duke of Alba's advance to intercept their forces. Seeking to avoid a confrontation with the governor, the forces of the Malcontents moved up towards the territories of Gelderland. They crossed the Ems at Venlo, but were attacked by the Duke of Alba there at the end of October 1568. Clashes raged for several hours, during which the Malcontent forces contained the Spanish assaults to allow part of the army to withdraw. The Duke of Alba finally broke through the opposing defences and forced his opponents into a rout, which he exploited with his cavalry. The rearguard of the forces of Charles of Austria and his allies were massacred by the Spaniards, while the rest of the army had difficulty escaping the pursuit of the horsemen of Ferdinand Alvaro of Toledo.
The success of Venlo enabled the Duke of Alba to consolidate his authority over the Spanish Netherlands and neutralise the threat of the Malcontents, even though he stepped up the surveillance of the borders of the Sixteen Provinces and increased the repression of Calvinists and those close to the Malcontents, forcing certain sections of the population to flee to the lands of the Empire. For their part, Charles of Austria and his allies reorganised themselves in the Principality of Orange, but major divisions emerged between the main leaders, particularly over objectives, with some thinking of breaking away from the Spanish crown. Although the support of the French crown enabled the Malcontents to reorganise their forces, they were nevertheless fairly isolated, as the princes of empire were uncertain or wary of supporting them when they had the former heir to the Spanish crown in their ranks. The announcement of the death of Charles IX of France in the autumn of 1569 worried the Malcontents, who feared that the new sovereign would give up supporting them, leading Charles of Austria to seek a meeting with Charles X to negotiate with him.
During the late 1560s, the Kingdom of Portugal continued to benefit from the regency of Cardinal Henry of Evora on behalf of his grand-nephew, Alexander I. The latter continued his political and military training while being imbued with a deep religious feeling. The regency ended in 1568 when the young sovereign came of age. His character was religious, austere and chaste, but at the same time violent, fiery and even despotic. Alexander I was passionate about all bodily exercises and, at the beginning of his reign, left bits of power to his grandmother Catherine of Castile. The young sovereign surrounded himself with courtiers who encouraged his bellicose character, leading him to plan a campaign against Morocco to spread the Christian faith and put an end to the threat posed by the Saadian dynasty. For his plans, he demanded funds from the Church and began to levy additional taxes on the population. Within the court, rivalries and struggles for influence developed between his grandmother and her opponents, who were determined to play a central role with the young king.
The Kingdom of Portugal continued to develop its influence and relations in the Indian Ocean and Asia, in particular strengthening its influence on the Indian coast and in South-East Asia. They developed their relations with local kingdoms from Ethiopia to Japan. They continued to develop their colony in Brazil, in particular to avoid French interference. Relations with the Kingdom of Morocco and the Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, remained more tense and conflictual. The Portuguese sought to protect their enclaves from the Moroccans, particularly from 1568 with the start of the personal reign of Alexander I, although attacks on the remaining enclaves were reduced by the latent conflict between Morocco and Spain. On the other hand, clashes and conflicts with the Ottomans intensified during this period in the Red Sea, with the Ottoman fleet carrying out another major raid against the Portuguese possessions in Yemen in 1567, where they managed to take Aden, although the fort of Kamaran remained in Portuguese hands, the latter taking advantage of this to carry out piratical actions against the Ottomans in the region and hinder their expansion.
On the diplomatic front, although the Kingdom of Portugal's initial relations with the Kingdom of Spain remained cordial, a certain disagreement began to emerge between Alexander I and Philip II due to their divergent interests in Morocco. While Philip II was prepared to ally himself with the King of Portugal to counter the Saadian dynasty, Alexander I took a dim view of what he perceived as the Spanish sovereign's interference in what he increasingly saw as his own backyard, even though the idea of allying himself with his neighbour and relative as part of what he saw as a new crusade was a strong one. The young sovereign set about forging other links, in particular with the kingdom of England, and strengthened his relations with the papacy, even though Benedict XIII's conciliatory policy was viewed with some incomprehension at the Portuguese court. Relations with the French crown were fairly neutral, but the growing number of expeditions to the coasts of Africa and the Indian Ocean contributed to the emergence of strong tensions between the two kingdoms.
(1) Morisco district of Granada.
(2) Former name of Gieten.
I do wonder if France can take advantage of Spanish troubles in the Netherlands, to at least strip away the Catholic parts