The Unexpected: In the time of Louis XII's heir

1550-1554: Prosperity in the Scandinavian kingdoms
  • 1550-1554: Prosperity in the Scandinavian kingdoms
    The early 1550s were a period of stability and prosperity for the Scandinavian kingdoms.

    In the early 1550s, John II of Norway pursued a number of policies designed to strengthen his kingdom and extricate it from the difficulties it had faced since recognizing its independence in 1537. He supported a major trade policy to strengthen his kingdom's relations with its neighbors, particularly in the North Sea. The Norwegian fleet was strengthened during the period, and although it was unable to rival the Danish fleet, it was powerful enough to trade with the main players in the North Sea, principally the Netherlands, with which John II maintained strong and privileged relations. The King of Norway also stepped up fishing activities in the North Sea to boost trade, particularly with the Faroe Islands and Iceland. This strengthening of fishing saw Icelandic fishermen conduct more maritime expeditions off Greenland, not hesitating to have temporary installations to carry out their activities. John II developed fiscal and administrative policies designed to strengthen his authority, while taking into account the Riksråd. He strengthened Landelove and improved the condition of Norwegian peasants, while seeking to strengthen the crown's ability to collect taxes.
    On the religious front, John II continued to wage a relentless struggle against the spread of Protestant ideas, even as he faced the emergence of Calvinist ideas within his kingdom. This struggle to consolidate the primacy of the Catholic Church was aided, however, by the support of the Norwegian clergy and the development of the new Norwegian nobility by the young king. The development of the new nobility enabled John II to emancipate himself from the domination of the clergy and to rely on people loyal to him. The fight against John II's Protestant movements led to preachers going underground or being exiled to the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark.
    On the diplomatic front, John II maintained important relations with the Habsburgs and began to develop relations with James VI of Scotland, negotiating a marriage between Anne Stuart and his son Charles in 1554. He maintained neutral and complicated relations with Gustav I of Sweden and Christian III of Denmark, due to dynastic and confessional disputes. Finally, he developed important relations with the papacy, particularly with Clement VIII. He also developed relations with the kingdom of England.

    Christian III of Denmark took advantage of the early 1550s to strengthen his kingdom's prosperity, even though he had to deal with a number of challenges, particularly on the religious front. He strengthened the Danish fleet, enabling his kingdom to increase its capacity to trade in the Baltic Sea, challenging the Hanseatic League's monopoly on trade. Control of the Øresund Strait provided the Kingdom of Denmark with substantial revenues, enabling Christian III to strengthen his kingdom and his authority. During this period, he built the Landskrona citadel and rebuilt Sønderborg Castle in the Renaissance style.
    On the religious front, Christian III sought to consolidate the primacy of the Lutheran Church in his kingdom. To counter the development of Catholic counter-thought influenced by the Council of Mantua, he prohibited Catholic priests from living legally in Denmark during 1550. He introduced condemnation of texts defending the theses of the Council of Mantua, and worked to strengthen educational policies to counter the influence of persistent elements of the Catholic clergy and Catholic thinkers. The University of Copenhagen plays an important role in the emergence of a Danish Lutheran culture, while the court of Christian III is composed of many Lutheran thinkers who contribute to the blossoming of a full-fledged culture during the period. The challenges posed by the Catholic Church were compounded by the religious controversies that divided Lutherans in the Holy Roman Empire, as disagreements persisted between those who defended the Copenhagen Confession as the basis of the Lutheran Church in Denmark and those who considered the Marburg Articles to be the theological core of the Lutheran confession.
    Diplomatically, Christian III pursued a policy of neutrality, aiming to maintain cordial and peaceful relations with his various neighbors. While he maintained good relations with Gustav I of Sweden, the Danish king developed peaceful relations with John II of Norway and Charles V, enabling trade to grow stronger. He maintained cordial relations with the Protestant princes of the empire, although he now took a back seat in their conflict with Charles V. His relations with Charles IX were more neutral and distant, although he did establish diplomatic relations with the kingdom of England. His relations with the Papacy, on the other hand, were more strained, as the latter took a dim view of Lutheran ideas being maintained in his kingdom.

    The years 1550-1554 were a period of flourishing for the Kingdom of Sweden. Gustavus I pursued his various policies, consolidating his authority and strengthening the crown's ability to govern the kingdom and organize it more effectively. The Swedish sovereign developed the exploitation of silver and copper mines, enabling him to consolidate his finances in addition to the wealth obtained by reclaiming land from the Catholic clergy. He also set about colonizing and exploiting his kingdom's territories as far as Finland, founding Helsingfors (1) on the Finnish coast of the Gulf of Finland to compete with Reval (2) in the Baltic Sea trade. He developed trade in the Baltic Sea, thus weakening the Hanseatic League. To consolidate his kingdom's influence in the Baltic, Gustavus I sought to extend his influence and authority towards Livonia. This ambition brought out his rivalry with Ivan IV of Russia, and border incidents occurred between their two kingdoms during the period.
    On the religious front, Gustavus I pursued an important policy of defending the primacy of the Lutheran church within his kingdom, while at the same time appeasing Catholic representatives. However, the strengthening of Catholic currents influenced by the Council of Mantua led him not only to be more severe, but also to reinforce his educational policy. To this same end, in 1552 he reopened the University of Uppsala as a Royal Lutheran University, following the example of Christian III with the University of Copenhagen. The reopening of the university also enabled the King of Sweden to address the growing problem of the renewal of positions of responsibility in the administration.
    On the diplomatic front, Gustav I pursued a policy of neutral and cordial relations with his various neighbors. He maintained important relations with Protestant princes. His relations with Christian III were cordial and neutral, while those with John II of Norway were complicated but neutral. Relations with the Hanseatic League are complicated by their economic rivalry and the strengthening of Swedish trade. Relations with the Habsburgs were complicated but distant. Relations with Ivan IV deteriorated as a result of Gustavus' ambitions to strengthen his influence in Livonia and the Baltic Sea.

    (1) Original name of Helsinki.
    (2) Former name of Tallinn.
     
    1550-1554: Upheavals in North Africa and the Orient
  • 1550-1554: Upheavals in North Africa and the Orient
    The years 1550-1554 were marked by events that upset the balance of power in North Africa, while the Ottoman and Persian empires remained in a tense status quo.

    In 1550, after establishing himself in Fez and ousting the Wattasids from power, Mohammed ech-Cheikh embarked on a campaign towards Tlemcen and the Oranais. To carry out his campaign, the new Moroccan sultan relied on the presence of Abu Zayyan III to rally the local populations of the Tlemcen sultanate and destabilize the authority of Al Hassan ben Abu Muh. The Saadian sultan seized Tlemcen in May 1550, forcing Al Hassan ben Abu Muh to flee. Mohammed ech-Sheikh established himself as the new ruler of Tlemcen, particularly after the death of Abu Zayyan III in early July 1550. In August 1550, the Saadian sultan confronted a Koukou army at Oued Lakhdar. The confrontation was violent, but went in the Moroccans' favor. After this success, Mohammed ech-Cheikh consolidated his control of the Tlemcen region, seizing Aïn Témouchent in the autumn of 1550. The Sultan returned to Fez to reinforce his authority and consolidate his position as Sultan of Morocco. The Saadians also took advantage of the Portuguese abandonment of Ksar Sghir and Assilah to reinforce their authority and prestige among the local population, who feared Christian expansion.
    The triumph of the Saadians in Morocco and their conquest of the Oranais provoked a new campaign by the Koukous, aided by the Spanish, in 1551.
    The Spanish reached Tlemcen and laid siege to it in the spring of 1551.The siege of Tlemcen led Mohammed ech-Cheikh to send an army to defend the city and neutralize the Hispano-Kabyle threat.In June 1551, his army confronted the Spanish and their allies near Tlemcen.Taking advantage of his army's numerical superiority, the Saadian sultan inflicted a heavy defeat on his adversaries, despite their fierce resistance.Following this success, Mohammed ech-Cheikh led a campaign of raids in the western part of the Koukou sultanate, capturing the Spanish-controlled town of Honaine in the autumn of 1551.Returning to Fez during the winter of 1551-1552, the Moroccan sultan continued to develop his authority and strengthen his lineage, seeking in particular to guard against the claims of the religious communities that had brought him to the throne, while seeking to consolidate his position against his Berber neighbors and the Christian powers.While he carried out raiding campaigns against the Koukou sultanate during 1552, he devoted himself to consolidating his power in Fez, working to consolidate his ties with the former vassals of the Wattaside dynasty.
    At the end of 1552, Tlemcen was besieged and then taken by an army led by Charles V, which restored Al Hassan ben Abu Muh to the Zianid throne. Having learned of the Spanish army's landing and subsequent siege of Tlemcen, Mohammed ech-Sheikh assembled an army to defend his kingdom and counter the Spanish and their allies. In early 1553, he sent his army to Oujda to protect it from Charles V's armies.Having reached the town ahead of the Spaniards, the Moroccans set about building defenses to stop their adversaries.In January 1553, the Moroccans faced Charles V's army and their allies. The confrontations were terrible, with the Moroccans harassing their opponents and almost enveloping them, but the Spanish artillery and the discipline of the tercios forced them to retreat.Despite their defeat, the Moroccans managed to defend Oujda and force Charles V to return to Oran.Their losses and the loss of Oran forced Mohammed ech-Sheikh to reorganize his forces before returning to Fez in the spring of 1553, devoting his time to consolidating his authority and the conquests he had been able to preserve, while leading raids against Tlemcen and the koukous to prevent them from threatening his territory as he consolidated his authority.He continued to reorganize the Cherifian kingdom in 1554, claiming to be the sultan of the West and seeking to strengthen his kingdom against the Spanish.

    The sultanate of Tlemcen collapsed in the early 1550s as it came under attack from Mohammed ech-Cheikh. In the spring of 1550, the sultanate was attacked by the Moroccan sultan, forcing Al Hassan ben Abu to flee Tlemcen and ask the Koukou sultan for help in defending his kingdom.After the failure of the Kabyle army to retake Tlemcen in the summer of 1551, Al Hassan ben Abu went to Mostaganem and then Oran to ask the Spanish for help.The governor of Oran responded favorably to his request and sent an armed force to seize Tlemcen in the spring of 1551, but this force was annihilated by Mohammed ech-Cheikh in June 1551.Al Hassan ben Abu remained in Oran, although Moroccan incursions in the vicinity of the enclave caused deep concern for the deposed sultan.He sought the help of Charles V to counter the Saadian threat and regain control of his kingdom. At the end of 1552, Al Hassan ben Abu met Charles V in Oran, with the Habsburg emperor promising to restore his power in Tlemcen. In January 1553, Al Hassan ben Abu returned to Tlemcen and reorganized the territories that the Spanish had taken back from the Moroccans.His authority remained fragile, however, as he had to depend on the Spaniards and the Koukous.Although his allies enabled him to regain part of the Oranais region, Al Hassan ben Abu had to contend with numerous Moroccan attacks on his territories for the rest of 1553 and 1554, as well as with the Spanish and Koukous.Although his allies enabled him to regain part of the Oranais region, Al Hassan ben Abu had to contend with numerous Moroccan attacks on his territories for the rest of 1553 and 1554, as well as with the Spanish and Koukous. Although his allies enabled him to regain part of the Oranais region, for the rest of 1553 and 1554 Al Hassan ben Abu had to contend with numerous Moroccan attacks on his territories, as well as the hostility of some of the local population and Berbers, who resented his alliance with the Spanish.

    During the years 1550-1554, the Koukou sultanate faced the threat of the Saadian dynasty, which had established itself in Morocco. When the sultanate of Tlemcen was attacked in the spring of 1550, the Koukou sultan received a request for help from Al Hassan ben Abu Muh, who had fled Tlemcen.The sultan assembled an army to try and retake the Zianid sultanate and stop the Moroccans.In the summer of 1550, his army advanced on Tlemcen and clashed with the Moroccan army at Oued Lakhdar.The confrontation was brutal, with the Moroccan and Kabyle cavalry battling it out, but the Moroccans were ultimately victorious.After this defeat, the Koukous sought to protect their territory and turned to the governor of Oran for help in retaking the Tlemcen territory. This led, in early 1551, to the raising of a new army to support the Spanish in retaking Tlemcen.The Koukous took their time, however, reluctant to let the Spaniards build up further strength in the region and more concerned to preserve their forces against the risk of Moroccan incursions into their territories.They sent a force to join the Spanish in May 1551, when the latter were laying siege to Tlemcen. In early June 1551, they faced an army sent by Mohammed ech-Sheikh. After terrible confrontations, the Koukous and their allies were decimated. During the summer of 1551, the Koukous suffered Moroccan attacks and raids on their lands, although they managed to destroy one of the forces near the ruins of Altava in September 1551. During 1552, the Koukous consolidated their relations with the Spanish in Oran, in response to the strengthening of the Saadians in Morocco and the threat they posed to their kingdom. At the end of 1552, the siege of Tlemcen by Charles V's army prompted the Koukou sultan to send a few hundred cavalry to support the Habsburg emperor.Successes against the Moroccans enabled them to re-establish a more solid position in the Oranais and in their alliance with the Zianid sultanate, whose re-establishment they had made possible.However, they had to contend with numerous Moroccan raids in 1553-1554.
    Diplomatically, the Koukou Sultanate sought to defend the Sultanate of Tlemcen while consolidating its relations with the Spanish. It developed more peaceful relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbès, notably to counter the strengthening of the Saadians in Morocco. Lastly, the Koukous developed relations with the Hafsid caliphate in Tunis, although the latter's instability and geographical distance made these relations rather tenuous.

    The kingdom of Beni Abbés developed and strengthened during the years 1550-1554, forging important links with the Koukou kingdom, particularly in view of the risk of expansion by Saadian Morocco. It developed complicated relations with the Hafsid caliphate due to Spanish influence, and gradually extended its territory southwards once again. The Kabyle kingdom strengthened its trade with its various neighbors, and the stability of the region enabled it to enjoy a degree of prosperity.

    The Hafsid caliphate went through a rather troubled period between 1550 and 1554. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi took advantage of the truce signed with the Spanish to try to reorganize his kingdom and impose his authority after it had been challenged in the late 1540s. While he controlled the Tunis region, his authority was more uncertain in the hinterland, where the Moorish tribes were defiant and uncertain of his ability to govern and counter Spanish influence in the region. The Hafsid caliph also had to contend with occasional raids by privateers, although the disappearance of Khayr Ad-Dîn contributed to that of the main barbarian force in the region. His relations with the Spanish were strained, as he had to deal with the discontent of his subjects and the threat posed to him by the governor of La Goulette. He developed relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbès, although unrest in the Constantine and Bizerte regions tended to raise tensions with Sultan El Abbès.

    The Ottoman Empire grew stronger between 1550 and 1554, particularly in administrative terms, thanks to Suleiman's reforms. Its authority over Egypt took shape, putting an end to the period of turmoil and independence that had marked the region over the previous two decades. Stability in Egypt enabled the Ottomans to consolidate control over the spice routes and build up a degree of economic prosperity. They did, however, have to contend with the dominating influence of the Portuguese in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. In 1553, this led to a naval expedition against Aden and the Portuguese territories on the Yemeni coast. The Ottoman fleet set up a fort on the Farasan Islands in the summer of 1553 to protect the Jeddah and Mecca region from Portuguese incursions, before attacking the Portuguese fort of Kamaran in September 1553, laying siege to it during the autumn of 1553.The Portuguese garrison fiercely resisted the Ottoman attack, receiving help from other trading posts and Portuguese ships tasked with countering the Ottomans.The siege was brutal, and the Ottomans almost captured the Kamaran fortress in October 1553. In November 1553, the exhausted and weakened Turks were forced to lift the siege and return to Suez. This failure hampered the Ottomans' ability to develop their influence in the Red Sea, but the installation of the Farassan fort enabled them to move southwards and create a potential threat to Portuguese-controlled territories.
    The most difficult situation for the Ottoman Empire to deal with, however, remained its conflicting relations with the Kingdom of Hungary and the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. In the summer of 1550, Prince Ilie II was assassinated and replaced by Alexandru III, who drew closer to Louis II of Hungary. In autumn 1550, Mircea V was defeated and killed by Vlad IX, who also set out to break away from Ottoman rule. Faced with the threat of seeing his influence weakened in the northern Balkans, Soliman commissioned the pasha of Rumelia to subdue Wallachia and establish a prince favorable to Ottoman suzerainty. In the summer of 1551, the Pasha of Rumelia attacked Wallachia and forced Vlad IX into exile. The Ottomans placed Pătraşcu, the illegitimate son of Radu VII (1), and set about restoring and strengthening their influence in the principality, not hesitating to place Ottoman advisors in the prince's court. Parallel to this success, Suleiman set about raising an army and preparing a new campaign towards Hungary, determined to bring Louis II down or force him to submit.In the spring of 1552, Suleiman left Constantinople with an imposing army and sailed up the Danube to the Peterwardein region in June 1552. Crossing the Drava at Osijek in early July, he reached Pécs and laid siege to it for more than six weeks before taking it in mid-August 1552. The Ottoman Sultan turned his attention to the fortress of Szigetvár, which he laid siege to in early September. Resistance from the Hungarian garrison was brutal and spirited, making the siege difficult, although the Ottoman strategy of undermining the fortress' defenses enabled them to take it in October. The arrival of the cold season and the approach of Louis II's army led Suleiman to descend on Constantinople at the end of the month, reinforcing the defenses of his recent conquests. In the same year, the Ottomans ousted Alexandru III of Moldavia from power and faced the recapture of Požega by Nikola Šubić Zrinski's Croats, supported by reinforcements sent by Ferdinand of Habsburg.
    During the years 1553-1554, the Ottomans re-established their influence over their vassals and continued to raid the kingdom of Hungary, although the death of Louis II and the arrival of Louis III on the throne suggested an opportunity to end the conflict in favor of the Sublime Porte, especially as the young Magyar king seemed willing to negotiate with Soliman to put an end to the endless and intermittent conflict that had pitted his kingdom against the Ottoman Empire for over thirty years. However, Suleiman had to deal with a Persian attack in eastern Anatolia, which saw Tahmasp I's son Ismail defeat the local governor in the winter of 1552. Further Persian attacks on Anatolia and the Baghdad region occurred in early 1553, while Tabriz was lost in the summer of 1553. The Sultan spent 1553 reorganizing and assembling a new army to fight the Persians and neutralize the threat they posed. At the start of 1554, Suleiman set off on a campaign, recapturing Erzurum in May 1554 before turning his attention to Karabakh. Some of his troops were exhausted by successive campaigns in Hungary and Persian-controlled lands, and he faced stronger Persian opposition than during his previous campaigns. These difficulties were compounded by the fact that the territories they traversed were ransacked by the Persians, preventing the Ottomans from obtaining supplies.
    The Ottoman court was rife with intrigue in the early 1550s as Roxelane and Rüstem Pasha plotted against Mustapha, Soliman's eldest son and governor of Konya since 1549. Mustafa managed the Konya sandjak efficiently and sought to protect himself from the threats raised by rumors. At the same time, Anatolian janissaries and soldiers were very fond of the prince and began to think about placing him on the throne, even though the sultan's successes appeared limited and mixed after thirty years of reign. The Persian attack on the Ottoman Empire in the winter of 1552-1553 precipitated events: Rüstem Pasha was put in charge of the Ottoman army and began plotting against Mustafa. In autumn 1553, Soliman reached Ereğli with his army. While there, Rüstem Pasha offers Mustafa the chance to join his father's army, while warning his sovereign of a plot by his son against him. When Mustafa joins his father's army, Suleiman sees this as a threat and orders his son's execution. Mustafa was killed in his father's tent when he wanted to meet him. Mustafa's death was greeted with virulence by the various strata of Ottoman society: the people blamed Suleiman's wife, Rüstem Pasha and the sultan himself for the prince's death, while the Anatolian janissaries and soldiers mutinied and denounced the prince's murder on account of Ottoman traditions of succession, Mustafa's success and Suleiman's mixed situation. Unrest broke out in Anatolia shortly afterwards in reaction to the death. In response to the army's protests, Suleiman dismissed Rüstem as Grand Vizier and sent him back to Istanbul. However, he was forced to spend the winter of 1553-1554 re-establishing order in Anatolia in order to carry out his campaign against Tahmasp I of Persia.

    The Persian Empire took advantage of the early 1550s not only to prosper, but also to strengthen its hold on the territories of the Georgian kingdoms under its control. Tahmasp led a new campaign against the King of Kartli and occupied Tbilisi in 1551. The Persian ruler took advantage of the peace with the Persians to strengthen his kingdom and increase his prosperity. However, he developed complex ties with the Portuguese, not least because of their shared rivalry with the Ottoman Empire. Taking advantage of Suleiman's focus on the kingdom of Hungary, Tahmasp I's son Ismail (2) led a triumphant raid into eastern Anatolia, capturing Erzurum in the winter of 1552-1553. The Shah prepared his kingdom for Ottoman reaction, taking advantage of Suleiman's difficulty in assembling a new army so quickly after his 1552 campaign in Hungary. In particular, he strengthened the territories he controlled in the Armenian and Georgian lands, and even led a campaign in the summer of 1553 that enabled him to regain control of Tabriz. When Suleiman left on campaign, the Persian Shah once again pursued an intense scorched-earth policy from the spring of 1554. Although the Persians lost Erzurum and saw Karabakh invaded, they held back the Ottoman advance by strengthening their defenses and making it difficult for the Ottomans to advance due to their scorched-earth policy.

    (1) Radu VII died shortly after his exile in the Ottoman Empire in 1538.
    (2) Ismaïl became governor of Shirvan following the betrayal of Alqas Mirza.
     
    1555-1559: The challenges of Charles IX
  • 1555-1559: The challenges of Charles IX
    The years 1555-1559 were a period of both prosperity and uncertainty for Charles IX and the kingdom of France, as major events affected the period.

    During the late 1550s, Charles IX concentrated on managing his kingdom, in particular to deal with the religious tensions that were emerging and persisting, and the economic and social difficulties that were afflicting the kingdom. Despite his policy of firmness against Lutherans and Calvinists, Charles IX could not prevent the development of a Reformed community within his kingdom, even if the development of the decisions of the Council of Mantua, embodied in particular by the opening of a seminary in Lyon in the summer of 1555, contributed to slowing down the movement's development. The king sought to find a compromise between the repressive firmness advocated by the Paris theological faculty and local parliaments, and a conciliatory approach to those who repented. Sentences against heretics ranged from fines to executions. Nevertheless, the French sovereign was able to take advantage of the fact that the Protestant movements lacked a figurehead to represent them, even less so with the death of Marguerite de Valois in the spring of 1557, who was deeply sympathetic to Calvinists and Lutherans. Improved relations with the Papacy enabled Charles IX and the Catholic Church in France to wage an effective and formidable battle against the spread of Calvinist and Lutheran ideas.
    This struggle led Charles IX to distance himself from the Protestant princes and the Swiss canton of Berne, all the more so because of the latter's support for Geneva, where John Calvin was active. His policy drove preachers underground, while some took refuge in Geneva or the Palatinate, where Frederick III promoted Calvinism.
    On the economic front, Charles IX sought to counter the rising inflation affecting his subjects, while the climatic conditions of the late 1550s affected agriculture, with the summer of 1558 devastating the grape harvest. The Lyon fair weakened during this period, although the development of a bank helped to mitigate the economic impact for certain sections of the local population. The development of banking enabled Charles IX to find new ways of securing revenue, although support for trade and the import of resources from the New World, such as tobacco, continued to exist and strengthen. The development of the colonies of New France enabled the ports of Dieppe, Nantes and Bordeaux to gradually develop new trades that contributed to their growth. Among other commercial exchanges, relations with the Kingdom of Poland enabled Charles IX to trade with the Baltic Sea.
    During this period, the sovereign concentrated on strengthening the concentration and unification of powers to better manage the kingdom. He pursued the fiscal unification of the kingdom, but met with reluctance or opposition from some of the kingdom's Great Houses, notably François IV of Brittany, whose power and prestige made him virtually a rival within the kingdom, all the more so with the success of his expedition to place his wife on the English throne. To counter his relative's considerable influence, Charles IX strengthened his ties with the Bourbons, offering them numerous titles and privileges, as well as granting Dieppe a charter confirming its role as the main port to the New World. To counter the Duke of Brittany, Charles IX also concentrated on the cultural development of his court, notably by renovating and transforming the Château de Blois, with gardens inspired by the Italian courts. The sovereign became more accustomed to touring the châteaux of the Loire Valley, Paris seeming to him burdensome and above all dangerous for his health, which was beginning to falter. Conflicting relations between Charles IX and Francis IV of Brittany became more complex with the expedition led by the Duke of Brittany to defend his wife's rights: Charles IX supported the expedition, contributing to its success, but Mary's accession to power complicated relations between the sovereign and his kin, who was now the jure uxoris sovereign of England. The meeting and treaty of Guînes in April 1557 confirmed the agreements reached at the Amboise meeting, notably concerning the Breton succession. In particular, Charles IX obtained the presence of Henri de Bretagne, now heir to the duchy, to establish relations with the new heir, but also to guarantee his relative's good conduct, as the king was concerned about the risk of the Duke of Brittany seeking to make his duchy autonomous and detach it from the French crown.
    On the diplomatic front, Charles IX played a crucial role in early 1555 in his cousin Marie's bid to reclaim the English throne, guaranteeing protection for the Breton fleet as it crossed the Channel and forcing the English crown to place a large garrison at Calais to protect it. In the summer of 1556, following the success of François IV's expedition, Charles IX began negotiations with Marie to renew relations between the two crowns and settle potential disputes over the English and Breton succession. These negotiations developed over the autumn and winter of 1556 around the conditions raised at the Amboise meeting to preserve the allegiance of the Duchy of Brittany to the Kingdom of France, while establishing new relations with the new English sovereign. These negotiations culminated in the meeting and the Treaty of Guînes in April 1557, which made François de Bretagne heir to the English crown and Henri heir to the duchy of Brittany and the other French domains of François IV. In parallel with his ambiguous relations with the English crown, Charles IX maintained good relations with James VI, further strengthening the ties between their respective kingdoms, notably with the Scottish sovereign's marriage to Catherine of Brittany in the autumn of 1555, when he received James VI for the occasion. The King of France also maintained a complicated relationship with the Habsburgs, which was further exacerbated by the demise of Charles V and the control of the Netherlands by the Spanish crown. Relations with the Holy Roman Empire were more neutral, with the religious question leading Charles IX to distance himself somewhat from the Protestant princes. On the Italian peninsula, Charles IX nurtured important relations with the papacy, consolidated his ties with the Sienese Republic, and maintained complicated ties with the Republic of Genoa, where Andrea Doria was now a fierce ally of the Habsburgs. Charles IX also maintained important relations with the Kingdom of Poland, and with the Kingdom of Denmark, due to trade with the Baltic Sea.

    In the late 1550s, Francis IV of Brittany sought to follow in his father's footsteps as a leading figure at the French court, while defending the interests of his duchy and, if necessary, distancing himself from Charles IX. This led to rivalry on the artistic front, as both men were major patrons of the arts, seeking to make their respective châteaux and estates flourish. The two men did, however, agree on the English question.
    At the beginning of 1555, Francis IV and Mary saw through the planned marriage between James VI and their daughter Catherine. They commissioned Matthew Stewart to accompany Catherine to Scotland so that she could marry the Scottish sovereign. In the autumn of 1555, the announcement of the excommunication of Elizabeth I and Edward VI gave them the opportunity to prepare the expedition intended to place Mary on the throne. François IV and Marie set sail from Nantes in January 1556 with a force of around six thousand men, entrusting Louis de Sainte-Maure (1) with the regency of the duchy. The ducal couple disembarked at Poole before advancing northwards, reinforcing their forces through rallies and successively reaching Salisbury, Marlborough and Oxford. At the beginning of March, their forces clashed with those of Edward VI near Bicester, where they succeeded in defeating their opponents after a violent confrontation. Pursuing Edward VI, they captured Northampton before moving on to Bedford and Cambridge. They finally reached London towards the end of February 1556, eventually winning over the capital. Although they failed to capture Elizabeth and Edward, Mary and Francis were able to win the support of Parliament, the clergy and the nobility to establish their position on the throne, even though Francis IV was not a sovereign. While he supported his wife and played an important role in strengthening Mary's authority over the kingdom, Francis IV also continued to manage his duchy, preparing his young son Henry for his future position after the confirmation of the succession defined between him, his wife and Charles IX at the Guînes meeting in April 1557. Francis IV disagreed with his wife on the question of his eldest son Francis's matrimony, because of the political stakes involved in consolidating their lineage's position in England. Eventually, however, Francis IV conceded to his wife's positions, although some tensions remained due to his ambiguous position and continuing responsibilities as Duke of Brittany. His relations with Charles IX were complex, given his new position with the English throne, as he was still one of the most powerful lords in the kingdom and an intermediary between the King of France and the new ruler of England. Their rivalry took on new forms as the Duke of Brittany saw part of the court become distant and even opposed to him because of his new position and the concerns and questions the situation raised. He agreed to send Henri to the French court, seeking to maintain influence at home and to counteract the fallout from his new position, which made him both more powerful and dangerous in the eyes of the kingdom's other grandees.
    Francis de Bretagne, the heir of François IV and Marie, joined the kingdom of England in the summer of 1556. The young prince trained for his new responsibilities at his mother's side and learned to develop relationships with the various representatives of the English court, even if his French upbringing contributed to tensions and mistrust on the part of some. To strengthen his position, Mary had him married to Anne Pole in 1557. His younger brother Henri took on important responsibilities within their father's estates as the new heir and representative of his father within the duchy. The new heir to the estates of Brittany and Valois developed ties with the French court and sought to assert himself in his new position. His father's absences, partly due to his position at the English court, helped to consolidate Henri's position as a future French lord.

    During the years 1555-1559, the New World colonies continued to prosper and develop with renewed momentum.
    Fort Sainte-Croix became a major hub in the St. Lawrence region, thanks to the economic ties and military alliance forged with the Iroquoian villages of Hochelaga and Stadaconé, even though intermittent epidemics tended to weaken the villages and make them vulnerable to attack by rival tribes. To maintain a strong position against their adversaries and in relations with the French, the two Iroquoian villages formed an alliance in 1557, creating the Iroquoian Union. This new alliance, and the military one with the governor of Fort Sainte-Croix, ensured the survival of the two St. Lawrence villages, even though the growing difficulties experienced by their inhabitants contributed to the strengthening of French influence in the region, which led to violent conflict with the Mohawks and Montagnais from 1557 onwards. The French and their allies faced a series of brutal confrontations and atrocious skirmishes, to which they responded with the utmost firmness and brutality.
    Fort Charlesbourg consolidated its power and influence in Terre d'Orléans by exploiting the territory and expanding its relations with the natives of the New World, notably by sailing north up the Saint John River. French relations with the Delaware tribes became strained, however, as the French strengthened their presence in the region and the tribes weakened. Incidents multiplied during the period, even though both sides sought to maintain peace, given the fruitful trade that had developed between the French and the various Leni Lenape tribes over the previous three decades. Relations with the other tribes were more uncertain, with trade links developing with some and violent clashes with others, while exploration of the Saint-Jean became an important issue during the period.
    Fort Valois enjoyed a relatively tranquil period, forging important ties with the Micmacs, mainly in trade, although the Micmacs' hostility to the Mohawks served the French well, who were in rivalry with the Mohawks due to their alliance with the St. Lawrence Iroquoian villages. Fort Valois also benefited from the development of fishing in the region and the strengthening of ties with Saint-Jean sur Terre Neuve, and played a role as a port of call for ships bound for Fort Charlesbourg or from the latter to the kingdom of France. The French expand their presence in Little Britain, exploiting resources to develop Fort Valois and sending some of these resources to the kingdom of France.
    Saint-Jean went through a difficult period in 1555-1556 with the conflict with the Beothuk, as the French and the few English and Basque fishermen staying there had to contend with raids against them. Confrontations subsided in the spring of 1557, due in part to the arrival of new soldiers sent by Charles IX to reinforce the garrison of Saint-Jean and preserve the fishing port. The late 1550s saw a return to calm in the Newfoundland region, although relations between the French and the Beothuk remained tense. This return to stability allowed cod fishing to resume on a larger scale, although the development of Fort Valois affected the extent of activity in the region.

    (1) Louis de Saint-Maur had been married to Guyonne de Rieux, daughter of Count Guy XVI de Laval, since 1545, and inherited the counties of Laval Laval, Quintin, Montfort, the barony of Vitré and the viscounty of Rennes in 1547, following the death of his wife's paternal uncle, Guy XVII, of pleurisy. He is known as Guy XVIII de Laval.
     
    1555-1559: Breton England
  • 1555-1559: Breton England
    The years 1555-1559 saw the question of Henry IX's controversial succession continue to agitate the kingdom of England, until it was brutally resolved.

    1555 was a special year for Elizabeth I and Edward VI. The two sovereigns continued to consolidate their authority, relying in particular on Parliament to consolidate their legitimacy. Their desire to consolidate their lineage was reinforced by the birth of Prince Henry, heir to the crown, in February 1555. In addition to this quest to strengthen their position on the throne, they pursued the policies put in place since Elizabeth I came to power.
    But these successes were met with challenges and complications that jeopardized their presence on the English throne. The implementation of an enclosure policy was hampered by opposition from the English lords who practiced it, while economic tensions continued to plague various regions. Despite the birth of Prince Henry, the English court remained divided, with various factions including English lords and clergymen in favor of Mary. Relations with the clergy worsened in 1555 as a result of the succession controversy, and were aggravated in the summer of 1555 by the excommunication of Elizabeth I and her husband, creating further fault lines within the court and contributing to the emergence of positions close to the Lutheran, Calvinist and Tyndalian movements. The temptation to distance himself from Rome was strengthened by Clement VIII's refusal to accede to a demand from part of parliament to tax monasteries. The two sovereigns were supported in this by the Queen Dowager and part of the Privy Council, including Thomas Cranmer, but others were reserved or opposed to the idea of supporting the taxation of monasteries. Financial and religious issues took a back seat to diplomatic ones, however, and the succession controversy continued to divide the English nobility and gentry, right up to Parliament. Despite the failure of Henry Pole's conspiracy, Mary's supporters reorganized, benefiting from the support of several prominent English clergymen. In the face of these challenges, Elizabeth I was urged by her entourage to distance herself from Rome and establish her authority over the Church of England, notably by following the example of Gustav I of Sweden. From the autumn of 1555, a project to nationalize Church property was underway, and Elizabeth's allies undertook to defend it in Parliament.
    On the diplomatic front, Elizabeth I and her husband worried about the risk of invasion, while the marriage of James VI of Scotland to Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555 contributed to the isolation of their kingdom. They sought allies, but the neutrality or opposition of some of their neighbors made the search for allies complicated. Their relations with Charles IX of France deteriorated with his clearer support for Marie's claims, while the pension to the English crown ceased to be paid in the summer of 1555. Faced with the risk of attack by the Duke of Brittany or the King of France, Elizabeth I and Edward VI had their coasts watched and the Calais garrison reinforced to protect it from possible attack. Rumors of an expedition by the Duke of Brittany and his wife at the end of 1555 prompted the royal couple to order their fealty to be extremely vigilant. They considered carrying out a pre-emptive attack against the Breton fleet, but abandoned the project to avoid coming into conflict with Charles IX at a time when they had no allies to counter the latter. The royal couple also had to deal with the conflict dividing the O'Neills as they maintained their support for Conn O'Neill and Shane O'Neill, allying themselves with Sorely McDonnell and receiving support from Thomas Butler to confront his father and brother Feardorcha during this period.
    Faced with Elizabeth I and her entourage, her opponents rallied around Mary, notably the lords who had gone into exile after the failure of the 1553 conspiracy, and a few representatives of Irish lords eager to obtain Mary's support in defending their interests. Through the English princess and her husband Francis IV of Brittany, the Marianists sought the support of powerful allies, not only the King of France, because of his links with the Duke of Brittany and his wife, but also other powers. They could take advantage of the prosperity of the Duchy of Brittany to build up a force to complement those that Francis IV of Brittany or Charles IX of France could add to their ranks. The excommunication of Elizabeth I and Edward VI gave them the opportunity to work with Mary and Francis IV on an expedition to place the princess on the English throne. The news of Elizabeth I's planned takeover of the Church of England gave Mary and her allies a new weapon with which to assert her claims and legitimacy.

    The beginning of 1556 saw events come to a head: Mary and Francis IV were preparing a large fleet to embark an army. They commissioned Thomas Butler to lead a new insurrection in Ireland to distract their adversaries. Butler disembarked in Ireland in the spring of 1556 with a small armed force and set about seizing the County of Ormonde, over which he had claims, before asking the Irish lords to rally to Mary's side, promising less interference by the English crown in the island's affairs. While some lords remained neutral, others like Shane O'Neill and Sorely McDonnell sided with Thomas Butler, while others like Gerald FitzGerald of Desmond and Conn O'Neill opposed him and supported Thomas Radclyffe against the insurgents. Violent clashes broke out in Tír Eoghain and Ormonde County in April and May 1556, as the English crown sent reinforcements to support the Lord-Lieutenant and prevent an invasion of the island by Mary and her allies. Thanks to these reinforcements, the Lord-Lieutenant managed to defeat Thomas Butler's forces near Carlow in mid-May 1556, but failed to neutralize Shane O'Neill despite another devastating campaign in Ulster.
    Taking advantage of the unrest in Ireland, in May 1556 Mary and Francis IV embarked with their allies in a fleet of around 100 ships, accompanied by an armed force of 7,000, most of them Bretons, but also a few English, Welsh and Irish, and mercenaries recruited by the Duke of Brittany in the preceding months. Although they feared running into ships from the fleets of Elizabeth I and Edward VI, Marie and her husband's fleet managed to cross the English Channel without any unpleasant surprises. Mary and Francis IV disembark near Poole on May 16, 1556. Marie announced her intention to reclaim the throne and called for rallies on her behalf. On May 17, they faced a force from Devon, which they quickly neutralized at Bere Regis. After this initial skirmish, Marie and her allies strengthened their forces in the region, leaving Poole on May 19. Mary and her allies supported a northward advance to strengthen their forces and establish her legitimacy, rather than march directly on London. This led Mary and her husband to Salisbury on May 23, before reaching Marlborough on May 26, 1556. As a result of rallies, notably from Dorset thanks to its former Earl Henri Pole, the forces of Mary and her allies numbered around twelve thousand men when they left Marlborough for Oxford, which they reached on May 29, 1556. They were supported by John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and prepared as they learned of the approach of Edward VI's forces to the north.
    Warned on May 18 of the landing of Francis IV and Mary's forces, Elizabeth I and Edward VI set about gathering their forces to repel their adversaries. Mobilizing their forces was difficult, however, due to the fact that some of their forces had already been sent to Ireland, and that the two sovereigns were uncertain about the loyalty of some of the English nobility and gentry, especially as they learned of Dorset's rallying to the Marian cause. The Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Warwick were joined by the Earl of Worcester, William Somerset. On May 27, 1556, Edward VI joined the armed forces led by John Dudley and Henry Suffolk, while George Boleyn and Henry Howard were charged with protecting London and Elizabeth I. The forces of Edward VI and his allies left Northampton on the 28th and descended on Oxford to stop Mary and Francis IV.
    On June 2, 1556, the two armies faced each other near Bicester. The two armies were fairly evenly matched: thirteen thousand men for the army of Mary and Francis IV, sixteen thousand for those of Edward VI. Francis IV could rely on a fairly experienced force, while Edward VI could rely on allies determined to counter what was perceived as a foreign attack. The battle between the two sides was brutal and uncertain, with William Worcester and his forces failing to outflank Francis IV's forces and being halted by John de Vere's forces. The cannons of Francis IV's forces play a crucial role in the battle, as Henry Suffolk's forces press the forces of Henry Pole, made up in part of Dorset volunteers. Francis IV instructs the Swiss pikemen accompanying him to halt his opponent's attack. The situation changes when Francis IV attempts a charge to outflank Henry Suffolk's forces. Edward VI's forces try to stop the charge, whose aim is to cut off their retreat to London or Northampton. During the fighting, Edward VI and Francis IV almost clashed. The experience of Francis IV's Breton and French forces eventually made the difference in the charge and dislocated Edward VI's forces. The latter was almost captured and withdrew with part of his forces to Northampton, while John Dudley was killed and Henry Suffolk captured. By the end of the battle, the forces of Francis IV and his allies had lost almost a thousand men, while Edward VI's forces had been reduced by around five thousand men killed, wounded or taken prisoner. Edward VI reorganized his remaining forces before retreating to London to face the advance of Mary and her allies, while an insurrection led by Thomas Percy broke out in the north.
    Success at Bicester allowed Mary and Francis IV to consolidate their position and threaten London. Determined to exploit their success, the princess and her husband considered descending on London, but decided to pursue Edward VI to prevent him from raising new forces. They reached Northampton on June 7, 1556, but had to lay siege to the city on June 8 and 9 as Edward VI escaped to Bedford. They did, however, receive the support of Thomas Percy, son of the last deposed and executed Earl of Northumberland, who had risen up against Elizabeth I and Edward VI in mid-February. Pursuing Edward VI and the rest of his forces, Mary and her allies reached Bedford on June 12, before moving closer to London. Reinforced by the new rallies and the arrival of Thomas Percy's forces, their forces numbered around fourteen thousand men by the time they reached Cambridge on June 13. However, they learned of an attempted attack on Salisbury by Elizabeth I's loyalists on June 14, 1556. This attack led them to reinforce their forces, while at the same time instructing their allies to seek to consolidate their position in the kingdom, particularly with the Welsh and Irish. Reginald Pole accompanied Thomas Percy north to establish the couple's authority in the northern provinces and make contact with the Scots. Mary and Francis IV were reluctant to descend on London, however, unwilling to risk a siege in the event of opposition from the city, but not wanting to see Elizabeth I and her family escape. On June 16, 1556, Mary decided to descend on London with her husband and the bulk of the forces supporting her, and commissioned John de Vere and Arthur Pole to cross the Thames further west in an attempt to cut off the southern route to their adversaries. The Earl of Oxford and the nephew of the Earl of Salisbury crossed the Thames at Marlow on June 22, 1556, before reaching Richmond on June 24. They almost intercepted Elizabeth I and her entourage, but found themselves facing part of George Boleyn's forces at Southwark on June 25, 1556.
    Edward VI reached London on June 13, joining forces with Henry Brandon and Henry Howard and his wife and their family. The royal couple planned to defend the capital against their adversaries, the Duke of Suffolk's and Duke of Norfolk's forces numbering around two thousand men and the forces that had accompanied Edward VI after the defeat at Bicester and the desertions around eight thousand. These intentions were hampered, however, by the growing tensions within the capital as Mary and Francis IV drew closer to it, while at the same time strengthening their forces through various rallies. Added to these constraints was the increasingly uncertain support of parliament, as the clergy sided more and more with Marie. Faced with a deteriorating situation, Edward VI and Elizabeth I planned exile and began to prepare their escape, but refused advice from their entourage to leave London quickly to avoid losing what support they still had in the capital.
    Mary and her allies left Cambridge on June 17 and descended on London. Their forces reached the outskirts of London on June 21, 1556. Marie asked to negotiate the submission of the city and the surrender of Elizabeth I and Edward VI. She met representatives of her half-sister and the city near the priory of Saint-Barthélemy-le-Grand on June 22, 1556. The representatives of Elizabeth I and Edward VI were reluctant to accept Mary's terms, seeking to buy time to facilitate the escape of the royal couple and their children. The aldermen representing London were more sympathetic to the princess's arguments. The presence of various representatives of the nobility alongside Mary and her husband had an impact on the positions of the representatives of Elizabeth I and the city, reinforcing the divisions within parliament, which no longer seemed certain of supporting Elizabeth I and Edward VI. The first negotiations led Elizabeth I and Edward VI to want to protect their family, while the risk of forfeiture and the threat of insurrection within London became significant. News of the advance of Arthur Pole and John de Vere's forces precipitated Elizabeth I and her husband's decision to leave London. Instructing George Boleyn to cover their departure, the couple and their children left the city on the night of June 23-24, 1556. George Boleyn maintained the presence of his forces in London throughout late June 1556, but had to deal with a rebellion in certain parts of London when rumors of the royal couple's disappearance spread, raising questions and concerns among the population. The Duke of Somerset also had to deal with the risk of being cut off from Elizabeth I and Edward VI. On June 25, part of his forces confronted the Earl of Oxford's forces at Southwark and drove them back, protecting the escape of Elizabeth I and Edward VI.
    Mary and her allies learn of the rumors and the departure of Elizabeth I and her husband on June 26, 1556. Mary sought to exploit this news as she met again with representatives from London on June 27, stressing that the flight of those claiming to be their sovereigns was contrary to their duties. This meeting, the influence of the local clergy and the approach of John de Vere's forces precipitated events with George Boleyn forced to flee London during the riot of June 28, 1556, which saw London open its doors to Mary and Francis IV. Mary consolidated her position in the capital, while Francis IV joined John de Vere on June 29. The two men pursued the Duke of Somerset and sought to catch up with Elizabeth I and Edward VI. Their forces clashed with George Boleyn's near Dartford on July 1, 1556. The Duke of Somerset tried to resist the Duke of Brittany and the Duke of Oxford despite the numerical inferiority of his forces, before the pressure of his adversaries led to the rout of his forces and his capture. Francis IV and John de Vere joined Rochester, who surrendered to them on July 3, 1556.
    Elizabeth I and Edward VI first reached Rochester on June 26. They prepared their departure and anticipated the risk of attack from their adversaries, seeking to rely on forces loyal to them in Kent. They considered reaching Dover, but were dissuaded by the risk of running into French ships. On learning of the fall of London on June 29, they set about preparing their departure. A disagreement emerged over the destination of exile: Edward VI and Henry Howard defended the choice of the Spanish Netherlands, but Anne Boleyn disagreed, not least because Eleanor of Habsburg was Mary's cousin. In the end, the choice was made to attempt to reach the more neutral Kingdom of Denmark, although Anne Boleyn's opponents suspected her of having supported this destination because of the Lutheran Church. On July 1, 1556, a flotilla was completed, enabling Elizabeth and her entourage to embark. The flotilla managed to leave the Medway on July 2, and was almost attacked by ships in the service of Mary and Francis IV off the Hoo peninsula. Narrowly escaping the confrontation, Elizabeth I and her entourage made their way through the North Sea, where crossing conditions were complicated. The flotilla was forced to stop in The Hague on July 6, 1556. Elizabeth I and Edward VI were struck by mourning with the death of Prince Henry on July 9, 1556, the young prince having fallen ill during the crossing. This loss delayed the departure of the small flotilla, which almost prevented Elizabeth I and Edward VI from leaving The Hague as the authorities tried to prevent them from leaving. They finally left in a hurry on July 12, 1556. They reached the island of Bant, controlled by the county of East Friesland, on July 13. They were welcomed by the regent, Anne of Oldenburg, in Emdem on July 16. Welcomed as best they could by the regent and her three sons, Edzard, John and Christopher, the entourage of the fallen royal couple recuperated from the trip and reflected on what to do next. Joining the Kingdom of Denmark remained a possibility, given its proximity to the Duchy, although the uncertainty of Christian III's reception due to his policy of neutrality was a potential obstacle. Any attempt to reconquer the English throne is ruled out for the time being, due to the lack of means to succeed and the fact that the French alliance is likely to be resurrected by Marie due to her ties. While the county of East Friesland is prosperous and can be a valuable ally, its proximity to the Spanish Netherlands makes it an uncertain territory to remain in for the long term. The latent conflict over Harlingerland, which had involved the county for many years, also resurfaced during the period, with the conquest of the Accum Depression by Count John II "the Terrible" of Harlingerland. This conflict led Anne of Oldenburg to appeal to the Imperial Chamber and the Circle of Lower Rhine-Westphalia, but she had to ask her guests to leave, as their presence could create constraints and difficulties for her. They left the county of East Frisia in August 1556 and, after a difficult crossing, reached Husum in mid-August 1556. They were soon welcomed by Christian III. Although reluctant because of his religious convictions and policy of neutrality, the Danish sovereign eventually granted them hospitality, allowing them to stay at Plön Castle, rebuilt since the War of the Two Kings. The exiles spent the next few years preparing for their return, but had to cope with Christian III's lack of support for them and the difficulties of living despite the pension granted by the Danish sovereign. Their exile was complicated by religious disagreements, with Anne Boleyn expressing her views more openly, while Edward de Courtenay was more reserved and cautious, given the possibility of a return to England. The exile was brightened by the birth of Princess Gertrude in March 1558.

    After their success against Elizabeth I and Edward, and despite their failure to capture the couple and their children, Mary and Francis IV work to strengthen their authority in England and to resolve the various problems and challenges they face in the summer of 1556. They first sought to neutralize the potential threats that remained in the kingdom, notably by granting amnesty to those who would submit to their authority. In this way, they secured the submission of Henry Howard, who was released at the beginning of August 1556. Only Devon continued to be troubled during the late summer of 1556, prompting Mary and her husband to send forces to restore order and quell insurrections. Mary could count on the support of her allies and several prominent representatives of the English clergy to establish her authority and legitimize her seizure of power. She also worked to secure the support of Parliament, playing on the flight and exile of her half-sister and the respect of the rules of succession. However, she faced a major challenge from representatives of parliament and the nobility: the question of her husband Francis IV's status. The English barons' apprehension at seeing a French prince on the English throne was considerable, even if this concern was tempered by the fact that he was Duke of Brittany and that certain lords in the south of the kingdom had forged important ties with him. The lords' concerns were also echoed by Charles IX, King of France, through his ambassador, who conveyed the sovereign's requests and thoughts to Mary and her husband at the end of July 1556. Determined to consolidate their position on the throne, Mary and Francis IV undertook to take account of Parliament, and Francis was first considered consort before sovereign, due to his position as duke in the kingdom of France. Mary and her husband also confirmed their commitments made at the Amboise meeting concerning the English and Breton succession.

    All their efforts won the support of the representatives of Parliament in early August 1556. They invalidated Elizabeth I and Edward VI as sovereigns and confirmed Mary as the rightful Queen of England, with Francis IV of Brittany as consort. Mary was crowned at Westminster in the second half of August 1556. Shortly after her coronation, she stripped the titles and estates of those close to Elizabeth I and Edward VI, leading in particular to the abolition of the title of Duke of Devon and the recovery of George Boleyn's titles by the Queen. The Queen redistributed some of these estates to her allies, restoring the title of Earl of Salisbury to Henry Pole. She appointed Reginald Pole as Chancellor in recognition of his support for her. She and her Privy Council worked to reorganize the kingdom, partly adopting the policies of Elizabeth I and Edward VI. They relied heavily on Parliament, not least to consolidate their authority in the face of continuing opposition within the kingdom. They adopted the commercial policy of their predecessors, taking advantage of the special ties with the Duchy of Brittany and seeking to build on trade relations with the Spanish Netherlands. However, they had to deal with the problem of enclosures. However, they were able to benefit from a resumption of the pension paid by the French crown from the summer of 1557, following the meeting between Mary I and Charles IX at Guînes in April 1557 to reaffirm the ties between the two kingdoms and confirm by treaty the conditions agreed at the Amboise meeting, notably on the question of English and Breton succession.
    On the dynastic front, Marie I had her eldest son Francis brought to England to train and prepare him for his position as crown prince. Her second son Henri remained in France as heir to the Duchy of Brittany, trained by his father when he returned to manage his estates, or by his advisors in his absence. The future Duke of Brittany also spent time at the French court, providing Charles IX with a guarantee that the Duchy of Brittany would not become detached from the kingdom. Aware of the need to consolidate her son's position as heir to the crown, Mary I undertook to choose him an English wife to consolidate his position at court and develop the confidence of the kingdom's representatives in him. The matrimonial question gave rise to some controversy between her and Francis IV, as the Duke of Brittany had intended his son to marry a French princess or a princess of Navarre. In the end, however, Francis IV conceded the decision to his wife. She chose Anne Pole, niece of the Earl of Salisbury and daughter of the late Geoffroy Pole. The marriage between the two young men was arranged in October 1557. The wife of the heir to the crown became pregnant in 1558 and gave birth to a son in September 1558, whom she and Francis named Arthur.
    Although she succeeded in strengthening her authority in the kingdom thanks to her abilities and the support of her advisors and husband, Mary I had to contend with a number of plots and attempted insurrections in favor of her half-sister during the late 1550s. The most serious attempt occurred in Kent in April 1557, when Thomas Wyatt the Younger tried to provoke an insurrection in favor of Elizabeth and Edward. Thanks to the actions of the Grand Sheriff of Kent and the intervention of Henry Pole, the attempt was foiled, and Thomas Wyatt was arrested and executed for conspiracy and treason in June 1557. Thomas Wyatt's attempt precipitated the marriage of Prince Francis to Anne Pole. Apart from this attempt at insurrection, other attempts fizzled out for lack of support.

    From a religious point of view, Mary I followed her father's and half-brother's policy of putting an end to potential Protestant movements in the kingdom. In her project to consolidate her legitimacy, Mary also relied on leading representatives of the English clergy, such as Stephen Gardiner and Reginald Pole. She disagreed, however, with her husband Francis IV on the question of developing a similar policy in France, on the need to consolidate royal authority over the local clergy, the sovereign being reluctant to strain her relations with the papacy even though Clement VIII's support had been invaluable. However, she had to take account of parliament's expectations, and from 1558 onwards she began to obtain the possibility of taxing monasteries from the Papacy. The strengthening of her ties with the Papacy was not well received by some court officials, who feared a return to papal interference in the kingdom, while the Church of England project of Elizabeth I and Edward VI continued to arouse the interest of some parts of the court and the kingdom's elites.

    Among the issues requiring swift resolution, Mary I sought to resolve the various troubles affecting the lands of Ireland. She granted the title of Earl of Ormonde to Thomas Butler in August 1556, and commissioned him to escort Thomas Radclyffe to the Emerald Isle to help resolve the conflicts between the various Irish lords. Thomas Radclyffe returned to London in July 1556 to pay homage to the new sovereign. Mary I and her husband kept him in the position of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, but instructed him to resolve the troubles between the various Irish lords more diplomatically, before employing his tactics. Marie reverses the decisions of her two predecessors concerning the succession to Tír Eoghain, despite Thomas Radcyffe's disagreement. This decision gave Shane O'Neill the support of the English, but provoked more head-on opposition from Conn O'Neill and his son Feardorcha, the lesser king of Tír Eoghain being determined to defend his choice of successor. Unrest between Shane O'Neill and his relatives continued to affect Tír Eoghain throughout 1557, before Thomas Radclyffe intervened to force Conn O'Neill to accept the traditional succession by tanistria. This did not, however, bring an end to tensions, as Shane was nearly killed in the spring of 1558. The situation was only resolved by the suspicious death of Feardorcha in the summer of 1558, followed by the death of Conn O'Neill the following year, allowing Shane O'Neill to become the new ruler of Tír Eoghain.
    Thomas Radclyffe also had to intervene in the troubles that once again affected the small kingdom of Thomond during this period: Dermod O'Brien died in 1557, leading to renewed conflict over the succession, as Dermod's son, Murchadh, was a child. Donnell O'Brien took advantage of the situation to become the new King of Thomond, with the support of the Dál gCais. Thomas Radclyffe is forced to recognize Donnell's new position, although it is contested by Connor O'Brien, his nephew, who claims the position because his father, Donough, had been the designated heir of Conchobhar mac Toirdhealbaig. At Mary I's request, Thomas Radclyffe endeavored to maintain peace in the region while striking a balance between the various Irish lords.
    The change of English ruler led the Irish lords to hope for a return to the state they had enjoyed before Henry VIII's death. Although Mary I's Irish policy interfered less in their affairs than it had under her half-sister, the Lord-Lieutenant retained the powers he had acquired in recent years, and did not hesitate to intervene in conflicts between Irish lords to bring them to an end. The Lord-Lieutenant could count on the support of Thomas Butler, even if the latter had to deal with his family's rivalry with the FitzGeralds of Desmond. Marie I thus retained the consequent influence developed by her two predecessors on the island, but worked to develop better relations with the Irish lords.

    On the diplomatic front, the years 1556-1559 saw Mary I forge relations with her various neighbors. While she developed important relations with Charles IX of France and James VI of Scotland, meeting the latter in the autumn of 1557, she also turned her attention to the Habsburgs. She developed ties with Eleanor of Habsburg as part of the economic and commercial relations linking the Spanish Netherlands to the Kingdom of England. The death of Charles V in 1556 led Mary I to forge ties with Philip II of Spain. She also forged ties with John II of Norway, as part of her economic exchanges and to protect herself from the continuing threat posed by her half-sister. Finally, she strengthened her relations with the papacy and Clement VIII.
     
    1555-1559: Affirmation of James VI of Scotland
  • 1555-1559: Affirmation of James VI of Scotland
    The late 1550s were a period of affirmation for James VI, as the young Scottish king set about consolidating his authority in the first years of his post-regency reign.

    James VI began a fairly peaceful reign in the late 1550s, despite internal rivalries within the Scottish royal court. The young king relied on Lennox and his allies to consolidate his authority and continue his father's centralization of power. The young sovereign also endeavored to secure the loyalty of the kingdom's most important clans, notably the English faction represented by the Douglas and James Hamilton. Despite the failure of the matrimonial project between Elizabeth I and James VI, James Hamilton and his allies continued to play an important role at the Scottish court, while the failure of the matrimonial project between Elizabeth I and him gave rise to a major rivalry between the English and French parties. James VI had to manage these rivalries and worked with his entourage to reduce the influence of the English party, notably through his marriage to Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555.
    While he relied on his mother's advice, he also had to deal with the fact that she more openly expressed her sympathies for the so-called Reformed movements, which fueled opposition from various court representatives and raised questions about the sovereign's religious policy. The latter resumed his father's policy of combating Lutheran and Calvinist ideas, which won him the support of the clergy. The resumption of the fight against Lutheran and Calvinist ideas led to some tensions, as the regency period had allowed the emergence of small movements within the kingdom, mainly in the territories of the marches close to England. In the early years of his reign, James VI sought to accommodate the various factions to ease the tensions that had followed his father's death, but took advantage of the changes on the English throne to strengthen the French party, while maintaining relations with the English faction to counterbalance the influence of his mother and Matthew Stewart.
    On the dynastic front, his marriage to Catherine of Brittany saw the birth of Prince James in early 1556, and Prince Matthew in the summer of 1558, while the first child died in the spring of 1557, making Matthew the new heir to the Scottish crown.

    On the diplomatic front, James VI maintained cordial but complicated relations with Elizabeth I of England. Despite his refusal to agree to the matrimonial plan proposed by James Hamilton and the young sovereign's representatives, the King of Scotland kept relations calm for a variety of reasons. The young king had to take into account the still-strong position of James Hamilton and his allies at court, and followed the advice of his entourage to avoid conflict at a time when the kingdom was still rather isolated, despite the resumption of stronger relations with the kingdom of France. However, his marriage to Catherine of Brittany and the consequences of the Abergavenny rebellion further complicated relations between the two sovereigns. The situation changed in 1556 with the successful expedition of Francis IV of Brittany and Mary, which placed the latter on the English throne. James VI set about forging and strengthening his relations with the new sovereign, which won him the trust and support of the English party. He met Mary I in Durham in September 1557, enabling him and the sovereign to renew Anglo-Scottish relations.
    Under the influence of his mother and the French party supported by Matthew Stewart, James VI strengthened his relations with the kingdom of France and Charles IX. He married Catherine of Brittany in the spring of 1555, renewing relations with the kingdom of Lys and strengthening his ties with François IV of Brittany, whom he tacitly supported in the 1556 expedition to reclaim the English throne on his wife's behalf. In the spring of 1559, James VI visited the kingdom of France and met Charles IX in Rouen. During his visit, which included a stay at the Château de Blois, the King of Scotland reaffirmed the ties between his kingdom and that of his kinsman, before returning to his kingdom in the autumn of 1559.
    In addition to his relations with the kings of England and France, James VI forged ties with John II of Norway, notably through trade in the North Sea. In the development of relations between the two kingdoms, the matrimonial question was raised, initially with a marriage project between James VI and Eleanor of Norway, but the marriage project between his sister Anne and John II's heir, Prince Charles, was decided during the period before materializing in the summer of 1559 with Anne's dispatch to Norway, her wedding taking place in Oslo Cathedral in September 1559.
     
    1555-1559: Italian status quo
  • 1555-1559: Italian status quo
    The late 1550s were a period of relative peace and stability in the Italian peninsula, even if tensions remained high in the Swiss cantons to the north.

    For the papacy, the years 1555-1559 were a very dynamic and flourishing period. Clement VIII continued to step up the fight against Protestant ideas, notably strengthening the role of the Inquisition in the battle against publications. From 1557, he drew up an index condemning heretical writings, strengthening the arsenal against the spread of Protestant ideas and further weakening their influence in Christendom. This did not prevent the Pope from being a great patron of artists and writers, enabling Rome to reinforce its position as the great cultural center of the Italian peninsula, while Milan had suffered somewhat from the French presence and Florence was recovering from the various troubles that had affected it over the previous decade. Rome thus benefited from the emergence of an architecture that its detractors described as Baroque. Clement VIII encouraged the development of this new style, seeing it both as a means of reinforcing Rome's magnificence and of countering Protestant ideas through the imposing allure of its buildings, sculptures and paintings. The theological reforms and the policy of patronage were complemented by other noteworthy measures, notably the Papal Bull of spring 1559, which reformed the Julian calendar and saw the abolition of some ten days in May 1559 to make up for the time lag resulting from the mismatch between the Julian calendar year and the tropical year. This measure, which established the Clementine calendar, was the fruit of the work of Italian and Iberian mathematicians and astronomers during the period, following the Pope's request to create a new calendar. Clement VIII began to suffer from gout at the very end of the decade, complicating his ability to travel, particularly throughout the papal states.
    On the diplomatic front, Clement VIII maintained good relations with Charles IX, supporting the efforts of the French sovereign and the Church of France to counter the spread of Protestant ideas in the kingdom. Relations with the kingdom of England were complex, and changed with events. His relations with Elizabeth I deteriorated as a result of his support for Mary Tudor's claim to the English throne, reinforced by his decision to excommunicate Elizabeth I and Edward VI in the autumn of 1556 after they had declined to respond to his request to cede the throne to Mary. Mary's triumph in regaining the throne enabled the pope to forge important relations with the new sovereign. Clement VIII also maintained important relations with the Habsburgs, principally Charles V. After the latter's death, he developed relations with Philip II of Spain and Ferdinand I, although his relations with the latter were both more important, due to Ferdinand I's support for Louis III of Hungary against the Ottomans, and more complicated, due to the new emperor's policy of compromise with the Protestant princes through the Treaty of Augsburg of 1557. The imperial succession quarrel and Ferdinand's policy of religious compromise led Clement VIII to hesitate to recognize Ferdinand as Charles V's successor in early 1557, but the pontiff finally did so in the autumn of 1557. The Pope was committed to mobilizing the Christian powers against the Ottomans, although the development of Saadian power in North Africa also attracted the Pope's attention.

    The Duchy of Milan was the other peninsular territory to prosper in the late 1550s, thanks to the actions and decisions of Francesco II. During this period, the Duke of Milan managed to regain some of the lustre that had marked his father's reign prior to the conflicts of the 1540s. He maintained close ties with his mother Bona, who efficiently managed the Duchy of Bari, making it very prosperous. Bona's death in 1558 led Francesco to become the new Duke of Bari, further enhancing his wealth and prosperity. This prosperity enabled him to reduce his financial dependence on the Fugger family and Genoese bankers. On the religious front, Francesco II set out to counter the spread of Reformed ideas from the Swiss cantons, contributing in particular to the establishment of the Roman Inquisition on his lands in 1557. Francesco II also developed a lavish and cultured court, attracting in 1559 the services of Sofonisba Anguissola, a woman artist who had proved herself to Michelangelo in Rome during the preceding years. She entered the service of the Duke's wife, Catherine.
    On the diplomatic front, Francesco II forged important ties with the Papacy, but also with the Habsburgs, although Bona's death in 1558 caused some tension with Philip II of Spain, with rumors of the new Spanish king's desire to reclaim the territory of Bari. Relations with the Republic of Genoa eased over the period, enabling him to step up trade and partially emancipate himself from the financial tutelage of the Fuggers. Francesco II's relations with the kingdom of France were more complicated by Charles IX's claims to the duchy, although the resumption of trade did ease tensions. Relations with the Duchy of Savoy were ambiguous, due to the development of cordial commercial ties on the one hand, and Louis II of Savoy's rapprochement with the Kingdom of France on the other. Its relations with the Swiss cantons were complicated by religious divisions within the Confederation, while its ties with the Alliance of the Three Leagues were strained by the Valtellina and religious issues.

    During the late 1550s, Cosimo de' Medici and Vittoria devoted themselves to restoring Florence to the lustre it had enjoyed during the previous Medici periods, and preparing Alessandro II for his position as Duke. They also had to look after their children, Isabella and Giovanni, born in April 1556. Alessandro II took over the reins of power in the autumn of 1558. The young duke relied on Cosimo de' Medici's experience and skills to consolidate his authority over the city. Alessandro II felt duty-bound to restore his lineage to its former glory, and set about establishing a major patronage program to restore Florence to a position of prominence in the region's cultural life.
    The truce with Siena was maintained, but remained fragile due to rivalries between the two cities and the claims of the Farnese and Medici on the Sienese city. Only the arbitration of Clement VIII prevented Cosimo de' Medici from relaunching hostilities, despite numerous incidents during the period.
    On the diplomatic front, the Duchy's relations with the Republic of Siena were tense and conflict-ridden, while Vittoria sought to defend her rights to the territory, supported by Cosimo de' Medici, who saw an opportunity to neutralize their city's great rival. The arrival in power of Alessandro II contributed to heightening tensions, as he felt more legitimate in reclaiming Siena due to his kinship with Pieri Luigi de Farnese and his position as Duke of Florence. The Florentine duchy forged relations with the papacy and above all the Habsburgs, especially Philip II of Spain after the latter succeeded Charles V in 1557. Relations with the kingdom of France were more uncertain, due to Charles IX's diplomatic relations with Siena. Alessandro II established relations with the Duchy of Milan. The Medici strengthened their ties with the Republic of Genoa and Andrea Doria, seeking to make them a valuable ally in preserving their position over Florence.

    The Republic of Siena sought to strengthen and consolidate its position in the late 1550s. Peter Strozzi took advantage of the fragile truce to consolidate the new republic and strengthen its institutions, even if he took over some of the decisions made during Pieri Luigi's reign. He set up an oligarchic council to govern the city. He reorganized the city's defenses and sought to improve those of the territory still controlled by Siena. Economically and commercially, the city fared well despite the constraints imposed by its tumultuous relations with Florence.
    On the diplomatic front, the new Sienese republic maintained cordial relations with the papacy, eager to rely on Clement VIII to maintain the truce and status quo with Florence and the Medici. Peter Strozzi helped strengthen the city's relations with the kingdom of France, giving it a powerful ally and protector against Florence and the Farneses. Relations with the other Italian cities were uncertain, but tended to be fairly neutral, allowing for commercial exchanges in particular. Only the relationship with Florence remained tense and uncertain, with the truce in danger of being broken as incidents peppered the period. The enthronement of Alessandro II at the head of the Duchy of Florence further worsened relations, as the young duke was keen to neutralize the Sienese republic and take it over due to his links with the Farnese family.

    By the end of the 1550s, the Republic of Genoa was once again prospering, trading extensively with the various Italian territories and trading extensively in the western Mediterranean, particularly with the kingdoms of Spain and Naples. This prosperity resulted from Andrea Doria's efforts to reorganize the city's governance and develop relations with the Habsburgs to guarantee the city's independence from French interference. The Genoese admiral forged links with the Medici of Florence to gain other allies in the Italian peninsula. His relations with the Duchy of Milan calmed and improved, thanks in particular to the influence of Genoese banks on the Duchy's financial situation and vigilance against Charles IX. His relations with Louis II of Savoy were complicated by the latter's rapprochement with the French crown. His relations with the Habsburgs were the most important, although he had to renew them after the death of Charles V, drawing closer to the new King of Spain, Philip II.

    In the late 1550s, the Republic of Venice sought to maintain peace with its neighbors in order to renew its prosperity, particularly in its complicated relations with the Ottoman Empire. The Serenissima maintained important relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Kingdom of France, and improved its ties with the Papacy. The Maritime Republic maintained more ambiguous ties with the Habsburgs, notably Ferdinand of Habsburg, who became the new Duke of Verona after the death of his brother. It developed relations with Louis III of Hungary, despite tensions and divisions within the Hungarian court.

    The Swiss cantons experienced a period of tense stability due to religious tensions and tumultuous relations with the Duchy of Savoy. Events within the Holy Roman Empire and stability in the Italian peninsula affected the stability of the confederation, while the strengthening of Catholic proselytism influenced by the decisions of the Council of Mantua and the various popes. Protestant cantons found it difficult to resist the militant character of the Catholic Church, and strengthened their ties with the Alliance of the Three Leagues and the Republic of Geneva, even if they disagreed with some of John Calvin's positions. The absence of major conflicts affected the mercenary policy of the Catholic cantons, who turned to the Kingdom of Hungary and offered their services in support of King Louis III against the Ottomans.
    Relations between the Swiss cantons and the Alliance of the Three Leagues were complicated by religious disagreements, particularly between the cantons belonging to the former Christian Union and the cantons of Graubünden. The Catholic Swiss cantons had important relations with the Habsburgs and the papacy, and renewed ties with the kingdom of France, while the Protestant cantons found themselves isolated with distant relations with some of the Protestant cities and princes of the empire lands, even if the advent of Emperor Ferdinand I and the Treaty of Augsburg in 1558 affected these relations. The Alliance of the Three Leagues also maintained difficult relations with the Duchy of Milan, with the return of the Sforzas reopening the question of control of Valtellina between the two territories.
    The Republic of Geneva saw Jean Calvin and the city council strongly reinforce the decisions put in place before the conflict with the Duchy of Savoy. The defeat of the Savoyards and the help of the Bernese helped to destabilize the opposition of the notables and the Catholic faction. Jean Calvin is also considered the figurehead of the Reformed movements, thanks to his commitment and ideas. The small republic maintained close ties with the canton of Berne and had complicated relations with the duchy of Savoy, but also had to deal with tense relations with Catholic cantons and its proximity to the kingdom of France, where the struggle against Calvinist ideas had become fierce.

    Louis II of Savoy worked to consolidate his authority over the Duchy of Savoy during the years 1555-1559. The duke sought to reorganize his duchy and restore his finances after the difficult conflict with Geneva and Berne. This led him to request loans from Genoese banks. He reorganized the duchy's administrative services, inspired in part by the policies of Charles IX. He also pursued an important policy inspired by the decisions of the Council of Mantua to counter the spread of Calvin's ideas in his duchy, authorizing the construction of a seminary in Nice in 1557.
    On the diplomatic front, Louis II developed his relations with the kingdom of France, especially as the Habsburgs' influence waned somewhat after the death of Charles V in 1556. This strengthening of relations between the duke and the French court led to his marriage to Marie de France in the spring of 1558. The demise of Charles V led to a reorganization of relations with the Habsburgs, with the Duke now a vassal of Ferdinand I. His relations with the Swiss cantons and the Republic of Geneva were tense and difficult, leading him to deal with the canton of Berne to maintain peace and restore relations with the latter. Having to rely on Genoese banks to help restore some of his duchy's financial capacity, Louis II forged ties with the Republic of Genoa, even if his proximity to Charles IX contributed to some tension and vigilance on the part of Andrea Doria. Louis II also forged important ties with the papacy, notably as part of his religious policy to counter the spread of John Calvin's ideas.
     
    1555-1559: Change for the Habsburgs
  • 1555-1559: Change for the Habsburgs
    The late 1550s saw changes in the Habsburg dynasty and in the balance of Christendom's political chessboard.

    During the years 1555-1556, Charles V worked to resolve the recurring tensions that affected the empire's religious lands. The religious quarrel remained at the heart of his concerns during this period, with the Emperor remaining firm on the question of the Augsburg Interim, while allowing his brother to negotiate with the Protestant princes. The negotiations were very difficult, not least because of Maurice of Saxony's determination. The difficulty of the negotiations also arose from the question of the application of the ideas of the Council of Mantua in the lands of the Empire: were they applicable in all his territories, or only in those that had remained or reverted to Catholicism? However, Charles V could count on the fact that some of the Protestant princes were more willing to compromise than the main leaders. The Regensburg and Augsburg diets of 1554 and 1556 saw the two parties attempt to reach a compromise without agreeing on the terms or status of the Lutheran faith in the empire lands, although the idea of a status quo freezing the practice of the Catholic and Lutheran faiths in the lands where they predominated emerged and gained strength during the period. Despite disagreements and the lack of a compromise, Charles V worked with the help of his brother to ensure peace in the empire lands and avoid further conflict.
    In parallel with the politico-religious controversy, Charles V devoted his time to preparing his succession, as he became increasingly exhausted from his illness and affected by the death of his mother in April 1555. He delegated more responsibility for the Spanish crowns to his son Philip, and granted him the title of King of Naples in the summer of 1556, with the Pope's blessing. The idea of bequeathing the title of Duchy of Verona to his son was considered for a time by the Emperor, but he eventually renounced it and bequeathed it to his brother Ferdinand, thus contributing to the strengthening of hereditary lands and confirming the Habsburg establishment in Italy. With the Pragmatic Sanction of autumn 1555, he established the Spanish Netherlands, of which his sister Eleanor was still ruler. At the Diet of Augsburg in the autumn of 1555, he again sought to defend his son's choice as heir to the imperial crown, but found himself up against the rejection of the princes of the empire and the firm opposition of his brother. This opposition contributed to the emperor's exhaustion, and in February 1556 he resigned himself to confirming his brother as heir to the imperial crown.
    On the diplomatic front, Charles V sought to improve relations with Clement VIII, particularly in the fight against the Ottomans and Saadian Morocco. His relations with Charles IX of France remained difficult but neutral. His relations with Elizabeth I and Edward VI were neutral and cordial, but the seizure of power by his cousin Mary led to complex relations, between vigilance due to Mary's proximity to the French court and a desire to develop ties that might enable the Emperor to make the new sovereign an ally and detach her from her ties with the French kingdom. Charles V maintained neutral relations with Christian III of Denmark, which became more complex when the latter welcomed Elizabeth I and Edward VI. His relations with John II of Norway, on the other hand, were excellent. He maintained important relations with Andrea Doria and the Republic of Genoa. Through the governors of Oran, Bejaïa and La Goulette, he also undertook to strengthen ties with the Koukou, Beni Abbès and Hafside kingdoms, notably to secure allies against the Moroccans and the potential threat that the Ottomans continued to represent to the east. One of the emperor's last notable actions was to seek an end to the conflict between the Archbishopric of Riga and the Grand Order of the Knights of the Porte-Glaive, but his positions were at odds with those of Sigismund II and Albert I of Prussia.
    In the autumn of 1556, Charles V fell ill while inspecting the Netherlands. Bedridden in Brussels, the emperor felt his health deteriorating and prepared his last will and testament for his brother and son. At the beginning of October 1556, the emperor gave up the ghost. During the rest of autumn 1556, a profound disagreement emerged between Eleonora and her nephew Philip II over the burial place. In early December 1556, it was decided to hold his funeral at Bruges Cathedral, with Charles V buried next to his grandmother, Mary of Burgundy.

    During the late 1550s, the Spanish crown underwent a transition and then a change of sovereign: from autumn 1555, Prince Philip managed his new responsibilities with the advice of his father's ministers and those of his mother Isabella. The young prince was presented to the Diet of Augsburg in the autumn of 1555, but faced strong opposition from the princes of the empire, which made a deep impression on him. In the summer of 1556, Philip became King of Naples with the blessing of Pope Clement VIII, becoming Philip I of Naples.
    The death of Charles V in October 1556 led to his becoming King of Spain under the name of Philip II. The new King of Spain continued the policies pursued by his father in his final years, under the guidance of his mother Isabella. He concentrated on the affairs of his kingdom, notably the New World and the territories of North Africa. He also focused on the fight against Protestant ideas, particularly in the Spanish Netherlands he had inherited from his father. His relations with his aunt Eleanor were strained, particularly over the question of his father's burial, but the young sovereign kept her in her position as ruler of the Netherlands because of Eleanor's success in ensuring the peace and stability of the sixteen provinces, despite the after-effects of the war of the League of Perugia and the tensions resulting from the religious controversies now provoked by the spread of Calvinist ideas. Philip II saw his mother pass away at the beginning of 1559, having grown weaker since the death of Charles V, even though she had devoted her last years to training him in his new royal office.
    On the diplomatic front, he focused on maintaining good relations with the Kingdom of Portugal, in particular with his sister Marguerite, who in the summer of 1557 became regent of the Portuguese crown on behalf of her son Alexander (1) following the death of her father-in-law John III. Through his ambassadors and the viceroy of Naples, he developed important diplomatic relations in the Italian peninsula, particularly with the Papacy. Philip II sought to develop his ties with the Pope to strengthen the Catholic Church's fight within his kingdom against the enemies of the faith, particularly in North Africa, where Moroccan expansionism worried Spanish interests. His relations with Charles IX of France were neutral and strained. He forged ties with Mary I of England, seeking to make her his ally. The young sovereign established trade relations with John II of Norway. He maintained and improved relations with his uncle Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire, in particular to guarantee the prestige and influence of the House of Habsburg. To this end, he remarried Eleonora of Austria, one of his uncle's daughters, although this caused tension with Clement VIII despite a request for a papal dispensation.

    In the late 1550s, Eleonora continued to manage the governance of the Netherlands, which became the Spanish Netherlands in the autumn of 1555. She continued to follow the wishes of her brother Charles V, ensuring the stability of the region and restoring the prosperity that had been disrupted by the war of the League of Perugia.
    In September 1556, while welcoming her brother to Brussels, he fell ill. She took charge of sending messages from Charles V to their brother Ferdinand and Prince Philip. With the death of Charles V in October 1556, Eleonora informed the future King of Spain and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire of the situation, and set about preparing her brother's funeral. During the month of November, the governess of the Low Countries disagreed strongly with her nephew, Philip II, over the location of Charles V's funeral: Philip II wished to see his father buried in the royal chapel in Seville alongside his grandfather Philip the Handsome, while Eleanor considered burying Charles V in Bruges alongside his grandmother Mary of Burgundy, arguing that Charles was born in the Low Countries (2) and that it was important to recall her brother's Burgundian heritage. The Dutch governess eventually won the case, not least for practical reasons. Eleanor organized the funeral of the deceased emperor in early December 1556, attended by numerous representatives from the Netherlands, Spain and other Habsburg domains, in Bruges cathedral.
    At the beginning of 1557, Eleonora was maintained in her position as governess by Philip II through the latter's representative, Fadrique Álvarez de Toledo y Enríquez de Guzmán, the son of Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo. However, relations between Eleanor and Philip were strained by the young sovereign's unfamiliarity with the Netherlands, and his greater interest in Iberian affairs.

    In the years 1555-1556, Ferdinand of Habsburg played an increasingly important role in the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire, in particular by working to achieve a compromise between the Catholic and Protestant princes in order to bring peace to the lands of the Empire, although he was unable to strengthen the Catholic Church so quickly or to neutralize Lutheran ideas once and for all. Ferdinand of Habsburg was supported in his endeavors by his brother the Emperor, and in particular had to persuade Maurice of Saxony to compromise. Alongside this important task, he succeeded in obtaining the inheritance of the Duchy of Verona and completed the standardization of the administrative system within the Hereditary Lands. He strengthened his ties with Louis III before making him a solid ally, supporting him in his desire to assert himself and strengthen his kingdom. During this period, he also completed the standardization of the administrative system within the Hereditary Lands. He also managed to maintain his position as King of the Romans and heir to the imperial crown after the stormy Diet of Augsburg in autumn 1555.
    Ferdinand learned of his brother's death in November 1556, and attended his brother's funeral in Bruges at Christmas 1556. As a result of the Treaty of Worms of 1521 and his position as King of the Romans since 1530, Ferdinand became Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, his position being confirmed by the Imperial Diet in February 1557, while Pope Clement VIII recognized his position in the autumn of 1557. The new emperor set about resolving the religious dispute within the Empire lands. Due to the powerful influence of Protestant princes such as Maurice of Saxony, the new emperor had to show compromise and pragmatism, which led to the Treaty of Augsburg in May 1557, in which he recognized the principle of Cujus regio, ejus religio, i.e. the status quo in the practice of Catholic and Lutheran faiths in lands where they were predominant, and a ban on promoting either faith in other regions. The treaty eased tensions between Protestant and Catholic princes, although some, such as Maurice of Saxony for the Protestant princes and Albert V of Bavaria for the Catholics, disagreed with the principle of the treaty.
    In addition to this success, which cleared up the political and religious situation, Ferdinand set about establishing the same structures as in his domains to reinforce his authority. Thus, in the winter of 1557-1558, he reactivated the Reichshofrat to manage affairs concerning the imperial prerogative, and in the autumn of 1558 issued an edict to ensure that imperial and dynastic affairs were managed separately by two groups of officials from the same institution. Finally, in 1559 he created the Reichshofkanzlei (3) and the Hofkammer, the chamber of finance responsible for collecting imperial taxes. Unlike his brother, who moved around his estates, Ferdinand preferred to remain in Vienna, enabling the latter to consolidate its status as capital. Ferdinand worked to maintain peace within the Holy Roman Empire, and set about reconciling Catholic and Protestant princes to end the divisions between the Empire and the Church. He also continued to manage the hereditary estates through the administrations he had set up over the three decades of his reign.
    On the diplomatic front, Ferdinand strengthened his ties with Louis III, both in imperial affairs and in the fight against the Ottomans to preserve his nephew's domains. His relations with Sigismund II of Poland were neutral and cordial, while those with Charles IX of France were rather distant. His ties with Philip II were complicated by the succession dispute at the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, but improved over the years 1557-1559, culminating in the marriage of his daughter Eleonora to his nephew in the autumn of 1559. This caused some tension with Clement VIII over the nature of the union, even though a papal dispensation was requested. Relations between Ferdinand I and Clement VIII were rather complicated: the emperor's policy of compromise and diplomacy towards the Protestant princes was viewed with caution and uncertainty by the pope, who deplored a certain restraint on Ferdinand I's part in applying the ideas of the Council of Mantua and reproached him for the Treaty of Augsburg. However, the two sovereigns shared a concern for countering the Ottoman threat to the south, as the prospect of the Kingdom of Hungary falling into the hands of the Sublime Porte was not accepted.

    (1) John III's grandson was born on St. Alexander's Day in 1554, a few days after his father's death.
    (2) Charles V was born in Ghent and was proud of his Burgundian heritage.
    (3) This institution is the result of the merger of the Austrian and Imperial Chancelleries, and is therefore responsible for managing the affairs of the Habsburg Empire and estates.
     
    1555-1559: Troubles in Central and Eastern Europe
  • 1555-1559: Troubles in Central and Eastern Europe
    The end of the 1550s saw the kingdoms of Central and Eastern Europe experience varying fortunes.

    During the years 1555-1559, Louis III of Hungary faced many challenges. He sought to consolidate his authority over his kingdom, but had to contend with the noble faction that had developed during the last years of his reign. This faction seeks to regain its former rights and abolish the institutions put in place by Louis II, once again placing the king under their tutelage. To counter these intrigues and struggles for influence, the king relied on the voivodes of Transylvania, his advisors and his mother to protect his authority, while using diplomacy and skill to appease opposition within the royal court. The financial question was also at the heart of opposition and divisions within the court, with some of the nobility wanting to reduce or abolish the royal treasury instituted by Louis II to better organize the kingdom's finances. During this period, although the position of voivode of Transylvania was always shared between two men, it was George VI Báthory who finally asserted himself from 1557 onwards and became an important figure in the kingdom.
    The young king also sought to develop his authority in the kingdom of Bohemia, continuing his father's policy of consolidating royal authority. On his mother's advice, he also showed amnesty towards the Hussites, seeking to counter Protestant expansion by preventing Lutheran representatives from finding allies among them. The Treaty of Augsburg in May 1558 created a special situation for the King of Hungary and Bohemia, as his faith was Catholic, while part of the population was Hussite. This led him to deal with the latter, while developing a policy inspired by his father's earlier decisions and those of the Council of Mantua.
    Louis III's main challenge, however, remained the threat posed by the Ottoman Empire to the south. Negotiations with the Sublime Porte in 1555-1556 only resulted in the establishment of a truce between the two kingdoms, as Louis III was advised not to give in to Ottoman pressure, but was not in a position of strength to refuse all Ottoman demands, including recognition of Ottoman suzerainty. However, the Hungarian sovereign enjoyed a period of respite between 1556 and 1559, as the Ottomans once again turned their attention to Rhodes, determined to make amends for their defeat of 1522. This respite enabled Louis III to concentrate on the affairs of his kingdom and to strengthen it. This did not prevent incidents and clashes, particularly in Slavonia and Croatia.
    On the dynastic front, Louis III and his wife Marie managed to have two children during the period, despite numerous miscarriages on Marie's part. In April 1555, Princess Anne-Marie was born, and in August 1559 a son was born, whom they named Vladislas in honor of Louis III's grandfather. Early in 1558, he also lost his mother Marie, who had suffered from heart problems and was very weak following the death of her brother Charles in the autumn of 1556.
    On the diplomatic front, Louis III strengthened his ties with Ferdinand of Habsburg, even though he had his disagreements on the issue of the Treaty of Augsburg. From 1558 onwards, the Hungarian king was one of the new emperor's most important allies, not least to maintain his support against the Turks. This also brought him into contact with the Fugger family, so that he could borrow funds to help him reorganize the kingdom's finances and finance his various projects, particularly in improving defenses against the Ottomans. As Prince of the Holy Roman Empire, he also sought to develop relations with several princes of the empire, notably Albert V of Bavaria. His relations with Protestant princes were more ambiguous, ranging from cordial to distrustful, notably with Maurice of Saxony, the leader of the Protestant faction. He also sought to strengthen his ties with the papacy in order to gain powerful allies against the Ottomans. He forged close ties with Sigismund II of Poland, even if the unrest in the Principality of Moldavia contributed to undermining these relations. His relations with the Ottoman Empire remained tense and uncertain, despite the truce and relative respite his kingdom enjoyed during the period. He remained neutral and aloof towards the vassals of the Ottoman Empire, even if he carefully observed the ups and downs affecting these two territories, leaving it to the voivodes of Transylvania to support factions hostile to Turkish influence in these territories, notably Vlad IX and his half-brother. Relations with Moldavia improved thanks to Stephen VI's desire to forge ties with the Kingdom of Hungary through Transylvania. The sudden death of Stephen VI helped to upset the situation and led George VI Báthory to support the prince's younger brother, Constantine. The death of Pătraşcu in Wallachia during the same year enabled Louis III and the voivodes of Transylvania to once again support Vlad IX and his allies in their bid to regain power in the principality. After the defeat and death of Vlad IX, the Transylvanian voivodes supported his half-brother, Radu Ilie, and benefited from the arrival of boyars who were exiled by the cruelty of the new prince of Wallachia, Alexandru II.

    The principality of Wallachia experienced some turbulent times in the late 1550s. Prince Pătraşcu consolidated his authority in 1556-1557, although an illness in 1556 led him to stay in Ramnic on the advice of his physician. The Wallachian prince sought to preserve his authority from the continuing threat posed by his rival, the deposed Prince Vlad IX and his allies, while satisfying the boyars whose demands placed him in a complicated position vis-à-vis the Sublime Porte. He was also critical of the former vizier Rüstem Pasha. He kept a close eye on developments in Transylvania and Moldavia, particularly concerned by Stephen VI's potential rapprochement with Louis III of Hungary and the voivodes of Transylvania. The sudden death of Stephen VI in the spring of 1557 led Pătraşcu to seek to support the young Prince Constantine, hoping to develop good relations with the latter and detach him from any ties he might have with the Hungarians.
    Pătraşcu's sudden death in autumn 1557 raised questions and unrest in the principality. Some suspected poisoning, either by the vornic Socol, on the orders of the Ottoman grand vizier or even the Hungarians. These rumors and suspicions grew stronger as Socol established himself as Prince of Wallachia in November 1557. Socol sought to consolidate his authority and gain Ottoman support, but in December 1557 faced an attack from Vlad IX, who had the backing and support of Louis III and the voivodes of Transylvania in his bid to regain the title of voivode of Wallachia. Socol was abandoned by most of the boyars and had to flee to Ottoman lands.
    Following his success, Vlad IX once again established himself as a Wallachian prince. He sought to reinforce his authority among the boyars, particularly those close to his family and the Craoivescu family, through the intermediary of his young half-brother. Although he pledged his loyalty to the Ottoman Empire in early 1558 to secure his power, he gradually began to strengthen his ties with the Kingdom of Hungary and Transylvania. His actions worried the Ottomans, who took a dim view of the return of this prince supported by their Hungarian adversaries. In autumn 1558, the Ottomans sent an army to attack the principality of Wallachia. Vlad IX was defeated and captured. Sent to Constantinople, he was executed on Soliman's orders in January 1559.
    Following their success, the Ottomans installed the young Alexandru Mircea. The latter, almost thirty years old when he came to power, was the son of Mircea III Dracul and Maria Despina, and had been raised in Constantinople. The new prince sought to consolidate his authority over an unfamiliar territory and faced hostility from the boyars, who considered him a puppet of the Ottomans. In the summer of 1559, Alexandru II faced a violent rebellion by some of the boyars, which he managed to crush with Ottoman help in July 1559. He did not hesitate to execute several of the dissident boyars, causing others to go into exile in Transylvania, rallying Radu Ilie, Vlad IX's half-brother.

    The Principality of Moldavia was in upheaval between 1555 and 1559. Stephen VI sought to strengthen his authority over the boyars during this period, and to maintain good relations with the Ottoman Empire. While he succeeded in consolidating his authority by imitating his father and avoiding the misguided ways of Ilie II, his dissolute morals earned the disapproval of his boyars. The Moldavian prince sought to develop relations with Louis III of Hungary, in particular to maintain a certain independence from the Sublime Porte and avoid the mistakes of his brother Ilie II. The Moldavian prince managed to establish important relations with George VI Báthory, the latter establishing himself as the true voivode of Transylvania during the period. This development forced the deposed Prince Alexandru III to return to Poland in 1556. However, Stephen VI's dissolute morals were his undoing, as the boyars did not want to see the emergence of a new Ilie II whose morals would place him under Ottoman control. A plot against him emerged in the winter of 1556-1557, culminating in the assassination of Stephen VI in March 1557.
    The assassination of Stephen VI precipitated a political crisis in the Moldavian principality: while Stephen VI's potential successor was his brother Constantine, the latter was only fifteen years old and had to contend with the interference of his various neighbors, notably Ottoman and Polish, and the intrigues of the boyars. Among the intriguers is the Polish-backed deposed prince Alexandru III Muşatini. Muşatini attempted to seize power in April 1557 and failed to win over a large number of the boyars. Constantine managed to maintain his position as prince thanks to the support of Ioan Joldea, "Grand Squire" of the Moldavian voivodes trusted by Constantine's mother, Elena Branković, and the help of Prince Pătraşcu of Wallachia. Alexandru was defeated in early May 1557 and killed shortly afterwards. After this success, Constantine was helped by his mother and Ion Joldea to consolidate his authority and win the confidence of the boyars, the latter having become somewhat wary of the Mușat line with the setbacks and scandals attached to Ilie II and Stephen VI. Constantine followed his brother's policy of drawing closer to George VI Báthory and Louis III of Hungary, and took advantage of the unrest in Wallachia in the winter of 1557-1558 to detach himself somewhat from Ottoman tutelage. His authority remained fragile, however, not least due to the important and growing role of Ioan Joldea, the latter having married Constantine's sister Ruxandra in the autumn of 1557. The Grand Squire held a very important position in the principality and was trusted by Constantine's mother and Grand Vornic Gavril Movilă and hetman Ion Sturdza. His lack of membership of the princely family outside his marriage and of the aristocracy, however, aroused the mistrust of the boyars, who perceived him as the true ruler of the principality in the presence of Constantine's mother. Rumors accuse Constantine's mother and her new son-in-law of being lovers, due to the bond of trust between Elena Branković and the Grand Squire. Some of the boyars plot against the Grand Squire and the queen, considering them harmful to the young prince.

    The end of the 1550s was a fairly stable and long-lasting period for the Kingdom of Poland, even if the end of the period saw it intervene in other territories, helping to affect them. Sigismund II continued to govern his kingdom diligently, winning the confidence of the Polish aristocracy and obtaining substantial funds from the Sejm. However, he had to rely on his brother Casimir, who, as Duke of Mazovia, played an important role in the Polish Diet. Casimir consolidated his position as Duke of Mazovia through his marriage to Sophie Odrowąż, even though he was in rivalry with Count Jan Krzysztof Tarnowski, his brother's secretary and suitor to his wife. Sigismund II succeeded in restricting the influence of Lutheran ideas within his kingdom and fought firmly against those of Calvin. Dynastically, Sigismund and his wife Anne had two daughters, Elisabeth in June 1556 and Suzanne in October 1558. With the support of his wife, Sigismund II strengthened his authority while securing the loyalty of the Polish aristocracy. The Polish sovereign also pursued an important patronage policy, continuing that of his father to develop art inspired by that of Italy.
    On the diplomatic front, Sigismund II developed important relations with Ferdinand of Habsburg and Louis III of Hungary, notably to ensure the durability of the latter's kingdom in the face of the Ottoman threat. Relations with the Hungarian king came to a standstill in 1557, however, due to unrest in the principality of Moldavia: the brutal death of Stephen VI offered the Poles an opportunity to bring the principality back under their influence as a vassal, leading them to once again support Alexandru III Muşatini against his cousin, the young Prince Constantine, the latter supported by George VI Báthory of Transylvania. Alexandru was defeated and killed in May 1557, putting an end to Polish plans.
    During the same period, Sigismund II was involved in a crisis affecting the Livonian confederation: the Archbishop of Riga, William of Brandenburg-Ansbach, and his coadjutor, Christopher of Mecklenburg-Gadesbuch, were taken prisoner by the Livonian Order. While Sigismund II and other sovereigns sought to resolve the crisis diplomatically, the Polish ruler had profound disagreements with the representatives of Christian III. The assassination of his envoy by the son of the Order's Grand Master leads him to intervene militarily and invade Livonia. He forced the two parties to reconcile, allowing the liberation and restoration of William of Brandenburg and Duke Christopher of Mecklenburg-Gadesbuch as head of the bishopric of Riga. In the autumn of 1557, the Treaty of Pozwol (1) placed the Livonian confederation under the protection of the Polish crown. This treaty precipitated hostilities with Russia, which invaded Livonia in 1558-1559. A first Treaty of Vilnius in 1559 strengthened the Kingdom of Poland's position as protector of Livonia, but this treaty was rejected by the Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland, its representatives considering that the issue concerned only the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

    Between 1555 and 1559, Ivan IV strengthened his authority over Russia. He seized the khanate of Astrakhan in 1556, extending his territory along the Volga. In 1558, he built a fortress to replace the khanate's former capital. Domestically, he continued his reforms, notably by limiting the mobility of peasants. His line was strengthened during this period with the births of Princes Ivan and Feodor in 1554 and 1557 and Princess Eudoxia in 1556, although the latter died in 1558.
    On the diplomatic front, Ivan IV was involved in various conflicts during the period. Between 1555 and 1557, the tsar was pitted against Gustav I of Sweden following the border incidents of the previous years and the struggles for influence between their respective kingdoms over the territory of Livonia. In 1555, he sent twenty thousand men to attack the Duchy of Finland, forcing the duchy's meagre defenses to retreat. Shortly afterwards, his army was confronted by Swedish reinforcements who attacked the fortress of Chlisselbourg. The Russians repelled them, taking advantage of the opportunity to raid Vyborg in particular. Talks began in 1556 to put an end to the ruinous conflict and re-establish trade links between the two kingdoms. A treaty was finally signed in Novgorod in the spring of 1557: a Russian-Swedish truce lasting forty years was ratified, while Sweden agreed not to support Livonia or the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the event of a war between them and Russia.
    Relations with the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained tense, and deteriorated in 1557 when Livonia became a vassal of Sigismund II under the Treaty of Pozwol, strengthening the Kingdom of Poland and making it even more of a threat to the Tsar. Shortly after the end of the conflict with Sweden and Livonia's ratification of the Treaty of Pozwol, Ivan IV assembled an army to attack the confederation in early 1558. Supported by Tatar princes and their ally the Khan of Qasim, the Russians were welcomed as liberators by the Livonians, who could no longer bear the domination of the Teutonic and Livonian orders. During the 1558 campaign, Ivan IV and his forces captured several fortresses, including Narva and Dorpat, and laid siege to Reval (2). Livonian forces retook some of these fortresses, notably Wessenberg. However, the Russians retained Narva and Dorpat. In 1559, Ivan IV sent his army on another Livonian campaign, in the direction of Riga.

    (1) In this treaty, signed in the autumn of 1557, William of Brandenburg-Ansach was restored to his former position as archbishop, with confirmation of his freedom and all his previous rights. Livonia re-established relations with Lithuania, and the two kingdoms entered into a pact of defense and offense. The new Grand Master, Wilhelm von Fürstenberg, signs the alliance on behalf of the Order and ratifies the other two treaties on September 14th with other members of the Order.
     
    1555-1559: In the Scandinavian kingdoms
  • 1555-1559: In the Scandinavian kingdoms
    The end of the 1550s was a period of stability and prosperity for the Scandinavian kingdoms, even if certain events affected them.

    During the years 1555-1559, the Kingdom of Norway experienced a revival after the difficulties and challenges of the previous two decades following its tumultuous independence. John II governed with efficiency and authority, having succeeded during the period in winning the loyalty of the Catholic clergy and the Norwegian nobility, renewed by the ennoblement of new families to replace those who had remained in Denmark after the end of the War of the Two Kings. The sovereign relies on the Riksråd, which is entirely devoted to him, and pursues the political, economic and administrative reform of his kingdom in order to strengthen it and enable it to survive, particularly in the face of the potential threat still posed by its neighbors, notably Christian III of Denmark, who has preserved the symbols of the Norwegian crown in his coat of arms, indicating the persistence of his claims to the Norwegian crown. Only the last remaining representatives of the Danish-Norwegian nobility in Norway opposed his reforms, fearing that their influence and power would disappear. He gradually strengthened the Landelove established by his father, while preserving the confidence of the high clergy, who retained considerable influence within the kingdom. To secure the loyalty of the new Norwegian nobility around him, John II drew inspiration from the Order of the Golden Fleece, of which his uncle Charles V was Grand Master, to create the Order of Saint Olav in July 1557.
    The kingdom enjoyed considerable prosperity thanks to the strengthening of trade with the Spanish Netherlands and the development of relations with the British kingdoms. The kingdom also benefited from its influence in the North Sea, thanks to its possession of the Faroe Islands and Iceland, which enabled it to develop its fishing industry. The Norwegians forged close ties with the Kingdom of France, notably by sending fishermen to Newfoundland to fish for cod during this period. The development of fishing activity led the Icelanders in particular to make numerous incursions along the Greenland coast. From 1558, Icelandic fishermen established Heilagurjón. This was the first Scandinavian settlement since the disappearance of Herjolfsnæs a few years earlier. Due to local climatic conditions, the disappearance of local Scandinavian communities and the remoteness of Greenland, Heilagurjón served only as a stopover for Norwegian and Icelandic fishermen.
    The development of fishing in local waters, however, led the Icelandic authorities to turn their attention back to the area. John II heard about Greenland and the disappearance of the Scandinavian communities living there, and wanted to organize an expedition to find out what was going on there, but also to consolidate the Norwegian crown's authority over a land that was nominally part of the kingdom. This project led him to consider the possibility of a northwest passage to Asia.
    On the religious front, the Catholic clergy continued to play a significant role in the kingdom, while the implementation of the decisions of the Council of Mantua greatly weakened Lutheran discourse, and Lutheran preachers went into exile in the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark, when they were not arrested or even executed. While he defended the Catholic faith in his kingdom, John II also endeavored to gradually neutralize the influence of the high clergy, so as to strengthen his authority and boost the royal treasury's revenue, which was still dependent on Fugger loans.
    On the diplomatic front, John II maintained important relations with the Habsburgs, notably his mother-in-law Eleanor of Habsburg, due to the important trade links between their respective territories. He developed relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire from 1558. His relations with the British Isles were very important, particularly with the Kingdom of Scotland, with the marriage of his son Charles to James VI's sister Anne in the autumn of 1559. He also forged relations with the kingdom of Poland, eager to gain important allies and support while the threat from his two Scandinavian neighbors remained. He sought to take advantage of the failure of matrimonial negotiations between Sigismund II and Gustav I to propose his daughter Eleonora as wife to Prince Casimir in 1558. The plan failed, prompting the Norwegian sovereign to seek other parties for his daughter, notably his uncle Ferdinand I. His relations with the kingdoms of Denmark and Sweden remained neutral and uncertain, but the death of Christian III raised questions and uncertainties about the intentions of his successor, Frederick II. He maintained fairly cordial relations with John Albert I of Mecklenburg-Guströw, even seeking to intervene in the quarrel between him and his brother Ulrich.

    The Kingdom of Denmark enjoyed a period of tranquility and prosperity in the late 1550s. Christian III completed the strengthening of his authority, the development of the Danish fleet and the renaissance-style transformation of Sønderborg Castle. Thanks to the Øresund Strait, the Danish ruler enjoyed a major economic advantage and sought to develop trade with the Baltic Sea, since access to the North Sea was restricted by the existence of the Kingdom of Norway. However, the Danish sovereign had to deal with the challenges posed by the strengthening of the post-Council of Mantua Catholic Church, whose dynamism and rhetoric posed a threat to his authority and to the Lutheran Church of Denmark. The sovereign was able to draw on exiled thinkers and preachers from Norway and the British Isles to consolidate the Danish Lutheran Church and counter Mantuan Catholicism. The banishment of Catholic clergymen from his kingdom also did much to weaken the influence of the ideas of the Council of Mantua in his lands.
    Christian III died at the beginning of January 1559. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Frederick, who was crowned by a Danish superintendent in August 1559 after signing his haandfæstning (1). One of the new sovereign's first feats was to support his uncles John and Adolf in a military campaign to subdue the small peasant republic of Ditmarschen. The campaign was quickly concluded at no great cost to the kingdom. His relations with the royal council were rather lukewarm, not least because of his absence at the time of Christian III's death, but the rapid success in the Ditmarschen and the need to maintain stability and peace in the kingdom led to significant collaboration between the king and his advisors.
    On the diplomatic front, Christian III maintained important relations with Charles V, and later with Ferdinand I, thanks to his policy of non-interference since the Treaty of Regensburg. However, this policy of non-interference was undermined by the arrival of Elizabeth I and Edward I, who fled into exile in 1556. The Danish king hesitated to welcome the two exiles and their relatives, but agreed to do so, contenting himself with welcoming them and not supporting their claims. The Danish sovereign maintained neutral but cordial relations with the Protestant princes of the Holy Roman Empire, notably his son-in-law Albert I of Prussia. His relations with the Kingdom of Sweden, on the other hand, were more complex: while the two kingdoms maintained a military alliance against the Kingdom of Norway and Lübeck, commercial competition in the Baltic Sea and dynastic grievances persisted, notably over the retention of the Swedish crown symbols on Christian III's coat of arms. His relations with John II of Norway were also distant and complicated by reciprocal claims. In 1556-1557, Christian III sought to resolve the Livonian crisis through diplomatic mediation, before Sigismund I of Poland intervened militarily.
    On his arrival on the throne, Frederick II witnessed the emerging conflict in Livonia. His relations with the Kingdom of Sweden were difficult, due to the strong economic rivalry between their two kingdoms on the Baltic Sea. His relations with John II of Norway were also complicated by the claims they had on each other's kingdoms, although the Danish nobility and royal advisors were not inclined to conflict.

    The Kingdom of Sweden enjoyed a period of stability between 1555 and 1559, as Gustav I consolidated his authority over the kingdom and the Church of Sweden. His kingdom was now prosperous, thanks to his various policies, the strengthening of the royal administration and the development of trade with his neighbors. His court became quite notable for the presence of various Lutheran thinkers from parts of Christendom, where the rulers fought against the spread of Luther's ideas and those of other Protestant preachers. Although they disagreed with Gustav I's management of the Church of Sweden, these thinkers played a significant role in the development of the University of Uppsala, partly compensating for the kingdom's administrative constraints due to a lack of sufficient staff to ensure effective governance and consolidate royal authority.
    In dynastic terms, however, Gustavus I was aging and in declining health, aggravated by chronic infections in his jaw and one of his legs. Preparing his succession and seeking to consolidate some of his political decisions, he granted his two sons various titles and responsibilities. In 1556, he put his young son John in charge of the Duchy of Finland, to anchor it more firmly within the kingdom. The following year, he conferred on his heir Eric the titles of Duke of Kalmar, Kronoberg and Öland. He also sought to marry the latter, supporting Eric's bid to marry Anne of Saxony, daughter of the Grand Elector of Saxony. Negotiations proved difficult, however, not only because of Anne's special position, but also because of opposition from the Habsburgs and hesitation on the part of the Elector of Saxony due to his daughter's position as heir to his estates. The project was abandoned in the spring of 1557, but Gustav I decided to support the idea of a matrimonial project with one of the empire's families in order to develop his kingdom's ties and consolidate his position at a time when Lutheran movements appeared to be running out of steam or on the defensive. This led in 1558 to negotiations with Philip of Hesse (2). Unlike the negotiations surrounding Eric's marriage to Anne of Saxony, these matrimonial negotiations were successful, and in the summer of 1558, Eric married Elisabeth of Hesse. The princely couple had their first child, a daughter, Marie-Cécile, in June 1559. During the same period, he signed a commercial treaty with Edzard II of East Frisia, leading to the marriage of his daughter Catherine to the latter in autumn 1559. The agreement and marriage were marred, however, by the Vadstenabullret scandal: Edzard II's brother John II was caught one night in the bedroom of his sister-in-law Cecilia, leading to his arrest. Gustav I takes the news badly, blaming Catherine and her son-in-law for not restraining Cecilia, and Magnus for mishandling the situation by contributing to its public revelation. However, the King praises his daughter-in-law Elisabeth of Hesse for her efforts to preserve Cecilia's reputation.
    On the diplomatic front, Gustav I had to deal with the conflict with Ivan IV following the border incidents of previous years. He sent reinforcements to defend the Duchy of Finland, and the cost of the conflict led him to initiate talks that culminated in the Treaty of Novgorod in the spring of 1557, establishing a truce between the two powers and a commitment by the King of Sweden not to support Livonia or the Kingdom of Poland in the event of a conflict between Russia and the latter.
    Apart from this conflict, Gustav I continued to maintain important relations with his various neighbors. His links with Protestant princes were important, not least because of his two marriage negotiations for his son Eric. These relations are all the more important as his court is filled with Lutheran thinkers exiled from various corners of Christendom. He maintained his policy of neutrality, while maintaining complex relations with the other two Scandinavian rulers, John II and Christian III. With the former, religious differences contributed to difficult and tense relations, and the concern that Christian II's heir would seek the return of the Kalmar Union permeated the Swedish court. Although he allied himself with Christian III, in particular to counter the potential threat of John II, Gustavus I remained distant from the latter, due to the latter's strong policy of neutrality and, above all, to the maintenance of his dynastic claims to the Swedish crown through the symbols displayed by the Danish crown. Relations with Denmark became even more strained after the death of Christian III and the accession of Frederick II.

    (1) A haandfæstning is a charter signed by the kings of Denmark at the beginning of their reigns to ensure recognition of their authority by the nobility. Unlike the English Magna Carta, the haandfæstning is not unique, being "renewed" at the advent of each new king (depending in particular on the degree of demand of the nobles), even if they have the same common basis: the king had to promise that he would rule as a just king, that he would cooperate with the nobility, that he would never imprison a free man, that all important posts (what today we would call "ministerial posts") and all local administration would be occupied only by nobles, and that matters of war and peace depended on the acceptance of the nobility. These charters often served as a solid power base for Danish kings during their reign. The first document of this type was signed by Eric V of Denmark in 1282, and the document was used as a coronation charter from 1320 onwards.
    (2) Historically, there was a planned marriage between Eric XIV and Christine de Hesse, which did not come to fruition. In the context of this alternate reality, Christine de Hesse does not exist because of Philippe de Hesse's "early" captivity by Charles V (between 1539 and 1547, not 1547 and 1553 as is the case historically), making Elisabeth, (born early in 1539) the last child of the Landgrave of Hesse (and historically, she was married in 1560 to Duke Adolf of Holstein-Gottorp, which in the context of this alternate reality makes her a plausible candidate for Eric). Finally, the dynastic, political and religious context of this alternate reality influences matrimonial alliances designed to consolidate the legitimacy of certain lineages or to find allies to counter rivals and adversaries, notably in a need to defend politico-religious positions.
     
    1555-1559: Islamic kingdoms and empires
  • 1555-1559: Islamic kingdoms and empires
    The late 1550s were a period of transition for the various Muslim kingdoms and empires of North Africa and the East.

    Between 1555 and 1559, Mohammed ech-Sheikh strengthened his authority over the Kingdom of Morocco. While he continued to conduct raids against the Zianid sultanate of Tlemcen, the Koukou sultanate and Iberian enclaves, the sultan sought to develop his kingdom with the aim of making it powerful enough to confront the kingdom of Spain. He concentrated some of his raids on the Portuguese enclaves, in particular trying to seize the enclave of Mazagan in 1556, but the Portuguese managed to repel his attacks after a difficult siege. In the spring of 1557, Mohammed assembled an army and led a campaign against the sultanate of Tlemcen, incorporating it into the Cherifian kingdom and advancing on Algiers. He recaptured Oujda in July 1557 and set out to seize the Oranais, taking advantage of the support of the local population hostile to Spanish interference in the region. In August 1557, his army again captured Tlemcen, strengthening its hold on the region. After this success, Mohammed ech-Cheikh returned to Fez. However, the sultan was growing old and prepared his succession by appointing his son Abdallah el-Ghalib as his successor. As he grew older, he stopped waging military campaigns in the final years of the decade, devoting himself to consolidating his authority and organizing his kingdom.

    The Zianid sultanate of Tlemcen found itself in an uncomfortable situation in the late 1550s. Faced with the expansionist thirst of the Moroccan Saadians, Al Hassan ben Abu Muh had to rely on the Spanish and the Koukous, making him highly dependent on their help and influence. This situation of dependence weakened his authority in the eyes of the local population, who took a dim view of the decay of Zianid authority in the region. The Berber tribes in particular were reluctant or even hostile to the situation, preferring to conduct their own affairs rather than defer to the sultan's authority.
    The uncertain and tense situation of the sultanate was shattered in 1557 when Mohammed ech-Cheikh attacked again with his army. Oujda was lost in July 1557, and the local population seemed reluctant to help the Zianid dynasty defend itself. Abandoned by his subjects, Al Hassan ihn Abu Hammou fled his capital for Oran, where he once again sought Spanish help. He remained host to the governor of Oran until his death in early 1559, putting an end to the Zianid dynasty.

    In the late 1550s, the Koukou sultanate was in a rather peculiar situation. On the one hand, the kingdom enjoyed relative prosperity, thanks in particular to its trade with the Spanish and the kingdom of Beni Abbés to the west. But on the other, the kingdom faced many challenges, the main one being the raids carried out by the Moroccans during the period and the disappearance of the Tlemcen sultanate in 1557, which reinforced the Moroccan threat against them. The threat from the Cherifian kingdom led them to strengthen their ties with the Spanish enclaves, even if this aroused the disapproval and hostility of some of the local populations who resented the Spanish presence and influence in the region.

    The kingdom of Beni Abbés enjoyed a period of considerable stability and prosperity between 1555 and 1559. While consolidating and expanding southwards, the kingdom forged important and complex relationships with its neighbors. The Koukou kingdom remained a rival, but the Moroccan threat to the west enabled El Abbès to consolidate his kingdom's hold on the Bejaïa region, while developing more cordial relations with his Kabyle neighbor. Relations with the Hafsid caliphate were more ambiguous, due to Berber incursions into territories officially under Hafsid control and the rallying of certain Berber tribes to El Abbès' authority during this period. The Berber sultan maintained a distant and ambiguous relationship with the Spaniards, due in particular to the distance between the Kabyle kingdom and the Mediterranean coast, with the notable exception of Bejaïa. During this period, El Abbès pursued the modernization of his kingdom and army, eager to emancipate himself from Spanish influence and assert himself as a fully-fledged player in the region.

    The Hafsid caliphate entered a period of uncertainty in the late 1550s. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi was in a complicated situation as a result of the 1549 treaty, which warned him to emancipate himself from Spanish influence and broke his efforts to develop ties with the Ottoman Empire in order to seek to preserve his authority in his kingdom. The Caliph had to contend with the rebellion of part of the local population, particularly in the hinterland, where his authority was waning or even collapsing. His authority was concentrated mainly on the coast and cities beyond Spanish control, while certain provinces preferred to emancipate themselves from his authority or join the kingdom of Beni Abbés. His relations with the Spanish were complicated and stormy, as there was a strong risk of interference from them, particularly as they had certain members of his family whom they could support. However, the Caliph managed to extend the treaty in early 1555. The death of Charles V and the accession of Philip II further strengthened the complex relationship between the Hafsid caliphate and the Spanish kingdom, as the latter sought to consolidate its presence in the western Mediterranean. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi maintained complicated relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbés, the latter strengthening its position in the west thanks in particular to the rallying of certain provinces to El Abbès.

    The Ottoman Empire underwent a period of transition in the late 1550s. Suleiman continued the conflict against Sefevid Persia in 1555-1556, facing four armies that avoided confrontation with his own forces. The stalemate and exhaustion of both empires led Suleiman to negotiate a peace treaty with the Persians. This led to the Peace of Amasya in May 1556: Armenia and Georgia were divided equally between the two countries, and the Ottoman Empire confirmed its domination over most of Mesopotamia, including Baghdad, giving it access to the Persian Gulf. Conversely, Sefevid Persia regained control of the region around their former capital Tabriz, and preserved control of all their other territories in the north-west Caucasus, as they had been before the wars, such as Dagestan.
    Following this peace treaty, Suleiman received representatives from Louis III of Hungary in 1556. Although freed from his conflict with the Persians, Soliman decided to deal with the new King of Hungary, as his empire had undergone decades of conflict with uncertain results, and the now sixty-year-old sovereign was getting on in years. Negotiations between the two sovereigns were difficult, with Suleiman demanding that the King of Hungary recognize the Sublime Porte as Hungary's suzerain and pay tribute. A truce was finally signed between the two territories in February 1557, although clashes and unrest continued to affect Slavonia and Croatia.
    In the last years of 1550, Suleiman concentrated on the affairs of his empire, particularly in its administrative management, but also on succession issues. The execution of Mustafa in 1554 and the disappearance of Cihangir in the same period left Selim and Bayezid as contenders for the succession. Aware of his two surviving sons' rivalry for the throne, Suleiman decided during this period to change their places of service: Selim moved from Manisa to Konya, while Bayezid moved from Kütahya to Amasya. While Selim obeyed his father, Bayezid was reluctant to do so, as Amasya had been his brother Mustafa's sandjak, which he perceived as a humiliation. His son's reluctance irritated Soliman, who accused Bayezid of rebelling against him. This led to a struggle between Selim and his brother, with the former supported by Sokollu Mehmet Pasha and his father.
    In 1557-1558, however, the Ottomans were confronted with the troubles that once again affected the principality of Transylvania after the death of Prince Pătraşcu. Vlad IX's return to power and his desire to draw closer to the Kingdom of Hungary and break his vassalage link with the Sublime Porte was viewed with disfavor by the Ottomans, who sent an army in 1558 to neutralize him. They defeated the Wallachian prince, captured him and sent him to Constantinople, where Suleiman ordered his execution in early 1559. Having defeated and neutralized the main figure who could hinder their influence in the principality, the Ottomans installed Alexandru Mircea on the Wallachian throne.
    During this period, the Ottoman Empire completed the reorganization of Egypt, stabilizing the territory and reasserting their control over Cyrenaica, which had been abandoned after the reconquest of 1538-1540. In addition to pacifying the region and integrating it back into their domain, the Ottomans consolidated their fleet in the Red Sea, which enabled them to reinforce the Farassan fortress and wage a brutal struggle against the Portuguese, leading raids against the Yemeni coast to prevent any potential Portuguese attack on Mecca and attempt to drive their rivals out of the region. In the Mediterranean, the Ottomans also strengthened their fleet, developing a base at Derna during the period from which Dragut led raids against Tripoli, Malta and Djerba. Other raids were carried out against the Italian coast, particularly Calabria.

    In the late 1555s, the Persian Empire experienced a period of appeasement after a long period of defiance and conflict with the Ottoman Empire. While the years 1555-1556 were still marked by clashes with Suleiman's armies and raids against Ottoman territories, the attrition and inability of the Persians and Turks to defeat the other side led the two empires to negotiate peace, culminating in the Peace of Amasya in May 1556. While the Persian Empire relinquished the western Caucasus and Mesopotamia, it retained the eastern and north-western parts, notably Dagestan, and regained Tabriz. After this treaty, Tahmasp I concentrated on the affairs of his empire. He also sought to establish his dominance over the Georgian territories under his control by imposing a number of Iranian political and social institutions, placing converts to Islam on the thrones of Kartli and Kakheti. The change of capital due to the conflict with the Ottomans enabled Tahmasp to reinforce the centralization of his empire, but also to bring in new collaborators who had no connection with the Turkoman tribes from which he was seeking emancipation. The Shah enabled the development of Qazvin, which was associated with orthodoxy and stable governance.
     
    1560-1564: Charles IX and new challenges
  • 1560-1564: Charles IX and new challenges
    The early 1560s saw Charles IX complete some of his reforms, while new tensions emerged during the period.

    During the early 1560s, Charles IX tended to spend more time in the Loire region, notably at the castles of Blois and Chenonceau, moving away from Paris to preserve his health. At court, Charles IX had to deal with the growing influence of François IV of Brittany, while some of his former supporters had disappeared in recent years. He could rely on Louis III de Bourbon and other members of the House of Bourbon to counterbalance the influence of the Duke of Brittany, but their weight was less, despite Louis III's position as Governor of Languedoc following in the footsteps of his late father, Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier. Through his marriage to Antoinette de la Marck (1), the Duc de Bourbon saw the birth of Robert in July 1561, Marguerite in October 1562 and Françoise in April 1564. Despite these struggles for influence, Charles IX continued to pursue a policy of patronage designed to enhance the prestige of the court, drawing inspiration in particular from the Baroque architecture developing in Italy.
    Although he led a more nomadic life in the castles of the Loire, developing his taste for the arts, Charles IX continued to govern his kingdom with the intention of strengthening his authority and improving governance. He focused in particular on economic and financial issues, at a time when inflation and other difficulties were undermining his ability to maintain the prosperity of previous periods. He pursued the development of new tools to expand his kingdom's resources, notably by promoting the development of banks and stock exchanges to emancipate himself from the influence of the Genoese and Lombard bankers and counter that of the Fuggers. This also led him to increase the contribution of the clergy through the tithe in 1562. In addition to the problems caused by inflation, the period also saw a grain subsistence crisis, which led the kingdom of France to strengthen its trade with the Baltic Sea through its relations with the kingdom of Poland, even though the war affecting the Scandinavian kingdoms and the Livonian War during the period caused considerable unrest. The agricultural crisis and the problem of inflation gave rise to major social tensions. In 1564, these tensions found expression in riots, particularly in the Angoumois and Saintongeois regions. Economic difficulties led Charles IX to seek to strengthen the development of the New World colonies and to relaunch overseas expeditions, even if the economic constraints specific to this policy complicated the task.
    Religious issues continued to play an important role in the kingdom during this period. Even if royal policy and the influence of the ideas of the Council of Mantua greatly hindered the development of the Reformed movements, the Calvinist movement, some of whose ideas were constructed in opposition to the Council of Mantua, continued to develop a certain influence, despite being confined to a minority of people, notably among the lower nobility, with few prominent representatives in the kingdom. Faced with this influence, which he perceived as a threat, Charles IX pursued a firm policy to counter Calvinist and Lutheran tendencies, all the more so to distance himself from Ferdinand I's policy in the Holy Roman Empire and to strengthen his relations with the Papacy. The King of France also sought the support of moderate representatives advocating the ideas of the Council of Mantua or supporting the autonomy of the Church of France. Economic turmoil, however, contributed to difficulties in the effectiveness of some of these policies, with Calvinist preachers gaining support for their ideas in certain regions in response to the social and economic unrest affecting the kingdom. Faced with these difficulties, Charles IX amended his policy to ensure the reintegration of those who had adhered to Calvin's theses, and to avoid a conflict similar to those that had occurred in the Holy Roman Empire. This new approach led to the Étampes meeting in September 1564, where Catholic representatives met with Calvinist representatives. The meeting failed, however, due to disagreements between the two parties. The evolution of Charles IX's religious policy also gave rise to tensions within the court, notably with François IV of Brittany, who gradually asserted himself as a champion of the Catholic Church, advocating the eradication of Reformed ideas from the kingdom, while supporting his wife across the Channel to counter the development of the Calvinist and Tyndalian movements.
    On the dynastic front, Charles IX had his son married to Jeanne de Navarre in the summer of 1561, strengthening the ties between the French crown and that of Navarre, and reinforcing his relationship with Jean IV of Navarre. The couple had Mary in May 1562 and Louis in October 1563. In 1562, the King of France had his daughter Elisabeth married to Alfonso II d'Este, the latter seeking to develop important relations while Charles IX saw an opportunity to extend his influence in Italy once again.
    On the diplomatic front, Charles IX maintained important relations with Mary I of England, although the ambiguity of Francis IV's position fueled tensions within the relationship.These good relations led to significant trade between the two kingdoms. Charles IX also enjoyed good relations with James VI of Scotland, although these became somewhat strained due to the absence of any potential threat from the kingdom of England. The King of France's relations with Philip II of Spain were complicated by the claims of John IV of Navarre and the emergence of major tensions in the Spanish Low Countries during the period. Charles IX maintained or developed relations with various princes of empire, notably Nicolas II of Lorraine.His relations with Ferdinand I of Habsburg were neutral and distant, as the interests of the French king were mainly focused on the Netherlands and the Italian peninsula. His ties with the Holy See remained good, although the death of Clement VIII in the spring of 1564 and the election of Gregory XIV contributed to their fluctuation.He refrained from responding to the Pope's call to protect Rhodes, although he agreed to send a few galleys to support Giannettino Doria in defending the island, having developed a neutral and more peaceful relationship with the Republic of Genoa and the Genoese admiral since 1561. His relations with the Duchy of Milan and Francesco II were neutral and distant. Seeking to further develop his network of influence in Italy, Charles IX succeeded in getting his daughter Elisabeth married to the young Duke Alfonso II d'Este. The King of France also maintained relations with the Kingdom of Poland, even though conflicts in Eastern Christendom and Scandinavia made it difficult to do so. Charles IX also developed trade relations with the Kingdom of Morocco, although the conflict between the latter and Philip II of Spain in the early 1560s affected these exchanges and relations.


    During the early 1560s, François IV of Brittany continued to manage his various responsibilities, although he tended to stay more in England to support his wife and prepare his son François to be the next sovereign. He gradually delegated his responsibilities as Duke of Brittany to his second son Henri, particularly after 1561, when he made him regent of the duchy. Anxious to ensure the continued existence of the duchy and to appease Charles IX's distrust of his and Marie's intentions, François IV had his son Henri married to Catherine de Clèves, the youngest daughter of François I de Nevers. François IV maintained a complicated relationship with Charles IX due to his ambiguous position, even though he supported the revival of great expeditions to make his duchy flourish through voyages of exploration and access to the spices of Asia.
    Appointed regent of Brittany by his father, Henri of Brittany set out to make his mark on the governance of the duchy, adopting his father's policies, particularly in trade policy and exchanges with the New World. In commercial policy, he took advantage of his family's special position to strengthen trade relations with England, as well as with the rest of the British Isles. He supported expeditions and exchanges with the New World to strengthen the duchy's influence in the affairs of the kingdom, and to play a leading role in the expansion of New France and its influence in the region. The future Duke of Brittany worked to develop his network of allies at court, determined to establish himself at court while combating the impact of his parents' presence on the English throne, namely a certain apprehension and mistrust of him. Henri de Bretagne also resumed the policy of fighting Calvinist ideas within the duchy, even if rumors suggest a certain sympathy for Calvinists on the part of the young nobleman.

    The early 1560s saw a variety of fortunes for the various French colonies in the New World.
    By the early 1560s, Fort Sainte-Croix had become a focal point of the St. Lawrence region, as the French developed and strengthened their presence and influence in the area through their alliances with the Iroquoian Alliance, as well as their explorations in the Saguenay and along the St. Lawrence. While the French ensured the support and protection of Iroquoian villages against their rivals in return for significant trade, the strengthening of Sainte-Croix and its population caused some tension with its allies during the period. Stadaconé and Hochelaga suffered a severe demographic crisis as a result of the ravages of epidemics and conflicts with rival tribes, while clashes marred the now unbalanced relations between the two communities. The French consolidated their presence on the Saguenay, pushing towards Lake Saint-Jacques, while maintaining ambiguous and conflictual relations with the Innu. They also developed contact with Iroquois populations further south, as exploration of the St. Lawrence and its tributaries expanded to find a passage to the west, discover gold or meet new native populations with whom to trade.
    Fort Valois grew and flourished in the years 1560-1564, thanks to cod fishing, its position as a port of call between Fort Charlesbourg and St. John's on Newfoundland, and trade with the Elnus. Over the years since the colony was established, the French have acquired a thorough knowledge of the territory of Little Britain, enabling them to develop the exploitation of its resources. However, the colony's development continued to experience setbacks, notably as a result of clashes between the French and Elnous, and the ravages of epidemics among the Elnous. The colony's small size also hindered its development.
    Fort Charlesbourg developed and extended the territory of Terre d'Orléans in the early 1560s, while exploration of the Saint-Jean increased during the period to find a passage to the west and other peoples with whom to trade.The colony was now a sizeable one, numbering over a thousand souls, including many Métis from Franco-Amerindian relations. The governors of Fort Charlesbourg established a second fort on the island of Paumanok (2), Fort Élisabeth in honor of the Queen, and established relations with the Canarsee. Controlling Marie Bay (3), Fort Charlesbourg based its development on trade with native tribes and the exploitation of various resources, including tobacco.However, relations with the various Leni Lenape tribes tended to deteriorate over the period, as they were weakened by successive epidemics and worried about the French strengthening their presence in the region. While trade relations were maintained between the French and the majority of the Leni Lenape, those with the Raritan became more complicated, notably due to incidents in areas where the French were expanding their exploration, their search for resources and the territory they controlled.In the early 1560s, relations with the Beothuk remained tense, but the incidents and clashes were minor compared with the period of conflict between the French and the natives. The colony regained some of its prosperity with the cod fishery, although the prosperity of Fort Valois hindered the restoration of assured prosperity. However, the colony continued to attract fishermen, particularly from Brittany, to the extent that some nicknamed it "Petit Saint-Malo" due to the large presence of Breton fishermen and settlers.Saint-Jean also benefited from its position as a gateway to the colonies of New France, providing a link in trade between the kingdom of France and the New World.

    In addition to developing these colonies, Charles IX was once again interested in organizing maritime expeditions, seeking to renew the commercial policy that had been the strength of his reign. While occasional expeditions had been carried out along the Brazilian coast during the previous decade, Charles IX intended to organize an expedition to establish trading posts or colonies to create a trade route to the Indies in order to compete with the Portuguese, hoping to profit from the regency in the name of King Alexander I. To prepare this expedition, Charles IX turned to Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon. He drew on the precedent of the Parmentier brothers' expedition of 1530 to determine the route of his expedition to the Indies and the spices, but also to find a first location for a trading post or small colony to link the kingdom of France with the route to the Indies.The choice fell on the coast of Guinea. In the early summer of 1563, Villegagnon left Le Havre with an expedition of four ships and three hundred people. After a complicated passage near the Canary Islands, where Spanish cannons fired on them, the French ships reached the Gulf of Guinea in early September 1563, reaching Cabo das Palmas (4). Exploring the coast shortly afterwards, Villegagnon and his expedition reached the mouth of the Youbou (5) and explored the mouth to find an ideal location for their colony, away from the coast to avoid detection by the Portuguese. Villegagnon eventually set up a small colony called Fort François on an island later named Île Villegagnon (6). The colony settled in without incident, and the French made contact with the natives, notably the Kroumen. In the autumn of 1563, the French set about establishing contact with the natives, both to facilitate the settlement of Fort François and to trade with them. Villegagnon and his expedition set sail again in November 1563 to continue their expedition, leaving behind one ship, Le Bretagne, and around 100 people at Fort François. The colonists set about developing Fort François, but environmental conditions, a mutiny that saw the departure of Le Bretagne in the spring of 1563, and a few incidents with the natives halved the number of settlers. Only the development of relations with the Kroumen enabled the survivors to survive, although tensions and disease persisted.
    Villegagnon sailed along the African coast, avoiding docking to avoid running into the Portuguese, and enduring the storms of the south, before reaching the Cape of Good Hope in February 1564. His fleet then moved on to the Indian Ocean, where the crew suffered the full brunt of scurvy, the New World's pine resources for producing anneda having quickly dried up during the voyage. In April 1564, they reached the island of Ceylon, initially landing near the kingdom of Kotte, but had to leave again, as King Dharmapala was an ally of the Portuguese. Villegagnon and his fleet soon landed on the shores of the kingdom of Kandy, where Karalliyadde Banḍāra welcomed his crew for a few days. Contact was established between the French and the sovereign, the latter seeing in Villegagnon and his men a means of gaining an ally to counter the Portuguese, whose influence had grown considerably in Ceylon, even though the latter were in latent conflict with Mayadunne, King of Sitawaka (7). For Villegagnon, an alliance with one of the local rulers would be an opportunity to develop the French presence in the Indian Ocean and counter the Portuguese and their monopoly on the spice trade. Promises were exchanged between the two men before Villegagnon set off with his men for Sumatra, which they reached in May 1564. Villegagnon sought to buy pepper and forge ties with the local rulers, but the Portuguese presence in the region made the venture complicated, and he was met with refusals and incidents with some of the locals. The French recovered some fifty kilograms of pepper and set off again for the Indian Ocean in early July 1564. In early autumn 1564, the expedition found itself in the Atlantic Ocean and headed north.

    (1) Louis III married Antoinette de La Marck, daughter of Duke Robert IV de La Marck, in early 1558, making the latter one of his allies as the two men forged ties with the War of the League of Perugia.
    (2) Old name for Long Island.
    (3) Alternative name for New York Bay.
    (4) Cap des Palmes in Liberia.
    (5) Alternative name for the Cavally River between Liberia and present-day Côte d'Ivoire.
    (6) Fictitious name for an island not far from the mouth of the Cavally.
    (7) The Sitawaka kingdom arose from the fragmentation of the Ceylonese kingdom of Kotte following the assassination of Vijayabahu VII by three of his sons, who feared that the succession would be altered in favor of an inbred half-brother. The kingdom was ruled by Mayadunne, whose aim was not only to take control of the territory of his father's former kingdom, but also to counter the Portuguese. The strengthening of the Portuguese during this period reinforced Mayadunne's rivalry with them.
     
    1560-1564: Peace restored on British soil
  • 1560-1564: Peace restored on British soil
    The early 1560s were a special period for the British kingdoms as their respective sovereigns sought to assert their authority in a context of returning peace and stability.

    The years 1560-1564 were an important period for Mary I of England. With the help of her council and her husband Francis IV of Brittany, the English sovereign consolidated her authority over the kingdom. Relying on Parliament for support, she worked to develop ties with the various members of the court to reduce the risk of opposition and hinder the influence of potential supporters of Elizabeth and Edward. Factions do exist within the court, however, pitting allies like the Pole family against other members of the court, such as Henry Howard, Duke of Norfolk. Marie and her husband prepared their son François for his future position, seeking to develop his networks of allies and acquaintances at court. Their line was consolidated during this period with the birth of their grandchildren Claude in 1560 and Henri in 1561. The sovereign also had to contend with an attempt by Edward to defend his wife's rights in the same year, landing near Sheringham in September 1562. The former Earl of Devon could not, however, count on the support of Henry Howard or Henry Brandon, the latter preferring to maintain their position with the royal court, forcing Edward to retreat after a bloody skirmish near Aylsham and a failed attempt to seize Norwich. His forces were attacked by those of Francis IV and Henry Pole near Fakenham in early October 1561 and crushed. Edward was a fugitive for several days and narrowly escaped capture, disembarking in mid-October 1562.
    On the dynastic front, the line of Mary I and her husband was strengthened by the births of Princesses Catherine and Margaret in the spring of 1560 and summer of 1562. Their son, Crown Prince François, continued to forge ties with the English court, even if his French upbringing and initial training to become the future Duke of Brittany led to imprecision and tension between him and certain English nobles.
    Apart from court intrigues and Edward de Courtenay's attempt to regain the throne in his and Elizabeth's name, Mary I continued to pursue an important commercial policy towards the kingdom of France and the Spanish Netherlands, while plans to revive the project of finding a north-west passage to Asia were developing. Seeking to resolve the economic and social difficulties affecting her kingdom, Marie I succeeded in obtaining Clement VIII's approval for the taxation of monasteries in 1560. The taxation of monasteries was approved by parliament, despite the reluctance and opposition of some representatives of the regular clergy. However, the measures taken to deal with the impact of inflation were hampered by local constraints, particularly on the issue of enclosures, as the lords who profited from this practice opposed any legislation on the matter, fuelling tensions in the regions concerned. In 1563, clashes broke out in Northumberland as a result of protests and violence by peasants fed up with seeing communal grazing land nibbled away by enclosures.
    Economic and political problems were compounded by religious tensions. While Mary and her husband reaffirmed the primacy of the Catholic Church and the decisions of the Council of Mantua, they had to contend with the presence of Calvinist and Tyndalian communities that had developed during the years of Elizabeth I's reign. Mary sought to develop a rigorist policy to counter their development, and while her husband supported her in this, he also sought to advise her to promote an "Anglican" approach to the Church of England, similar to what her relative Charles IX had achieved with the Catholic Church through the Concordat of Carpentras. While some Calvinist and Tyndalian thinkers and individuals went into exile in the Scandinavian kingdoms or the Holy Roman Empire, most remained in England and developed clandestine cults that contributed to the emergence of other forms of tension within the kingdom, all the more so as certain representatives of the local nobility in regions that had supported Elizabeth I, such as Devon and Cornwall or some of the ancient marches of Wales, were sensitive to these ideas, seeing in them an opportunity to emancipate their kingdom from papal influence.
    Through the Lord Lieutenant, the Queen also has to deal with the troubles in Ireland. The major conflict pits Shane O'Neill against a coalition between Calvagh O'Donnell and Sorely Boy McDonnell. The King of Tír Eoghain had to face his two rivals over the years 1560-1562. Shane O'Neill failed to capture Calvagh O'Donnell in the spring of 1561 and led raids on his opponents' lands, although his forces were defeated near Ballymoney in July 1561. However, Shane O'Neill managed to consolidate his position on Tír Eoghain by convincing the lords of Tír Eoghain to recognize his nephews Brian and Hugh as illegitimate. In the conflict between Shane O'Neill and his rivals, Thomas Radclyffe first intervened in implicit support of Shane O'Nell's opponents, in order to weaken the king of Tír Eoghain while taking care not to let his two rivals grow too strong. In the spring of 1562, the Lord-Lieutenant is charged with bringing peace between the three Irish lords, which he achieves through a brutal scorched-earth campaign on Shane O'Neill's lands, forcing the latter to make peace with his rivals in the autumn of 1562. The Lord-Lieutenant, on the other hand, supported Thomas Butler against Gerald FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, forcing the latter to make peace with the new Earl of Ormonde in 1562. Thomas Radclyffe was replaced by Thomas Butler in March 1564, in a bid to strengthen English influence and build support among Irish lords.
    Diplomatically, Mary I maintained neutral and cordial relations with her parents, Charles IX of France and James VI of Scotland. She relied on trade with northern France and the Duchy of Brittany to maintain good relations with the King of France. She also sought to strengthen her relations with Philip II of Spain, notably by reinforcing trade relations with the Spanish Netherlands. The English sovereign took advantage of her relations with Clement VIII to obtain, in particular, the taxation of monasteries and to renew the reinforcement of the rights of the English crown in the management of Ireland. The English sovereign forged an important relationship with John II of Norway, as both sovereigns shared a distrust of Frederick II of Denmark, the former for his support of Elizabeth and Edward, the latter for the threat he posed to his kingdom.


    In the early 1560s, Elizabeth and Edward sought the support of Frederick II of Denmark in their bid to retake the English throne from Mary I. They won the Danish sovereign's support in early 1562, enabling Edward to recruit an army of three to four thousand men, which he landed in Norfolk near Sheringham in early September 1562. Edward sought to rally Norfolk to his cause, but encountered violent opposition from local forces near Aylsham on September 22, 1562, and saw the gates of Norwich closed to him. He tried to seize the city by deception, but failed, forcing him to retreat. On October 2nd, 1562, his forces were attacked by those of Henry Pole and Francis IV near Fakenham, where they were massacred. Edward narrowly escaped capture and with great difficulty managed to leave England, but the crossing of the North Sea was perilous, his ship suffering from a violent storm. Edward managed to reach the Duchy of Holstein in mid-October, where he was reunited with his wife, but the failure of his expedition and the storm he suffered on the way back caused him to fall ill, and he nearly died in the winter of 1562-1563. He escaped death, but emerged weakened.
    Elisabeth remained in Denmark throughout the early 1560s, looking after her daughters Elisabeth and Marguerite, born in March 1561. She enjoyed the hospitality of Frederick II. The years 1563-1564 saw Elizabeth and Edward continue their life of exile and seek to defend their rights to the English crown, but the outbreak of war between the Danish and Swedish kingdoms meant that Frederick II was unlikely to support them again. They were, however, mourned by the death of Anne Boleyn in June 1563, the former dowager queen already weakened by the death of her brother (1), deeply affected by her son-in-law's failure and increasingly unable to bear exile.

    The early 1560s were a period of affirmation for James VI. The young sovereign consolidated his authority over the Scottish court and among Scottish clans. While he relied on the Parliament of Edinburgh to secure the support of the Scottish lords, he worked to reinforce his authority over the kingdom and maintain peace among the Scottish clans. Relying on his advisors and Matthew Stewart, James VI continued his father's policy of reforming and strengthening the royal administration. From 1561, the young king took on his uncle, James Stuart, Earl of Moray, as one of his trusted advisors. He had more ambiguous relations with James Hamilton and the Douglas clan, but relied on them to develop good relations with Mary I of England. The Scottish king also had a complicated relationship with his mother Renée de France, not least because of her Calvinist sympathies. These strained relations disappeared with the death of Renée in the autumn of 1564. On the religious front, James VI continued his father's policy of implementing the decisions inspired by the Council of Mantua, but sought to ensure peace within his kingdom, seeking compromises with the Reformed. Religious issues were compounded by economic and financial challenges, as his kingdom faced the consequences of the inflation that affected Christendom during the period. However, he took advantage of the relationships he had forged with his neighbors and John II of Norway to develop an important commercial policy.
    Dynastically, James VI and his wife Catherine had several children during the period: Marie born in September 1560, Matthew in May 1561, who became heir presumptive following James's death in autumn 1561, and James in August 1563.
    On the diplomatic front, James VI maintained important relations with Mary I of England and Charles IX of France, keeping the peace and a peaceful relationship with the kingdom of England. In addition to this relationship, James VI strengthened his ties with John II of Norway, notably through extensive trade in the North Sea, and forged an alliance with the latter in the winter of 1564, when he felt threatened by the conflict between his Scandinavian neighbors. He forged diplomatic relations with the other kingdoms of Christendom, mainly those whose rulers remained Catholic, notably Philip II of Spain.


    (1) Captured after the success of Mary and Francis IV of Brittany, stripped of his titles, George Boleyn was imprisoned in the Tower of London in the summer of 1556 before being tried in the autumn. Abandoned by his allies and found guilty of treason against the crown, George was executed in January 1557, undergoing the torment of traitors: hanged, dragged on a rack to the gallows and quartered, with his body parts distributed across London and three major cities in the kingdom. When Anne Boleyn heard the news in February 1557, she reclined for several days in the apartments allotted by Christian III to his daughter, her son-in-law, their daughter and herself. After that, the former Queen of England was never the same, and gradually withdrew from plans for the restoration of her daughter and husband.
     
    1560-1564: Stability and change in the Italian peninsula
  • 1560-1564: Stability and change in the Italian peninsula
    The early 1560s were a time of change for various regions of the Italian peninsula, as numerous tensions emerged, including the latest outbursts of religious tensions inherited from the Reformed movements.

    The papacy underwent several changes of pope in the early 1560s. Clement VIII pursued his architectural policy in Rome and strengthened the theological reforms designed to consolidate the supremacy of the Catholic Church in the face of persistent Reformed movements, particularly in the Holy Roman Empire. He also supported Philip II in the struggle against the Kingdom of Morocco, and was concerned by Ottoman designs on Rhodes, seeking to create an alliance against the Sublime Porte in 1562 as rumors of a new attack on Rhodes became more widespread. He only succeeded in getting Philip II and Giannettino Doria to send reinforcements to the Knights of Rhodes and a fleet to protect the island from an Ottoman attack. News of the siege and capture of the island by the Ottomans contributed to the pontiff's physical weakening.
    In February 1564, Clement VIII died, prompting a conclave to be held at the end of the month. The conclave saw several factions: the faction around Alexander Farnese, cardinals close to the late pope, cardinals close to the French faction and cardinals close to the Spanish faction. The conclave lasted almost three weeks before the choice was finally made in favor of the dean of the conclave, the Venetian cardinal Francesco Pisani, notably to prevent the election of Giovanni Gerolamo Morone, whose Lutheran sympathies were suspected, or Cristoforo Madruzzo, judged too close to the Habsburgs, while Alexander Farnese did not have enough votes in his favor to be elected. The new pope chose the name Gregory, becoming Gregory XIV at the beginning of March 1564.

    The Duchy of Milan enjoyed considerable prosperity in the early 1560's. Francesco II pursued a policy of patronage within his duchy and maintained important relations with the Republic of Genoa, further strengthening his ties with the latter with the advent of Giannettino Doria. His duchy became an important center in the Italy of the time, even if its prosperity was not quite the same as in his father's time. The city was a cultural mecca in Italy, even if Francesco II had to contend with competition from the papacy and the revival of Florence. Nevertheless, his court was one of the most cultured and brilliant in Italy, benefiting in particular from the talents of Sofonisba Anguissola, who gradually became the ducal couple's official painter. Francesco II was able to draw on the talents of his wife Catherine to work on his diplomatic relations and consolidate the prestige of his lineage within the duchy.
    On the diplomatic front, the Duke of Milan strengthened relations with the Republic of Genoa, even if relations remained ambiguous and strained, particularly after the death of Giannettino Doria. Francesco II also turned to Philip II of Spain for help in developing relations with the latter, notably through commercial ties with the Kingdom of Naples. He maintained good relations with the papacy, not least because of its fight against Calvinist ideas. He forged ties with Alessandro II de' Medici, marrying his daughter Madeleine to the latter in the summer of 1563. Relations deteriorated with the Alliance of the Three Leagues, however, as the Duke was determined to recover Valtellina. He approached the Catholic cantons to secure their neutrality and support. His relations with the Republic of Genoa were neutral and cordial, but the death of Giannettino Doria and the emergence of unrest in Genoa drew his attention.

    With the death of Andrea Doria in the autumn of 1560, the Republic of Genoa underwent a change in its situation and functioning. While the biennial doges system was maintained, the true master of the city was Giannettino Doria, the admiral's nephew, who had been trained by the admiral to be his heir. The new master of the maritime republic continued his uncle's policies, notably by consolidating relations with Philip II of Spain. He also developed ties with Francesco II of Milan and Alessandro II of Florence. He also played an important role in the system of biennial doges set up by his uncle, but the Genoese admiral's death also contributed to the emergence of rivalries and political intrigues between members of the Albergo family, who were keen to regain their former position in the Republic of Genoa and to bring down the power of the Doria family, particularly the Adorno and Fregoso families, who had not forgiven Andrea Doria for their exile. These rivalries are compounded by the fact that Giannettino Doria is arrogant and insolent, not hesitating to show off the power of his new position. He had a complicated relationship with the Fieschi family, with rumors suggesting that Giovanni Luigi Fieschi's wife was his mistress. In the face of intrigues, the Genoese admiral relied on the communes, even if some of them were neutral or hostile towards him, reproaching him for the dictatorial nature (1) of his power. Some of his opponents nicknamed him "Il nuovo Cesare" (2) to mock his authority. Giannettino finally trained his son Giovanni to succeed him as admiral and leading politician in Genoa. Opposition to the Albergo family grew stronger with the defeat and death of Giannettino Doria at Rhodes in 1563.
    Diplomatically, the Republic of Genoa maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, while developing relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Duchy of Florence. Relations with Charles IX of France were neutral, although trade was conducted between their respective territories. In 1562, he accepted the papal request to support the Knights Hospitallers on Rhodes to counter the Ottomans, sending a fleet and reinforcements to the Knights Hospitallers through the Genoese possessions near the Dodecanese, notably the island of Chio. He joined the expedition and took part in the naval battle off Rhodes in early June 1563, playing a notable role in the retreat of the Christian fleet, but was killed in the confrontation. His death weakened ties between the maritime republic and the Kingdom of Spain, although Giovanni Andrea Doria sought to maintain them in order to preserve his position and the regime established by his great-uncle in the face of the various oppositions within the city.


    The Duchy of Florence saw Alessandro II continue to consolidate his authority in the early 1560s. The young Duke of Medici set about strengthening his power through administrative reforms, notably to develop the Florentine fleet and ensure the continuity of his power and his family. The young duke also pursued his policy of patronage, determined to restore Florence to its former splendor and to rival Rome, whose lustre aroused wonder. Although he continued to rely on his father-in-law Cosimo, Alessandro II began to detach himself from him, not wishing to be in the latter's shadow and seeking to set himself apart.
    On the diplomatic front, the young Duke developed his relations with the Holy See, particularly with Gregory XIV. He also forged important ties with the Republic of Genoa, above all with Giannettino Doria and then Giovanni. Through Giannettino Doria, he established relations with Philip II of Spain. He developed relations with Francesco II of Milan, marrying the Duke's daughter Madeleine in July 1563. Their union produced a daughter, Caterina, in March 1564. His relations with Charles IX of France were complicated, not least by the ties between the kingdom of France and the Republic of Siena. His relations with the city of Siena were very difficult and conflictual, with the conflict between the two cities still fresh in the memory and Alessandro II being urged by his father-in-law to act to neutralize the rival city, while his mother Vittoria advised him to defend his claims to Siena as grandson of Pieri Luigi Farnese. The young duke joined Pope Clement VIII's alliance against the Ottomans, adding a few galleys to the Christian fleet in 1563.
    The Republic of Siena was organized in the early 1560's. The reforms carried out by Peter Strozzi enabled the city to strengthen the authority of the oligarchic council, of which Peter Strozzi was a leading member. Drawing inspiration from the Florentine experience, the Genoese situation and Siena's past, Peter Strozzi headed an oligarchic council whose members were regularly renewed and included representatives of the city's artisans and merchants. Together with his son Philip, Pierre Strozzi took charge of the city's defense, and also undertook to reorganize the territory's other defenses, notably the fortress of Montalcino. The city re-established and strengthened its political and administrative institutions, while in terms of trade, it succeeded in strengthening its commercial ties with its various neighbors and allies, even if tensions with the Duchy of Florence and economic difficulties linked to rising inflation contributed to slowing down the economic development of the city and its region. To consolidate his position, in May 1563 Peter Strozzi had his son married to Ortensia, daughter of Marcantonio, head of the Borghese family, a powerful patrician family from Siena.
    On the diplomatic front, Peter Strozzi enabled Siena to maintain important relations with the kingdom of France. The republic forged trade links with the Republic of Genoa and the Papal States, although diplomatic relations with the Holy See were complicated. Relations with the Duchy of Florence were more difficult, due to the pre-existing rivalry between the two cities, but also to the claims that Alessandro II de' Medici, grandson of Pieri Luigi Farnese, began to make on the territory of the Republic. The claims of Ottavio and Ranuccio Farnese posed further threats to the city of Siena, although the latter could only count on the support of Cardinal Alexander Farnese to consolidate their claims, while Alessandro II used his position as Duke of Florence to defend his own. Relations with other Italian cities were more distant, although some relationships were forged with Venice through economic exchanges. Ties were forged with the Duchy of Milan, mainly on a commercial level.


    In the early 1560s, the new Duke of Ferrara and Modena, Alfonso II d'Este, sought to develop new relationships, in particular to distance himself from the Papacy. He drew closer to Charles IX of France, taking advantage of the French king's desire to rebuild his influence in Italy and the rebuilding of relations between his duchy and the kingdom of France during the last years of his father, Hercules II. These relations culminated in his marriage to Jeanne de Bourbon, daughter of Louis III de Bourbon, in September 1562.
    The Duke of Ferrara and Modena also established relations with the Count of Mantua, Guillaume de Mantoue, marrying his sister Lucrèce to the latter in the spring of 1563. He developed diplomatic and commercial relations with the Duchy of Milan and the Republic of Venice. While he maintained important relations with the Holy See, he sought to emancipate himself from papal influence.


    In the early 1560s, the Count of Mantua, Guillaume Gonzague, emancipated himself from the regency of his uncle, Bishop Henri Gonzague. Having reached the age of majority in 1561 (3), the young duke set about managing the governance of his estates with a zeal that was sometimes considerable, undertaking in particular to tax his subjects in the marquisate of Montferrat in order to carry out the defenses of the territory. He did the same in the Duchy of Mantua, wary of the possibility of a Milanese or Venetian threat. Austere in taste, the Duke nevertheless undertook to develop a policy of patronage to help his duchy flourish, having to manage Milan's cultural development in particular.
    On the diplomatic front, the young duke set about forging ties with his neighbors, notably the Duke of Milan, Francesco II, and Alfonso II d'Este. He married Alfonso II d'Este's sister, Lucrezia, in April 1563. Their marriage led to the birth of Vincent in February 1564. William of Mantua also approached the Holy See to obtain from Clement VIII the creation of a cardinalate for his uncle, which was achieved in the summer of 1562. William I also undertook to forge important relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire, due to the proximity of the Duchy of Verona. His relations with Duke Louis II of Savoy were neutral and distant, although he sought to develop good relations with the latter in order to preserve the Marquisate of Montferrat.

    During the years 1560-1564, the Republic of Venice sought to focus on restoring its prosperity and trade in the Mediterranean, particularly with the Ottoman Empire. The maritime republic sought to maintain a peaceful relationship with the Sublime Porte in order to benefit from commercial advantages, which led to tensions with the Papacy as the island of Rhodes came under renewed attack from Suleiman during the period. Venice's neutrality during Soliman's second attack on Rhodes was strongly criticized by Clement VIII, who bitterly regretted the absence of the Serenissima, as well as by Philip II of Spain. Added to these difficulties were the development of alternative trade routes to India and Asia, as well as trade to the New World, to which the Serenissima had no access. Commercial difficulties led to increased capital investment in the Domini di Terraferma, even though the city remained active in trade, its policy of tolerance allowing merchants of all faiths to continue to come here to buy and sell their goods.
    On the diplomatic front, Venice sought to maintain good relations with its various neighbors and with the Ottoman Empire, concentrating on maintaining commercial exchanges. This led to improved relations with Ferdinand I of Habsburg and the Papacy, although the Serenissima's religious policy contributed to disagreements between the Pope and the Doge. Venice's neutrality during the new Ottoman siege of Rhodes was criticized by its neighbors.

    In the early 1560s, the Swiss cantons faced tensions and divisions that had been renewed for decades. The development of the Mantuan counter-reformation in the Catholic cantons and their proximity to the Habsburgs of Austria gave rise to deep tensions with the Protestant cantons, the latter seeking to preserve their position and denouncing the ambiguous links maintained by their compatriots with the house that had once sought to dominate them. Within the Diet, the various parties sought to keep the peace and maintain the status quo resulting from the Kappel Wars, notably by reaffirming the right of each canton to defend the practice of religion as it saw fit, inspired in particular by the Treaty of Augsburg of 1557. The position of the bishops and prince-bishops, notably of Lausanne, on the affirmation of the Catholic Church and the return of the various bailiwicks of the Confederation to the bosom of the Roman Church contributed to blocking any form of compromise, while the representatives of the Protestant cantons sought to defend their prerogatives and the reforms that had been carried out.
    These divisions tended to influence diplomatic relations. The Catholic cantons strengthened their relations with the Holy See and several of the Italian states, notably the Duchy of Milan. Protestant cantons tended to draw closer to Protestant princes and forged ties with the Republic of Geneva, while the prospect of conflict with Catholic cantons and their allies became a possibility for all.
    Finally, in 1563, a plague epidemic broke out in Basel, before a new wave affected the Pays d'Apenzell and the canton of Bern. The epidemics were as virulent as few of the region's epidemics of the period, contributing to the tensions and uncertainties that divided the confederation.

    The Republic of Geneva consolidated and reinforced the various laws and institutions put in place by the city council and Jean Calvin before the conflict with the Duchy of Savoy in the 1550s, further strengthening them to neutralize any opposition and attempts to re-establish the Catholic faith, notably with the strengthening of the Catholic clergy supported by a papacy determined to re-establish Christian unity in various ways. Opposition to John Calvin and the city council was considerably weakened after the conflict of 1552-1554. The small republic lost its central pillar, however, when Jean Calvin died of illness in May 1564. It also had to contend with the emergence of the plague epidemic in the Swiss cantons.
    On the diplomatic front, the Republic of Geneva maintained ambiguous relations with the Duchy of Savoy, while Louis II sought to improve relations with the small territory. The threat of Savoyard claims on the small republic and the determination of the Bishop of Geneva to return to his diocese led the latter to preserve its relations with the canton of Berne and to seek other alliances with other cantons, even if the Catholic canton of Fribourg remained neutral.

    In the early 1560s, Louis II continued to strengthen his authority and reorganize his duchy, restoring its prosperity despite its territorial decline following his father's conflict. The duke continued to consolidate his relations with the kingdom of France, while seeking to maintain good relations with Ferdinand I in order to balance these relations. On the dynastic front, his marriage to Marie de France resulted in the birth of Louis-Amédée in March 1560, Beatrice in September 1561 and Charles in June 1563. In 1564, however, the duke had to contend with a plague epidemic that broke out in the Pays de Gex.
    In addition to his relations with the kingdom of France, the Duke forged neutral and sometimes complicated ties with the Republic of Geneva and the Swiss cantons. He also developed ties with the Republic of Genoa and the Duchy of Milan, as well as with William of Mantua. He strengthened his relations with the papacy, seeking to take advantage of Clement VIII's support to prepare a new project aimed at Geneva. Finally, Louis II maintained distant relations with Ferdinand I as Prince of the Holy Roman Empire.

    (1) Giannettino Doria, more than his uncle, concentrated power in the Genoese republic and did not hesitate to interfere in the affairs of his city and to promote its interests in a pronounced way.
    (2) "The New Caesar".
    (3) In the Marquisate/Duchy of Mantua, the age of majority for city leaders was 23.
     
    1560-1564: Transition in the Iberian kingdoms
  • 1560-1564: Transition in the Iberian kingdoms
    The early 1560s were a period of transition for the Iberian kingdoms as they faced different challenges.

    Philip II asserted his authority and reign during the years 1560-1564. He had to deal with the diversity of his kingdom's legal administrations and the potential opposition of various local assemblies and lords. However, the young sovereign was able to draw on his education and experience to gain greater acceptance from his Spanish subjects through respect for the habits and customs of the different regions of the kingdom. To consolidate his reign, the young king could also rely on a certain economic prosperity thanks to the Spanish Netherlands and the riches coming from the New World, even if inflation and some of the recent conflicts may have taken their toll on the royal treasury. The kingdom's small population was also a constraint on the young sovereign's ability to raise enough taxes to consolidate the royal finances, while opposition from local lords could complicate the levying of taxes. These difficulties were compounded by the subsistence crises that hit the Spanish Netherlands in particular during this period. The young sovereign concentrated on managing his Iberian domains, applying the advice and counsel of his late mother Isabella of Portugal.
    Philip II also pursued an important religious policy within his domains, determined to eradicate all traces of Reformed movements of any kind and to enforce the decisions inspired by the Council of Mantua, making these and subsequent papal decisions fundamental laws in his religious policy. He was particularly firm and severe in the Spanish Netherlands, through the various governors of his aunt Eleonora and her successor, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo, seeking in particular to establish the Spanish Inquisition.
    In addition to the Protestant elements that persisted in Christendom, there was also a large Morisco community, while the strengthening of the Kingdom of Morocco to the south raised concerns that a new Moorish power was attempting to invade the Iberian Peninsula. The repression of Morisco customs and the strengthening of the Cherifian kingdom south of the Mediterranean fueled tensions in Andalusia, home to a large part of the Morisco community. The King of Spain had to face up to the risk posed by Saadian Morocco, reinforcing the Spanish enclaves in northern Morocco and on the Oranese coast. The death of Mohammed ech-Sheikh, however, gave the Spanish an opportunity, as the sons of Abû al-Hassan Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad, the last representatives of the Wattassid line, were already present. Determined to weaken the Saadian dynasty and consolidate Iberian influence in North Africa, Philip II agreed in 1563 to support the latter's dynastic claims against the new Saadian sultan, Abdallah el-Ghalib, particularly in view of the news of Moroccan attacks on the Koukou sultanate. The Spanish sovereign hesitated and procrastinated before deciding to organize the expedition, having also been involved in the expedition to help Rhodes that same year. In the spring of 1564, as he began to set up the expedition, he put Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens in charge and began to contact the Koukou sultanate for support. The expedition was ready in the summer of 1564, with a fleet of two hundred and fifty ships, including some thirty sent by the Portuguese, and an army of around twenty thousand men, including around three thousand Portuguese. Leaving Barcelona in July 1564, it reached Melilla in August. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens then descended on Fez, accompanied by Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn (1). In August 1564, as his army approached Meziat (2), Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens encountered Adballah el-Ghalib's army of thirty-five thousand men near the Wadi Sra. The battle between the two armies took place on August 24, 1564. The Moroccans sought to encircle the Spanish, but the latter defended themselves energetically, using the wadi as a small barrier to slow down enemy attacks and taking advantage of their artillery and tercios under the energetic command of Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens. In the early afternoon of August 24, the Spanish tried to break the Sultan's army at its center, seeking to capture or kill Abdallah el-Ghalib, but their assault was in turn repulsed. Spanish resistance enabled them to destroy one of the wings of the Moroccan army, preventing Abdallah el-Ghalib from encircling them. The heat and violence of the confrontation, however, contributed to their exhaustion. The confrontation came to a halt in the evening, with both sides suffering heavy losses and the Moroccans reeling from the failure of their plan. The following night, Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn and Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens were attacked by two of Abdallah el-Ghalib's men, who tried to kill them. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens manages to defeat his adversary, while Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn is seriously wounded. The attack on their commander provokes panic and anger among the Spaniards. Luís de Zúñiga y Requesens prefers to withdraw, unsure whether he can continue to lead the fight after narrowly escaping death. On August 5, the Spanish left the battlefield and headed north. The battle of Wadi Sra ended with mixed results for both sides: while the Spaniards failed to neutralize Abdallah el-Ghalib and descend on Fez, the Moroccan sultan lost six thousand men, compared with a thousand for the Spaniards. However, the Spanish forces were weakened by their retreat to Melilla, with 14,000 men reaching the enclave by early September 1564. During the retreat, Abû Abd Allah Yahya ben Hassûn died of his wounds on August 28, 1564.
    With his attention focused on Morocco, Philip II could only pay relative attention to Clement VIII's appeal to counter the new Ottoman attack on Rhodes, even though he sent a small fleet to accompany Giannettino Doria's fleet in early 1563. Spanish ships helped send reinforcements to bolster the Rhodes garrison, but were destroyed in the naval battle of Rhodes in early June 1563.
    From a dynastic point of view, his second marriage enabled Philip II to have more children to perpetuate his lineage. His second wife gave birth to Ferdinand in March 1560, Isabella in September 1562 and Diego in June 1564. Ferdinand died in autumn 1563. Although he had an heir in Prince Charles, Philip II began to have doubts about the latter's ability to succeed him, as the young prince began to show signs of instability and an angry, vindictive temper. The development of this character made him reluctant to defend a matrimonial project for his eldest son.
    On the diplomatic front, Philip II had complicated relations with Charles IX of France, and even more so with John IV of Navarre. With the former, relations were complicated and tense due to the question of Artois, the French colonies in the New World and French claims in Italy. Philip II distrusted the older French sovereign, whose policies conflicted with the territories of the Spanish Netherlands and the development of New Spain. With John IV, it was the question of respect for the territory of the Kingdom of Navarre, which he took for granted, that lay at the heart of the disagreements between the two sovereigns. To counter French influence and the potential threat posed by his neighbor, Philip II sought to develop relations with his aunt Catherine, regent of the kingdom of Portugal, and his relative Mary I of England.

    The Spanish Netherlands, or Sixteen Provinces, was going through a peculiar period in the early 1560's. Eleonora of Habsburg continued the governance and policies she had pursued since taking office, but had to take into account the demands and political decisions of her nephew. This led to tensions with the representatives of the provinces, particularly in view of the privileges held by the various cities, while Philip II's fiscal demands were deemed severe. Eleanor sought to appease the provincial representatives, while corresponding with her nephew to inform him of the situation in the Spanish Netherlands and help him better adapt his decisions to the local situation. This raises tensions between her and Philip II, even though they agree on the need to counter the spread of Calvinist ideas in the region.
    The situation changed in autumn 1561 with the death of Éléonore. With the death of his aunt, Philip II had to appoint a new ruler. Ignoring requests from some representatives of the Netherlands for Marguerite Sforza (3) to succeed their aunt, the King of Spain turned to one of his confidants to ensure the proper governance and management of the sixteen provinces in the person of Ferdinand d'Alvare de Toledo, whose experience as viceroy of Naples he hoped to profit from. The new governor of the Netherlands arrived in the Netherlands in the summer of 1562, and presented himself to the Estates General in Brussels in August 1562. The first meeting was tense and complicated, as the Dutch representatives took a dim view of the arrival of this Spanish nobleman to manage their territories, and feared greater interference from the Spanish crowns. Shortly after his arrival, Ferdinand Alvare de Toledo sought to manage the Sixteen Provinces with the same ability he had shown in Naples, while seeking to secure the support and collaboration of the Dutch councillors and the States General. He also pursued the policy of fighting Calvinist ideas, determined to eradicate them from the Sixteen Provinces and restore religious unity in the name of the Catholic Church, which led him to introduce the Spanish Inquisition into the provinces and to pay close attention to the proposal for reform of the organization of dioceses by the Archbishop of Malines, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle.
    While the new governor could rely on the support of Viglius van Aytta, Charles de Berlaymont, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle and René de Chalon, Count of Orange, he also faced opposition from some of the Council of State and local elites, notably Lamoral d'Egmont. Their opposition concerned certain elements of the governor's policy and the strengthening of Spanish influence within the management of the Sixteen Provinces, while collaboration with local elites and the preservation of local rights and freedoms were defended. The religious question also raised tensions, as the development of the Spanish Inquisition in the Spanish Netherlands and a project to reform local dioceses championed by Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle in 1564 sparked controversy. Divisions existed within the local elites, however, between those who were willing to move closer to the French crown to seek to defend their rights, and those who wanted to defend all freedoms and rights without being under the authority of any crown.

    The kingdom of Portugal experienced a special period in the early 1560s as it continued to live under royal regency, initially led by Catherine of Castile before she was replaced by Cardinal Henry of Evora, the great-uncle of King Alexander I. The young sovereign was trained by Aleixo de Meneses and a number of clerics, mainly priests, but also an inquisitor. On the diplomatic front, the Portuguese regency maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, particularly in view of the threat posed by Saadian Morocco to the south. It supported her nephew Philip II's plan to place a pretender on the Moroccan throne, while keeping the Kingdom of Portugal out of the military project. She forged trade links with the Kingdom of England, and maintained a complicated and tense relationship with Charles IX of France, due in particular to the explorations of French sailors along the Brazilian coast and, above all, in the direction of Asia. Relations with the Holy See were very good, with Henri d'Evora taking advantage of his position as cardinal to strengthen ties with the various popes and secure the pope's approval for the continuation of religious missions.
    During this regency, the maritime kingdom continued to strengthen its influence and territories in Brazil, on the African coast, in the Red Sea, on the Indian coast and in Malacca. However, its position was complicated and tense in the Red Sea, as the Ottomans strengthened their maritime presence in the region and carried out numerous counterattacks on their possessions in the Aden area. They forged relations with imperial Ming China thanks to their presence in Macao, and with the Japanese lords, taking advantage of the state of civil war affecting the island empire. With papal blessing, they also pursued a religious policy, sending clerics to spread the word of Christ in distant lands. They maintained important relations with the kingdom of Ethiopia, whose trade enabled the negus Gelawdéwos to strengthen his kingdom and counter the threat of the Harar sultanate and the Oromos, even if the strengthening of Ottoman influence in the region tended to attenuate the benefits of these exchanges and of the alliance between the Portuguese and the Ethiopians. They also strengthened their influence in India, even if they had to deal with the strengthening of the Mughal kingdom. The Portuguese also had to deal with the strengthening of Saadian Morocco, which threatened their remaining colonies on the North African coast, notably Ceuta and Tangiers. Anfa was attacked in 1563, although it resisted. The Cardinal of Evora supported the Spanish expedition, sending a few ships to support the expedition and a small force to support the Spanish tercios. Their colony in Brazil developed, notably with the cultivation of sugar and coffee, but remained fairly modest in size, even though French excursions in the region led its viceroy to reinforce the colony to counter any French expansionist ambitions, exploring the Rio de Janeiro (4) in particular during 1562. French expeditions worried the Portuguese all the more, as in 1564 they caught wind of a French fleet in the Indian Ocean, after the viceroy of Goa had heard of a French passage along the coast of Ceylon.


    (1) Name of Abû al-Hassan's eldest son Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad (but imagined, having found no information about him and his brother, being "only a footnote" in what I could find on the subject, their historical destiny being to die killed by pirates while trying to reach Spain in 1554 after the recapture of Fez by the Saadians with the help of the Regency of Algiers).
    (2) Ancient name for the town of Taounate.
    (3) The daughter of Francesco Sforza, the brother of Duke Maximilian, and Marguerite, the illegitimate daughter of Charles V.
    (4) Original Portuguese name for Guanabara Bay after its discovery on January 1, 1502 by Gaspard de Lemos' expedition, the Portuguese mistaking the bay for a river mouth.
     
    1560-1564: The Holy Roman Empire
  • 1560-1564: The Holy Roman Empire
    The early 1560s were a period of tranquility and stability in the Holy Roman Empire, as the Habsburgs sought to consolidate their authority over a religiously divided territory.

    During the years 1560-1564, Ferdinand I worked to ensure stability and peace in the empire's lands, while strengthening the tools with which to assert his authority. Applying the Treaty of Augsburg to ensure religious peace within the empire, he sought to reconcile Catholics and Protestants, demonstrating prudence and pragmatism. Within his domains and through his allies, the Emperor also sought to promote the supremacy of the Catholic Church in various ways. He could thus count on the support of his sons-in-law, Louis III of Hungary and Albert V of Bavaria. His religious policy enabled him to manage opposition from some of the leading Protestant princes, notably Maurice of Saxony and George Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansach and Brandenburg-Culmbach. He also had to deal with the emergence of Calvinist ideas within the Holy Roman Empire, as Frederick III of the Palatinate became a Calvinist.
    At the same time, Ferdinand I continued to strengthen the imperial administration and the administrative and governmental role of Vienna during this period. The emperor drew on both pre-existing institutions in his domains and those he had created since the beginning of his imperial reign. The emperor established and pursued a policy of patronage, embellishing Vienna, all the more so as it became the political heart of the Holy Roman Empire. This patronage also enabled the city to become an important humanist center, supported by the University of Vienna.
    Diplomatically, Ferdinand I maintained neutral and cordial relations with his nephew Philip II of Spain, while his relations with Charles IX of France were neutral. His relations with Louis III of Hungary were consistent, not least because of the persistent risk posed by the Ottoman Empire to the south. He maintained good relations with the Republic of Venice and other Italian states, principally the Duchy of Milan, the Duchy of Mantua and the Duchy of Florence. His relations with Pope Clement VIII were neutral, the issue of the Treaty of Augsburg being a bone of contention between the emperor and the pontiff. His neutral stance on the Scandinavian kingdoms that had become Lutheran was another point of contention with the pontiff, as Clement VIII wished to see the Catholic faith re-established in these kingdoms. Ferdinand I maintained good relations with Sigismund II of Poland, whereas his relations with the Scandinavian kingdoms were complex: his relations with John II of Norway were cordial, notably because of their dynastic ties, whereas his relations with Frederick II of Denmark were neutral and distant, as with Eric XIV of Sweden, all the more so when a conflict broke out between the two kingdoms in 1563.

    In the autumn of 1563, Ferdinand I organized the imperial election to designate his eldest son Maximilian as his successor. The Emperor could count on the support of John VI of Leiden (1), Frederick IV of Wied (2), Daniel Brendel von Homburg (3) and Louis III of Hungary, the latter being both Catholics and, for some, important supporters of his imperial policy. Protestant voters were rather divided: Maurice of Saxony was uncertain and neutral due to his opposition to some of Ferdinand I's policies, while Joachim III of Brandenburg was willing to support Maximilian thanks to the ties Ferdinand's heir had forged with Protestant princes over the previous decade. Only Frederick III of the Palatinate appeared isolated and neutral, his Calvinist stance being frowned upon by both Catholic and Lutheran voters. Thanks to the overall support of most of the electorate, Maximilian was elected King of the Romans in November 1563 and crowned at Aachen.
    Ferdinand I died in July 1564. He was succeeded by his son, Emperor Maximilian II. The new emperor enjoyed the support of most of the great princes of the empire, thanks to his charisma and the links he had forged with Protestant princes over the previous decade. His pride in being Germanic was also an asset that guaranteed his place in the succession during the quarrel of the 1550s between his father and his uncle Charles V. In 1560, as heir to the throne, Maximilian organized the Vienna Tournaments in honor of his father, a courtly celebration in which the pleasures of sport and masquerade costume predominated over a rigorously staged political event. The new emperor supported the decisions taken since the Council of Mantua, but sought to deepen the reforms of the Church, leading him to seek the support of the papacy and the new pope, Gregory IX.
    Dynastically, Maximilian II and his wife Marie had several children when Maximilian took the imperial throne: Anne born in 1549, Rudolf born in 1552, Ernest born in 1553, Elisabeth born in 1554, Matthias born in 1557, Maximilian born in 1558, Albert born in 1559 and Wenceslas born in 1561.

    During the 1560s, the fortunes of some princes of the empire varied in the context of the peace instituted by the Treaty of Augsburg, while the imperial administration was consolidated under the good governance of Ferdinand I.
    Albert of Prussia had to deal with the fallout from the crisis caused by the religious controversy surrounding Osniander's thought, and the fear of his entourage that he would die while his heir Albert-Frédéric was still a child. The Duke of Prussia had to make concessions and found himself somewhat marginalized among the princes of empire due to the controversies that had affected his duchy.
    During the same period, Maurice de Saxe sought to maintain his position as a leading figure among the Protestant princes. He also sought to choose the best match for his heiress, Anne of Saxony, especially as she was the richest heiress in the empire, and as he had refused her marriage to Johann Frederick II of the Ernestine branch, thus reinforcing the antagonism between their two branches. He eventually turned to Frederick II of Denmark, eager to renew and consolidate relations with the Danish crown. This marriage project met with much opposition, mainly from John Frederick II, but also from Emperor Ferdinand I, who wanted to counter the omnipotence of the Elector of Saxony, whose ability to use force to try to impose his positions he distrusted. Despite these oppositions and challenges, Maurice succeeded in bringing the project to fruition, leading to Anne's marriage to Frederick II in the summer of 1563. Maurice de Saxe's relations with Frederick II deteriorated over the period, not least due to the latter's refusal to condemn the theologian Matthias Flacius's attacks on him.
    During the period, the rivalry between Maurice of Saxony and his relative John Frederick II was consolidated and crystallized, notably due to his matrimonial plans for Anne of Saxony and Matthias Flacius' influence with the Landgrave of Thuringia, notably in presenting a different interpretation of the Articles of Marburg and in attacking Maurice in his speeches. The latter sought to draw closer to Emperor Ferdinand I in an attempt to regain his position as Elector of Saxony, taking advantage of the Emperor's conflicted relationship with Maurice of Saxony.
    In the early 1560s, Philip of Hesse pursued the policy he had established since his release in 1546 and the Treaty of Passau: maintaining good relations with the Habsburgs, but also seeking to find common ground between Lutherans and Catholics. Although he had withdrawn from leading the Protestant faction, he nevertheless supported the rights of the Lutheran princes and defended the Treaty of Augsburg, which sometimes brought him into conflict with Maurice of Saxony. The Margrave of Hesse also sought to develop links between Lutherans and Calvinists, and exchanged ideas with Frederick III of the Palatinate, not rejecting him as some of his co-religionists did. However, the Margrave was aging and weakened, having become heavily involved in the religious controversies of the previous decade in an effort to appease the various parties. He maintained important relations with Eric XIV of Sweden, due to the latter's marriage to his daughter Elisabeth, but remained neutral in the conflict that broke out between Sweden and Denmark, even worrying about rumors of the sovereign's mistrust and paranoia. He wrote a will in 1561, asking his sons to uphold the Peace of Augsburg and the Concord of Wittemberg, while seeking to work towards reconciliation between Protestants and Catholics should the opportunity arise.
    In the 1560s, George Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg-Ansach and Brandenburg-Culmbach, maintained peace in his Franconian lands. He also embellished Planssenburg Castle, beginning his period as a great prince-builder. Married since 1558 to Elisabeth of Brandenburg-Küstrin, the Margrave had no children of his own.
    In the early 1560s, Frederick III of the Palatinate undertook to introduce Calvinism into his lands, not least because of his disgust with Lutheran fanatics and the religious controversies that had shaken the Lutherans in the previous decade. In 1561, he called upon Emmanuel Tremellius and then Zacharias Ursinus in Heidelberg, leading to the transformation of the Church, the confiscation of monastery revenues and the drafting of the Heidelberg Catechism (4). These transformations were embodied in the Church Ordinance of November 1563 and the Consistory of 1564. These changes were opposed by Frederick III's pro-Lutheran ministers, but the latter suppressed their opposition by demanding their resignation. The Elector's measures caused a stir among Lutherans, who had barely recovered from the heated theological controversies of the previous decade. In 1563, Frederick III granted Frankenthal to the Calvinists expelled from the Netherlands.
    In the early 1560s, Albert V of Bavaria continued the important policy of defending Catholicism in his domains that had been pursued since his arrival at the head of the duchy on the death of his father in 1550. Drawing heavily on the ideas and decisions of the Council of Mantua, he helped establish numerous seminaries to train local clergy, notably in Augsburg and Munich. From 1560, he also became administrator of Glatz following the death of his uncle Ernest, and set about reforming the territory. The Duke of Bavaria also pursued an important policy of patronage of his estates, notably purchasing collections from Italy.
    During the years 1560-1564, Nicolas II of Lorraine consolidated his authority over his lands and pursued a policy of combating the presence of Calvinists and Lutherans, supporting his relative Charles of Lorraine in the establishment of a seminary in the episcopal principality of Metz in 1562. Although he maintained important relations with Ferdinand I, notably as the latter's son-in-law, the Duke renewed his diplomatic ties with the French court through Charles de Lorraine, the latter being the brother of François de Guise, a friend of François IV of Brittany and a prominent member of the French court.


    (1) Archbishop of Trier.
    (2) Archbishop of Cologne.
    (3) Archbishop of Mainz.
    (4) The Elector commissioned Zacharias Ursinus and Caspar Olevian to draft a doctrinal norm to bring peace and unite the regional churches in response to the controversies between Lutherans, Zwinglians and strict and moderate Calvinists in the Rhine Palatinate. The catechism consists of three parts, dealing with sin and misery, the redemption accomplished by Jesus, and the Christian life in response to God's grace.
     
    1560-1564: In Central and Eastern Europe
  • 1560-1564: In Central and Eastern Europe
    The early 1560s were a time of contrasts in Central and Eastern Europe, with the various kingdoms and principalities experiencing varying fortunes over the period.

    The Kingdom of Hungary enjoyed a period of considerable truce and stability in the early 1560's. Taking advantage of the truce with the Ottoman Empire, Louis III worked to consolidate his authority and strengthen his kingdom to better resist Turkish assaults. Inspired by the work of his father-in-law, Emperor Ferdinand I, he set about establishing institutions that would enable him to strengthen the governance of his kingdom and reinforce royal authority in the face of Magyar magnates and nobles. In 1562, he set up a Chamber of Finance to strengthen and better organize the kingdom's finances. He relied on his advisors and his wife to undertake these reforms. His decisions provoked opposition and hostility from the Magyar magnates, who had reorganized themselves since the death of Louis II. Opposition from the magnates and nobles came not only from the sovereign's decisions, which interfered with their power, but also from the sometimes notable role played by the sovereign's wife and her entourage, denouncing the Habsburgs' foreign influence in the kingdom. The King of Hungary also had to deal with the voivode of Transylvania, George VI Báthory, who had become an important and powerful figure within the kingdom. Although the voivode tended to support the young sovereign, he did not hesitate to lean towards the nobles and magnates in his own interests, particularly when it came to strengthening royal authority. However, Louis III relied on George VI to continue interfering in the affairs of the Principality of Wallachia during this period.
    In addition to political and economic challenges, Louis III also had to face religious ones, with the spread of Calvinist ideas throughout his kingdom. The young sovereign reinforced the religious policy established under his father's reign and worked to defend the supremacy of the Catholic Church over his domains, leading in particular to the construction of a seminary in Buda in 1563. In the context of renewed rivalries between the crown and certain sections of the Magyar nobility and aristocracy, the religious question tended to play a notable role, with certain representatives of the lower nobility showing a notable interest in the ideas of John Calvin, deemed less problematic than those of Luther.
    In his bid to strengthen the authority and prestige of the Hungarian crown, Louis III also set out to support the arts in his kingdom, taking inspiration from his father-in-law and the other great sovereigns of his time. This led him to develop ties with other Italian territories, especially the great cultural centers of Milan, Florence and Rome. His spending sometimes hampered his efforts to strengthen the kingdom's finances, and his opponents criticized the influx of foreign elements into the Hungarian kingdom.
    In the kingdom of Bohemia, Louis III also worked to consolidate his authority while seeking to rely on local lords to effectively govern the territory. He took advantage of Bohemia's revenues to consolidate his authority over his various domains. Relying on the Treaty of Augsburg, Louis III also set about strengthening the Catholic faith, leading to the establishment of a seminary in Prague in 1561. Although he maintained his policy of amnesty towards the Hussites, the development of a policy favorable to the Catholic Church in the region provoked strong disapproval from the Hussite community, which tended to draw closer to the Lutherans, even though the other princes of the empire preferred to respect the status quo established by the Treaty of Augsburg.
    Diplomatically, Louis III maintained close ties with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire. The two sovereigns were allies both within and outside the empire, with Louis III benefiting from Ferdinand's support to strengthen his kingdom against the Ottomans. In 1563, Louis III supported the election of Ferdinand I's son Maximilian. His relations with the other princes of the empire were complex: he maintained good relations with Albert V of Bavaria, while his relations with Maurice of Saxony were difficult due to their theological differences. His relations with Sigismund II of Poland were cordial. Louis III strengthened his relations with the Papacy and supported the expedition against the Ottomans in 1563, although he was not involved in the Holy League. He maintained good relations with Venice and developed ties with the duchies of Milan and Florence. Finally, his relations with the Ottoman Empire were complex and complicated: although a truce existed between Louis III and Suleiman, this did not prevent clashes in Slavonia and Croatia due to Turkish raids, while Louis III supported the actions of George VI Báthory to influence the principality of Wallachia and seek to detach it from the Sublime Porte. The Voivode of Transylvania took advantage of Ottoman involvement in the expedition against Rhodes to support the late Vlad IX's half-brother, Radu Illias, in his bid to oust Alexandru II from power in 1563. The death of Suleiman and the advent of Selim II caused concern, while unrest in Wallachia contributed to tensions between the two powers.

    During the years 1560-1564, the principality of Wallachia continued to suffer from the instability of the authority of the princes who governed it, victims of the struggles for influence between the Ottomans and the Hungarians and of the great power of the boyars within the territory.
    Alexandru II sought to consolidate his authority and ruled the principality with an iron fist, his position still uncertain as the boyars criticized him for being a puppet of the Ottomans. He also began to levy new taxes on the principality to bolster its finances. To consolidate his authority and strengthen his position, he married Mircea V's daughter Marina in the spring of 1561. They had a son, Minhnea, in the spring of 1562. Despite the consolidation of his authority and the birth of this heir, Alexandru II distrusted the boyars, some of whom were in exile in Transylvania, where they supported Radu Illias, Vlad IX's half-brother. He relied heavily on the Ottomans to reinforce his authority and protect himself from the risk of his enemies conspiring against him, even though the truce between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary gave him some respite. He kept a close eye on events in Moldavia, with young Prince Constantine emancipating himself from the influence of his mother and Ioan Ioaldea and drawing closer to the Kingdom of Hungary, while affirming his submission to the Sublime Porte.
    Events began to change in 1563: Alexandru II was faced with a boyar conspiracy large enough to oust him from power, while the Ottomans were concentrating on seizing Rhodes. In August 1563, the Prince of Wallachia saw his principality invaded by Radu Illias and the exiled boyars who supported him, with the help of George VI Báthory. Faced with the hostility of the boyars and weakened by his adversaries, Alexandru II preferred to flee to Constantinople to seek Ottoman support. The flight of Alexandru II and his family allowed Radu Illias to assert his power, becoming Radu VIII of Wallachia in mid-August 1563. He and his allies set about neutralizing Alexandru's allies and rewarded them, restoring several of the exiled boyars to important positions in the principality. Radu VIII established his capital at Târgoviște, further from the Danube. While he maintained important ties with the Voivode of Transylvania and King Louis III of Hungary, Radu VIII also sought to appease the Ottomans, benefiting however from their involvement in their second attack on Rhodes. The Wallachian prince thus spent the rest of 1563 consolidating his position in the principality and strengthening his ties with George VI Báthory. However, this respite was undermined by the accession of Selim II to succeed his father Soliman in February 1564, when Alexandru succeeded in obtaining the support of the Sublime Porte to return to power in Wallachia. In April 1564, Alexandru returned with an Ottoman escort and forced Radu VIII to flee, re-establishing himself as Prince of Wallachia. While Radu Illias returned to Transylvania, Alexandru led a new campaign of repression against the boyars opposed to him between May and October 1564, again forcing several of them to flee to Transylvania.

    The Principality of Moldavia was in turmoil again in the early 1560s, as the boyars could no longer stand the power of the Grand Squire, Ioan Joaldea. They found a powerful ally in Prince Constantine himself, who wanted to reign but was hindered by his mother and chief advisor. By forging closer ties with the boyars, Constantine also sought to consolidate his authority and win the trust of his vassals, whose distrust of his family had become acute due to the actions of Illie II and Stephen VI. He succeeds with difficulty in gaining the support of the main leader of the conspirators, Etienne Tomșa. The alliance between the young prince and the boyar conspirators led to the arrest of Ioan and Constantine's mother, Elena Branković, in September 1560. While Elena Branković was sent to the monastery, Ioan Joaldea had his nose amputated before taking the monastic habit.
    After this coup de force, Constantine sought to consolidate his personal authority. Taking up the policy pursued by his mother and the Grand Écuyer, he moved closer to the kingdom of Hungary. He relies on Étienne Tomșa, seeking to retain his support, making the latter the principality's hetman. The young prince married in the spring of 1561 in an attempt to perpetuate his lineage and consolidate his authority. While he drew closer to George VI Báthory and Louis III of Hungary, the young prince had to be careful with the Ottoman Empire and Alexandru II of Wallachia, who was close to the Sublime Porte. In 1563, the prince drew closer to Hungary, taking advantage of Suleiman's campaign on Rhodes and the desire of Wallachian prince Radu Illias to oust Alexandru II from power. He supported the latter's actions, enabling Radu Illias to take power in August 1563. This enabled Constantine to seek to break his vassalage link with the Ottoman Empire and become that of Louis III of Hungary. The advent of Selim II as head of the Ottoman Empire and the return of Alexandru II as head of the Principality of Wallachia, however, put Constantine in an untenable position.

    In the early 1560s, Sigismund II of Poland continued to manage the administration of his kingdom with good intelligence and governance. Thanks to his good governance, his kingdom prospered and enjoyed good relations with the Holy Roman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. On the religious front, Sigismund II continued to fight against the presence of Lutheran and Calvinist ideas in his kingdom, although he allowed the lords of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to practice their faith as they saw fit, and tolerated the Lutheran faith of Albert I of Prussia. He had a seminary built in Krakow in 1561. His policy was supported by leading representatives of the Polish clergy, notably Jakub Uchański, Bishop of Włocławek. His relations with his brother improved as the war against Russia broke out during the same period, ensuring him all the more the support of the Polish nobility despite the reluctance of Polish lords to intervene in the Grand Duchy without compensation. Casimir decided to support the Lithuanians in order to strengthen his influence and power. Continuing his policy of patronage, the Polish king acquired Tykocin Castle and set about renovating it in the Polish Renaissance style.
    Sigismund II also continued negotiations to establish a union between his kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, while the Livonian War involved the Grand Duchy in a confrontation with Ivan IV. Negotiations were difficult, however, due to the reluctance of the Lithuanian lords, who feared losing influence and power, while the Polish lords wanted compensation for helping the Lithuanians against the Russians. The Lithuanian success at Ula also contributed to slowing down negotiations for the establishment of the union.
    On the diplomatic front, the Polish king intervened in the Livonian war against Ivan IV of Russia. He became Livonia's protector under the Treaty of Vilnius in November 1561. In the same year, a truce was established between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Russia. Sigismund II sought to renew the truce in 1562, but Ivan IV refused. In 1563, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was attacked by Russian armies, who captured Vitebsk and Polotsk. The Grand Hetman of Lithuania, Nicholas Radziwiłł The Red defeated a Russian army at Ula in January 1564, although the Russians continued their raids against the Grand Duchy throughout the rest of the year. The Lithuanians benefited, however, from the defection of Prince André Kourbski in the same year, the latter leading a raid against the Velikie Luki region in August 1564. In the same year, the Lithuanians had the support of Prince Casimir, although Nicholas Radziwiłł Le Rouge viewed the arrival of the king's brother to support them with a wary and cautious eye.
    The Polish king strengthened his ties with Louis III of Hungary, easing their differences over the Moldavian principality. Sigismund II maintained good relations with Ferdinand I of the Holy Roman Empire. Sigismund II also continued to maintain good relations with Charles IX of France, facilitated by the existing good relations between the kingdom of France and certain princes of empire such as Nicolas II of Lorraine. Relations with the Kingdom of Sweden deteriorated after 1562 as Eric XIV sought to extend his influence over Riga, leading him to move closer to the alliance with Frederick II and Lübeck before joining it in 1564.

    The early 1560s saw Ivan IV increasingly involved in the Livonian conflict. In 1560, his forces captured Dorpat and again threatened Reval. Following an attack by the Crimean Tatars, Ivan IV signed a truce with the Livonian Order in 1560. The Russians continued their raids, however, without succeeding in taking Reval, Riga or Pernau (1). During the same period, Lithuanian lords opposed to the planned union with Poland proposed the ducal title to the Tsar, although no response was forthcoming. A truce was signed between the Grand Duchy and Russia in 1561. When the truce expired in 1562, Ivan IV refused to renew it, despite requests from Sigismund II of Poland, who had taken advantage of the truces to reinforce his forces. Launching an offensive against the Grand Duchy, his army captured Vitebsk and Potolsk in 1563. However, Prince Shouyski's army was defeated at Ula in early 1564, forcing the Russians to postpone some of their raids, which did not prevent them from capturing Krasny Godorok in August 1564 and Ozernische in October. In the same year, Ivan IV's former friend and ally, Prince André Kourbski, defected to the Grand Duchy in April (2). The defection of the Tsar's friend and advisor served to reinforce the latter's distrust of the Boyar aristocracy then developing in his kingdom. In December 1564, Ivan IV moved his capital to Alexandrovna Sloboda with his family and court.
    Ivan lost his first wife Anastasia Romanovna in 1560 and remarried Maria Temryukovna the following year. In 1563, they had their first child, Vasili, but he died in May of that year. Ivan IV regretted the marriage, as his new wife was illiterate and vindictive.


    (1)Old name for Pärnu.
    (2) The reasons for the prince's defection are unclear, but the disgrace of some of his friends at this time, the first executions of boyars and the fear, perhaps, of being held responsible for the military setbacks suffered by Muscovite troops undoubtedly played a part in his decision.
     
    1560-1564: Ruckus in Scandinavia
  • 1560-1564: Ruckus in Scandinavia
    The early 1560s saw the return of tension and unrest to the Scandinavian kingdoms, with the emergence of new, more ambitious and rival rulers.

    In the early 1560s, Frederick II of Denmark sought to strengthen his kingdom and dreamed of re-establishing the Union of Kalmar. His relations with the Kingdom of Norway were difficult, as his ambitions were seen as a danger by John II of Norway. The new ruler of Denmark supported the Danish-Norwegian nobles who had remained in Norway, seeking to weaken his neighbor. He denounced John II's brutal repression after the failure of the 1562 conspiracy, playing on the religious chord and portraying his relative as a Papist henchman. In addition to his complicated relations with the Kingdom of Norway, Frederick II's early reign was marked by the impact of the Livonian conflict and his burning and growing rivalry with the Kingdom of Sweden. Taking advantage of the treaty signed the previous year with Bishop Johann von Münchhausen to designate his successor, the Danish king appointed his brother Magnus of Holstein to head the bishopric of Ösel-Wiek in the spring of 1560, who soon afterwards set about purchasing the bishopric of Courland and attempted to expand into the county of Harju on the Gulf of Finland. These actions, carried out without Frederick II's consent, brought Magnus into conflict with Eric XIV of Sweden, the latter considering that the Kingdom of Denmark was seeking to expand into the Baltic Sea. Frederick II was asked by Eric XIV to remove the symbol of the three Swedish crowns from his coat of arms, but the Danish king refused the Swedish sovereign's request. The rivalry between the two kingdoms led Frederick II to focus on the Kingdom of Sweden, which he considered dangerous to his plans, particularly in view of Eric XIV's attempts to form an alliance with John II of Norway. Rumors of a potential alliance between Eric XIV and John II heightened tensions, with Frederick II taking a dim view of this potential rapprochement. The King of Denmark drew closer to Lübeck, taking advantage of their resentment of Eric XIV's trade policy to hinder Russian trade and impose restrictions.
    Although the beginning of 1563 remained calm with his various neighbors, Frederick II's entourage remained reluctant to engage in conflict, despite the growing tensions between the Kingdom of Sweden and the Kingdom of Denmark. However, tensions increased in the summer of 1563, when Frederick II appointed Jacob Brockenhuus to command a fleet to monitor the Baltic and prevent Swedish maritime movements. The Danish admiral's fleet encountered Swedish ships off the island of Hiiumaa in October 1563. Seeking to block Swedish access, Jacob Brockenhus provoked the Swedes into attacking him, leading to a violent naval confrontation. The Swedes eventually forced the Danes to retreat to Ösel.
    The Hiiumaa confrontation crystallized tensions, with Frederick II accusing the Swedes of opening fire first and attacking a Danish convoy destined to trade with his brother Magnus of Holstein, and demanding an apology from Eric XIV. The Swedish king's refusal to accede to his demands or to send representatives to negotiate the maintenance of peace accentuated the hostility between the two kingdoms during the winter of 1563-1564. During this period, Frederick II received the support of his council for the possibility of declaring war on Sweden. In February 1564, Frederick II sent his emissary to declare war on Eric XIV. His emissary was accompanied by one from Lübeck, the port city having decided to support the King of Denmark against the King of Sweden.
    At the beginning of March 1564, a Danish army of over twenty thousand mercenaries attacked Älvsborg and captured the fortress after three days of bombardment. The Danish army moved on to the fortress of Bohus and laid siege to it throughout March, the Swedish garrison resisting as best it could while taking advantage of the fortress's features, before being forced to surrender at the beginning of April 1564. The Danes burned down nearby Lödöse, suffering the same fate as Älvsborg. These successes enabled the Danes to cut off Swedish access to the North Sea and deprive them of potential support from the Kingdom of Norway via Oslo. News of the Swedish attack on Blekinge, however, forced Frederick II to halt his campaign in Bohuslän and Västergötland to defend his lands. The King of Denmark led an army of reinforcements and intercepted Eric XIV's army east of Hørgh (1) on May 3, 1564. Although outnumbered, Frederick II used his artillery and the best military tactics of his cavalry to force Eric XIV to retreat. The Danish king exploited his success to regain control of Blekinge, but had to abandon any campaign against Småland. While he was reorganizing his forces, a Danish-Lübeck fleet led by Herluf Trolle defeated Jacob Brockenhus's Swedish fleet near Öland in June 1564, enabling him to set up a blockade on the Swedish kingdom's Baltic coast. In autumn 1564, the Danes launched new attacks in Småland, seizing and ravaging Ljunby in October 1564.
    During the same period, the Danish king continued to welcome Elisabeth and her entourage. Wishing to have an important ally at a time of growing tensions with the kingdoms of Norway and Sweden, he agreed to support an attempt by Edward to put himself and his wife back on the throne in 1562. The failure of the attempt dissuaded him from supporting them further, especially as tensions between him and Eric XIV, the new King of Sweden, increased over the years 1561-1563, culminating in a conflict.
    On the dynastic front, Frederick II negotiated a marriage between himself and Anne of Saxony, daughter of Maurice of Saxony, both to strengthen the ties between his lineage and that of the Albertine house of Saxony. The negotiations bore fruit in 1563, and the Danish king married the wealthy heiress in the summer of 1563.

    The early 1560s were a special time for the Kingdom of Sweden. The year 1560 was marked by two notable events: the consequences of the Vadstenabullret and the death of King Gustav I.
    At the beginning of the year, Gustavus I had to deal with the consequences of the scandal involving his daughter Cecile and John II of East Frisia. While he allowed his daughter Catherine and her husband Edzard II to leave, thanks to the intercession of his last wife Catherine Stenbock, he refused the slightest clemency for the brother of the Count of East Frisia. He refused his son Eric's proposal to marry Cecilia to the latter, and decided to have the latter executed despite the pleas of the latter's mother, Anne of Oldenburg, and various foreign representatives. John II was executed in June 1560, and his death served to weaken relations between East Frisia and the Kingdom of Sweden, as Anne of Oldenburg did not forgive the Swedish king for executing one of her sons (2), even though Edzard II was not as affected by his brother's brutal death due to their latent rivalry. The king's decision also fuelled tensions within the family, as Cecilia did not forgive her father for his brutality and was at odds with her sister-in-law Elisabeth. John II's execution was greeted with disapproval by foreign representatives, leading to a deterioration in relations between the Kingdom of Sweden and several of its neighbors.
    In autumn 1560, Gustav I died, and was succeeded by Eric, who took the name of Eric XIV (3). Among his first decisions, the new sovereign allowed his sister Catherine and her husband Edzard II to return to East Frisia the following year, and repatriated the body of John II. This gesture eased the bad relations between East Frisia and his kingdom, even if Anne of Oldenburg's resentment remained strong. In the spring of 1561, he convened the Riksdag in Abroga and implemented the Articles of Abroga, which reduced the power of the royal grand dukes, his brothers, who were dukes of Finland, Södermanland and Östergötland (4). The King of Sweden sought to strengthen relations with his various neighbors, while reinforcing his kingdom's position as a regional power. He sought to improve relations with the county of East Frisia to secure the trade treaty and undermine the monopoly of the Hanseatic League and Lübeck.
    The early years of Eric XIV's reign were marked by two major trends: the struggle against the power of the nobility, and the expansion of Sweden as a regional power. He pursued the first policy with the support of Göran Persson, who was an adversary of John. Opposition between Eric XIV and his brother intensified during the period due to differences over foreign policy in the Baltic Sea: Eric XIV hoped to extend the kingdom's influence in Livonia, profiting in particular from the unrest caused by Ivan IV's war in the region, but did not wish to see his brother strengthened. The birth of his son in the autumn of 1560 and the support of his wife helped to alleviate some of his paranoid distrust of the Swedish barons, even though he relied heavily on his advisor, which contributed to unspeakable tensions within the couple.
    In parallel with his anti-nobility policy, the King of Sweden also sought to neutralize Russian trade and develop his influence in Livonia. This policy conflicted with that of Frederick II of Denmark, due to the actions of the latter's brother, Magnus of Holstein. Eric XIV feared Danish expansion into the Baltic Sea would jeopardize his policy of making Sweden a great power. He therefore prevented Magnus de Holstein and the Danes from expanding into Estonia. At the same time, he seized Reval in 1561 and Pernaü in 1562, and sought Swedish protection for Riga, bringing him into conflict with Sigismund II. The territory he controlled became the Duchy of Estonia. In 1563, he took control of the island of Hiiumaa, north of Ösel. Territorial rivalry was compounded by grievances inherited from the end of the Kalmar Union: Eric XIV unsuccessfully asked Frederick II to remove the symbol of the three Swedish crowns from the Danish coat of arms. Rising tensions between the two kingdoms led Eric XIV to seek a treaty with John II of Norway in 1562. The latter declined any plans for an alliance, but undertook to remain neutral in the event of conflict between Sweden and Denmark, and to develop trade with his neighbor.
    During 1563, tensions with the Kingdom of Denmark increased, culminating in the Hiiumaa confrontation in October 1563, when a Swedish fleet crossed paths with Jacob Brockenhus's Danish fleet. The Swedes attacked the Danes, who tried to block their passage, causing the Swedes to drive the Danes away. The confrontation leads the Swedes to accuse the Danes of trying to provoke them and prevent them from crossing the Baltic. Eric XIV refused to apologize to Frederick II. In February 1564, he received declarations of war from the Kingdom of Denmark and from Lübeck. Shortly afterwards, he learned of the Danish attack on Älvsborg, which prompted him to assemble an army. Having learned of the fall of the fortress of Älvsborg and the siege of Bohus, Eric XIV decided to focus his efforts on the Danish provinces of Blekinge and Skåne. Attacking Blekinge in early April 1564, he ransacked the region, but failed to capture the port of Sölvesborg due to a lack of artillery, even though the city had been supplied. Penetrating Skåne in the second half of April 1564, the Swedes decided to attack the town of Hørgh. But on May 3rd, 1564, they came up against Frederick II's army in the vicinity. The latter took advantage of the fighting qualities of his mercenaries and the superior military tactics of his cavalry to force Eric XIV to retreat to Kalmar. Frederick II took advantage of his success to regain control of Blekinge, before being forced to return to Malmö by his mercenaries' demands for payment. The two sovereigns reorganized their forces during the spring of 1564. In June 1564, a new naval confrontation pitted the Swedish fleet against the Danish-Lübeck fleet north of Gotland, and ended in triumph for the allied fleet, enabling them to set up a blockade on the Swedish kingdom's Baltic coast. Eric XIV had to send part of his forces to arrest his brother in the summer of 1564, preventing him from leading a campaign to retake Älvsborg and Bohus. On the other hand, he had to endure Danish raids in the autumn of 1564, with the latter attacking Ljunby in October 1564.
    On the dynastic front, Eric XIV and his wife Elisabeth of Hesse had three children in addition to Marie-Cecilia: Crown Prince Gustavus, born in September 1560, Margaret in May 1562 and Sigrid in July 1563. The sovereign's relations with his wife were neutral: although they got on well, Elisabeth was suspicious of the strong influence of her advisor Göran Persson, which fueled disagreements between the king and his wife. As her husband became increasingly distrustful of the Swedish nobility, Elisabeth strove to preserve her son's rights and advise her husband to restrict his actions as much as possible, gradually creating disagreements between them. The queen consort sought to maintain good contacts with the nobility, particularly her brothers-in-law, in order to preserve her husband's position and above all that of their son. Elisabeth of Hesse's relations with her sisters-in-law were also complicated, with the wife of Eric XIV supporting the latter against Princess Cecilia, whose attitude she found deplorable following the Vadstenabullret scandal. When Cecile is implicated with her sisters in a new scandal (5), she supports her husband against Cecile, bringing her into rivalry with her sisters-in-law. However, Eric XIV succeeded in getting his sister Anne Marie married to Georges-Jean de Palatinat-Veldenz in 1562, the latter initially negotiating to marry Cecilia before the Vadstenabullret scandal led him to turn to Anna Maria.
    The King of Sweden's relations with his siblings are also complicated. On the one hand, the dubious actions of his sister Cecilia led him to establish a strict protocol aimed at monitoring his sisters' actions to prevent them from damaging their own reputations. Eric XIV's relations with his brothers, especially Jean, became increasingly conflictual, due to the Arbroga articles and political differences, particularly concerning Livonia. He is particularly at odds with John, his distrust and rivalry towards his brother being fueled by that of Göran Persson. John had conflicting relations with his brother and his advisor, but remained cautious in his actions at first, and benefited from the positive influence of Elisabeth of Hesse and the birth of her nephew Gustavus to temper his brother. The tense situation with the Kingdom of Denmark and the Articles of Abroga, however, contributed to a deterioration in relations between the two brothers: John wished to strengthen his duchy and came into conflict with Eric XIV on this issue. Ignoring the restrictions of the Articles of Abroga and seeking to capitalize on his brother's conflict with Frederick II of Denmark, John sought to extend the Duchy of Finland into Livonia during the spring and summer of 1564. Eric XIV caught wind of his brother's plans and, despite the difficulties and setbacks he had experienced earlier in the year against the Danes, allowed Göran Persson to take an armed force with him to stop his brother. Turku Castle was besieged in August 1564, before John was forced to capitulate. Göran Persson had John's allies executed and imprisoned him at Gripsholm Castle, where he did not hesitate to inflict the worst forms of abuse and humiliation on the prince. The news of the Prince's arrest and imprisonment spread throughout the autumn of 1564, to the dismay of the Swedish nobility and Elisabeth of Hesse. The latter asked her husband to show clemency and dismiss her advisor, who had exceeded royal orders and whose influence she considered harmful to her husband. Eric XIV agreed to improve the conditions of his brother's captivity, but refused to release him or dismiss his advisor, believing him to be more indispensable than ever as his kingdom came under renewed attack from the Danes in the autumn. Eric's inflexibility and the continued captivity of John reinforced the rift between him and the nobles and his other brothers. Added to this was the nobility's disapproval of their sovereign, accusing him in low tones of caring more about the supposed treachery of his brothers and nobles than defending the kingdom against the Danes.

    The early 1560s were a pivotal period for John II of Norway. As he pursued his policy of asserting royal authority, he faced opposition from the last remaining representatives of the Danish-Norwegian nobility, who sought to oust him in favor of his cousin Frederick II, even though their power had been greatly diminished by the royal reforms and the development of a new Norwegian nobility more attached to the royal figure as a result of the legacy of the War of the Two Kings. In 1562, the King of Norway succeeded in uncovering a plot by members of the Danish-Norwegian nobility, leading him to banish some of the conspirators to prison and condemn them. The discovery of the plot also contributed to the intensification of John II's religious policy against Calvinists and Lutherans, inspired in part by the policy deployed by his cousin Philip II of Spain in the Spanish Netherlands. The sovereign relied on the Order of St. Olav to reinforce his authority and position, showering the nobles who supported him with honors. From the 1560s onwards, John II began to renovate and build various palaces and fortresses, notably the fortress of Abershus.
    In the early 1560s, Icelandic fishermen increasingly moved to Greenland and Heilagurjón, allowing the area to develop despite local and environmental constraints. In 1563, John II reaffirmed the Norwegian crown's suzerainty over Greenland and organized a small expedition to find a passage to the northwest. The sovereign continued the important trade policy established by his father, trading extensively with the Spanish Netherlands and the British Isles. His commercial policy was reinforced by the creation of merchant guilds during this period. The kingdom prospered thanks to the royal policy on trade. The threat posed by Frederick II of Denmark tempered John II's desire to carry out an expedition to discover a passage to the northwest, although he did start looking into the matter in 1564.
    On the dynastic front, John II saw the birth of his first grandchildren during the period: Crown Prince Christian in spring 1561, Princess Maria in autumn 1562 and Princess Anna in winter 1564. During this period, he gave his heir Charles many responsibilities to prepare him for his future position as king.
    On the diplomatic front, John II's reign was marked by an important policy of neutrality at a time when his two neighbors were tearing each other apart after 1563. The Norwegian king was concerned by the ambitions of Eric XIV of Sweden and Frederick II of Denmark, the latter with dynastic claims to the Norwegian crown. In the spring of 1562, he received an alliance proposal from Eric XIV against Frederick II. John II was reluctant to enter into such an alliance because of his hostility to the Lutheran faith, but the possibility of protecting himself from Frederick II was a necessary and crucial prospect. The Norwegian king was urged to do so by some of his advisors, even though his wife, his chancellor and the clergy members of the Riskråd were opposed for political and confessional reasons. Maritime incidents involving some Norwegian ships and Danish vessels, however, led him to develop relations with the King of Sweden, seeking to lessen his potential isolation in Scandinavia and play up the division between the two Lutheran kingdoms, sending representatives to meet with Eric XIV in the summer of 1562. The meeting came to nothing, however, apart from an informal promise from Eric XIV to respect the neutrality of John II's kingdom and develop a few trade links. When conflict broke out between Denmark and Sweden in early 1564, John II remained on the sidelines, even though he had to deal with skirmishes perpetrated by Danish ships, leading him to reinforce his fleets leaving Oslo to protect his trade. The Swedish defeats worried John II, however, with the risk of his neighbor's collapse and the prospect of Frederick II turning his sights on his kingdom. He also set about strengthening his kingdom's defenses, preparing for the possibility of a Danish attack on his realm. However, he was reluctant to deal with Eric XIV when he learned of the latter's brother's arrest and captivity in the autumn of 1564.
    Alongside complex relations with his Scandinavian neighbors, John II pursued his policy of strengthening ties outside Scandinavia, seeking to maintain important relations with the Habsburgs. Eleanor was destined to marry one of the Habsburg princes, and married Charles Louis, the emperor's youngest son, in the summer of 1562, Philip II of Spain having expressed little interest in seeing his son Charles of Austria married. Keen to strengthen his lineage and extend his ties, John II also turned to the French crown to find a wife for his youngest son Christian. Finally, the Norwegian king continued to develop relations with the British kingdoms, thanks to trade and the return of relative stability in England, bringing him closer to Mary I of England.


    (1) Old name (15th/16th century at least) for Höör.
    (2) John II of East Frisia was the favorite son of Anne of Oldenburg, who divided East Frisia between her three sons in 1558.
    (3) Eric considers himself the fourteenth Swedish king of this name, based on the legendary (and sometimes fanciful) history of Sweden established by Johannes Magnus in his Historia de omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus (1554), a collection inspired in part by the sagas and in part by Magnus's own imagination, which led to a greater number of Swedish kings than actually existed (for example, there were only eight kings named Eric before Eric XIV).
    (4) Gustav I bestowed these titles on his sons in the late 1550s.
    (5) Cécile and her sisters were having a party in their rooms at night and were discovered by their brother.
     
    1560-1564: Changes in Muslim lands
  • 1560-1564: Changes in Muslim lands
    The early 1560s were marked by a number of upheavals in the Muslim world, which altered the balance of power between the various kingdoms and between them and the Christian kingdoms.

    The Kingdom of Morocco underwent a change of leadership in the early 1560s: the Saadian Sultan Mohammed ech-cheikh died in the autumn of 1561 at the age of seventy-one. The sultan left behind a reorganized kingdom, strengthened by the conquest of part of the Oranais region. His son Abdallah, nicknamed el-Ghalib, succeeded him on the throne. The new sultan consolidated his authority and the position of the Saadians with the help of his two brothers, Abu Marwan Abd al-Malik and Ahmed al-Mansur. Determined to strengthen and extend the Cherifian kingdom, the new sultan and his two brothers led a campaign in the Oranais and against the Koukou sultanate during 1562. The campaign not only led to numerous raids, but also rallied some of the local tribes before defeating a Koukou force near Saïda in August 1562. After this campaign, the sultan returned to Fez, where he consolidated his authority and began to develop architectural projects designed to make his capital shine. He also attempted an attack on one of the Portuguese enclaves, Anfa, during 1563, although his attempt to seize it failed. In the same year, his kingdom came under attack from the Koukous in the Oranais region, who sought to seize Tlemcen in the summer of 1563. With the help of his brother Ahmed Al-Mansur, the sultan repelled their attacks.
    However, Abdallah el-Ghalib had to contend with Philip II's Spain, which decided to support the claims of Abû al-Hassan's sons Abû Hassûn `Alî ben Muhammad to the Moroccan throne. In the summer of 1564, he learned of the landing of an Iberian army on his capital. Hastily assembling a large army, the Moroccan sultan and his brothers met their adversaries not far from Meziat on the Oued Sra. On August 24th, 1564, the Moroccan army went on the attack, seeking to encircle the opposing army in order to destroy it, but the cannons and discipline of the tercios halted their attacks, while the watercourse of the oued impeded their maneuvers. In the early afternoon, the Spanish attacked the center of the Moroccan army's position. Their assault almost cut the Sultan's army in two and reached him. The Moroccans managed to repel the attack with great difficulty, Abdallah el-Ghalib being wounded in the confrontation, while his brother Ahmed Al-Mansur was seriously injured. The battle ended in the evening, with the Moroccans having one of their wings destroyed. His army weakened, Abdallah el-Ghalib charged two of his men to kill the opposing commander and his rival the following night. Although he had no news of his men, the next day he discovered that the opposing army had left. The battle of Meziat has cost him six thousand men, and his forces are too exhausted to pursue their adversaries. Although he returned to Fez in triumph at the beginning of September 1564, the Moroccan sultan was aware that he would be facing a formidable Christian power whose people feared their lands would be invaded, leading him to seek to prepare to counter them, or even to attempt to bring the fight to their lands. To celebrate his victory, he began renovating the Zaouïa of Moulay Idriss.

    The Koukou sultanate went through a complicated period in the early 1560's. Although it developed important relations with the kingdom of Beni Abbès, it had to face new attacks from the Moroccans in 1562, shortly after welcoming the brother of the new sultan. They turned to the Spaniards in Oran for help in countering the Cherifian kingdom and supporting Ahmed al-Mansur's rights. During 1563, they raided Moroccan-controlled Oranais, seeking to regain control. They attempted to seize Tlemcen in July 1563, but failed before being repulsed by Abdallah el-Ghalib and Ahmed al-Mansur. The following year, the Koukous tried again to attack the Oranais region, taking advantage of the Spanish attack on Fez. They managed to retake some territory, but faced opposition from tribes that had rallied to the Moroccans, and from the forces of the Viceroy of Debdou.

    The years 1560-1564 saw the kingdom of Beni Abbés strengthen and prosper. The kingdom consolidated its ties with the Koukou sultanate through alliances and exchanges. It maintained complex relations with the Spanish, with whom they were both allies and rivals, particularly in the face of the Moroccans or in opposition to the Hafsid caliphate. El Abbès strengthened his kingdom towards the Sahara and in the border regions of the Tunis caliphate, with local populations preferring to accept his suzerainty in the hope of escaping the risk of increasing Spanish influence. The kingdom's eastward expansion increased tensions with Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi, who sought to preserve what little authority he had left over his territory. Clashes occurred between the two kingdoms between 1562 and 1564, until the Hafsid caliph sought to regain control of the Constantine region in 1564. The two kingdoms clashed near the ancient Roman fortress of Tiffech in June 1564. The men of El Abbès defeated the Hafsid army thanks to the harquebuses developed by the kingdom during this period.

    In the early 1560s, the Hafsid caliphate faced major challenges to its survival. Abû al-`Abbâs Ahmed III al-Hafsi sought to preserve and strengthen his authority over a kingdom in full decline. Territories to the west were threatened by interference from the kingdom of Beni Abbès, while local populations to the south were breaking away from their loyalty to his authority, further weakening the caliphate's position. The caliph maintained a complicated and complex relationship with the Spaniards, having to deal with his subjects who feared that the Christians would seek to impose themselves, while their presence was underlined by their control of the fortress of La Goulette and Bizerte, and their proximity to Malta and Sicily. Seeking to emancipate himself from Iberian influence, Ahmed III once again began to detach himself from his treaty obligations to the Spanish, gradually ceasing to pay the indemnity due to the governor of La Goulette and beginning to trade once again with the Ottoman Empire. The passage of the Christian fleet in 1563 forced him to exercise caution, but its failure and the disappearance of Suleiman gave the Hafsid caliph the opportunity to seek to defend his position with the Sublime Porte and make it an ally. In his desire to defend his territories, the caliph sent some of his forces to protect the western provinces, which led to clashes with El Abbès' men from 1562 onwards, while they also had to deal with revolts in the other provinces. These incidents multiplied until Ahmed III decided to retake Constantine from his neighbor in 1564. He confronted an army from the neighboring kingdom near the ruins of the Tiffech fortress in June 1564. Although his army had the numerical advantage, it was defeated by its opponents, who knew how to take advantage of the harquebuses that the kingdom had acquired over the years. Forced to retreat, the Hafsid caliph found himself even more vulnerable to his various adversaries.

    The Ottoman Empire experienced several major events in the early 1560's. The power struggle between Selim and Bayezid turned in favor of the former in 1560, forcing the latter into exile with Tahmasp I, seeking his help. Tahmasp I welcomed him during the years 1560-1562, but executed him following threats from Soliman. With the death of Bayezid and his family, Selim became the sole heir to the Ottoman sultan, who was now in his sixties.
    The Ottoman sultan spent the years 1562-1563 preparing a new expedition against Rhodes, determined to make amends for the failure of 1523 and ensure almost complete control of the eastern Mediterranean. He assembled a substantial fleet with the help of Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis and mobilized an army of almost one hundred thousand men. He left Constantinople in May 1563 and landed on Rhodes in June 1563. On June 11th, 1563, the Turkish fleet faced the fleet led by Giannettino Doria. The confrontation is brutal, but Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis manages to dislocate the opposing fleet and disperse it. During the battle, the Christian fleet lost around fifty ships out of the hundred it had, while the Turks lost around fifteen and five thousand men in the clashes, including Giannettino Doria. After the battle, the Ottomans set up a blockade and laid siege to the island. Soliman reached the island at the beginning of July 1563, allowing the siege to begin. Faced with the huge Ottoman army, the Knights Hospitallers and their allies numbered around twelve thousand and were well supplied with resources. The siege raged throughout the summer and autumn of 1563, with the Ottomans applying their traditional tactics while the defenders put up stiff resistance. The Turks once again suffered from dysentery, but proved formidable in their assaults on the bastions of Provence and England. Having learned from the failure of the previous siege, Soliman worked to maintain an effective blockade, but also to provide his forces with the best possible supplies. The old sultan was weakened and ill, but persisted in his determination to see the fortress and the island fall into his hands. From November 1563 onwards, the assaults became more numerous and ferocious, while several bastions were on the verge of collapse due to Ottoman sieges. The fragility of the defenses and the readiness of the fighting divided the defenders on the need to continue the fight, while more and more inhabitants called for surrender. The situation changed dramatically on St. Nicholas Day 1563, when the Italian and English bastions collapsed, compromising the city's defense. The Ottomans led the largest and most brutal assault, almost overwhelming the defenders in what became known to chroniclers as the "Red Saint Nicholas". Although they succeeded in preventing the Ottomans from entering the city, the Knights Hospitallers and their allies were bruised, exhausted and weakened. Shortly afterwards, the Grand Master of the Order resigned himself to negotiating and presented the surrender of Rhodes on December 15th, 1563. Soliman accepted the surrender and authorized the knights to leave the island, but was ruthless with the Spanish and Genoese survivors who had helped them: some were executed, while others were turned into slaves. The second siege of Rhodes saw the Hospitallers and their allies lose over six thousand men, while the Ottomans lost almost forty thousand, most of them to dysentery.
    Soliman had no time to exploit his success at Rhodes. The disease finished him off in January 1564, and the old Ottoman sultan passed away on the island on January 22th, 1564. His grand vizier, Mehmed Sokollu, kept his death a secret to allow the rise of his son Selim. The latter became Selim II and brought his father's remains back to Constantinople in the spring of 1564. Selim II had to deal with the aftermath of his father's death, with major seditious movements among the janissaries. The new sultan relied heavily on his father's last vizier, Mehmed Sokollu. The new sultan was very fond of pleasures and entertainment, and surrounded himself with scholars and artists, even though he was not very fond of public appearances. He seeks to build on his father's success on Rhodes and in the Dodecanese to consolidate his authority. The sultan also supported Alexandru II Mircea to take over the position of prince of Wallachia during the same period, in order to regain control in the region and counteract Hungarian interference in one of his empire's vassals.
    On the diplomatic front, Selim II maintained complicated relations with Louis III of Hungary, even though he instructed his grand vizier to negotiate a lasting peace with the Magyar king by obtaining the latter's recognition of Ottoman suzerainty. These relations were further complicated by Hungarian and Transylvanian interference in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Sultan forged relations with Tahmasp I, and maintained complex diplomatic and commercial ties with the Republic of Venice. Russian interference against the Crimean Khanate was closely and vigilantly observed by the Ottomans.
    In parallel with the Rhodes campaign and the succession to Suleiman I, the Ottoman Empire continued to strengthen its fleet in the Red Sea in order to counter the Portuguese and break their influence and position in the region. Raids were carried out by both sides, the Ottomans against Khamaran in 1562 and Aden in 1564, while the Portuguese sought to drive the Ottomans from the Farasan Islands. Ottoman raids ransacked the Portuguese-controlled Yemeni coasts, weakening their position in the region, while the Ottoman Red Sea fleet grew stronger. In the Mediterranean, the Ottomans raided Spanish possessions in Tripolitania and the Hafsid caliphate, and Genoese territories in the eastern Mediterranean in 1564.

    The Persian Sefevid Empire recovered from its long conflict with the Ottoman Empire in the early 1560's. During this period, Tahmasp I remained active in the arts, contributing to the flourishing of historiography around his dynasty to consolidate the prestige of his lineage. The Persian shah also pursued his policy of integrating the Georgian provinces into his empire by imposing numerous Iranian political and social institutions, such as the bilingual Georgian-Persian farmâns, with the aim of establishing Persian as the official administrative language of Sefevid Georgia. On the diplomatic front, the Persian ruler maintained peace with his Ottoman neighbor. One of the most notable events of the period was Tahmasp I's reception of Prince Bayezid and his children. The prince asked for the Shah's help against his father, but Tahmasp I did not want to break the peace of Amasya. Pressure from Suleiman I and fear of a plot by his guest led Tahmasp I to execute Suleiman I and his children in 1562. After the death of Suleiman I, the Persian ruler began to forge ties with Selim II to consolidate the peace. He maintained complex relations with the Portuguese in Muscat, the latter having consolidated their monopoly on maritime routes in the Indian Ocean.
     
    1565-1569: Pax Britannica
  • 1565-1569: Pax Britannica
    The late 1560s were a perennial and peaceful period for the British kingdoms, as their rulers consolidated their authority and continued to reform their territories.

    During the years 1565-1569, Mary I of England and her husband Francis IV of Brittany continued to consolidate their authority over the kingdom. However, the period saw the emergence of disagreements between the two members of the couple, particularly concerning their relationship with Parliament. Marie I sought to take its representatives into account in order to develop her authority and secure their support, while François IV was less inclined to take this approach, wishing instead to diminish their influence and role, particularly on the issue of taxation. This difference in outlook was reflected in the factions and rivalries within the royal court, but also in royal policies, as Mary I sought to consolidate her authority as sovereign while at the same time sparing her husband. The sovereign did, however, enjoy the relative support of her allies and certain court officials, while Francis IV had to deal with the barons of the realm due to his status as the sovereign's husband and a foreign prince. The royal couple benefited, however, from the absence of any new attempts by Elizabeth and her husband Edward during this period to consolidate their legitimacy among their subjects. Their son Francis, now a young adult, is now Prince of Wales and is given various responsibilities designed to help prepare him for his position as heir and future sovereign. Mary I was also responsible for training her grandson Arthur in the habits and customs of the English kingdom.
    In addition to the dynastic and political issues at stake, Mary I and her husband had to manage the economic challenges arising from inflation, the problems caused by the development of enclosures and the subsistence crisis that hit the kingdom during the period. Following in the footsteps of her predecessors, the sovereign sought to restrict the development of the practice so that peasants could continue to benefit from communal pastures, but had to contend with some of the kingdom's leading figures who took advantage of enclosures to prosper. The sovereign had to contend with unrest and riots during the period, particularly in Lincolnshire and Kent, as the local population could not bear the economic constraints they were suffering or the impact of enclosures on their ability to pay their dues to the local lords and the crown. Mary I and her husband sought to meet these challenges through new expedients, even if they had to deal with Parliament. The pontifical agreement to draw taxes from the convents enabled them to secure some income for a few years, although the power of the convents and the uncertainty of pontifical endorsement due to papal succession during the period were uncertain and restricted the English crown's ability to take advantage of this source of income. However, Mary I benefited from the renewal of Channel and North Sea trade. Calais was more than ever considered the Pearl of the Realm, as trade with the Kingdom of France and the Spanish Netherlands enabled the port city to maintain a high level of prosperity, with a population of around 50,000 in 1567, rivaling that of northern merchant towns such as Douai and Bruges. Trade also developed with the Kingdom of Norway and representatives of the Hanseatic League. As a result of her experience at the head of the Duchy of Brittany, Marie I was also gradually thinking of relaunching expeditions to the west, mainly to find a route to Asia, but also to establish trading posts and colonies to develop trade with the natives of the New World.
    On the religious front, Mary I and her husband continued to defend the supremacy of the Catholic Church against Tyndalian, Lutheran and Calvinist ideas. The royal couple were divided, however, over their approach to the Church of England: Mary tended to adopt the policy of her half-brother and their father, while Francis IV wished to draw inspiration from the Concordat of Carpentras to reinforce the authority of the English crown over the local clergy. From 1567 onwards, however, these differences began to fade, as Mary I saw some advantages in drawing on French religious policy, given her experience and the benefits it could bring to the English crown. The idea of a concordat was supported by some representatives of the nobility and Parliament, who saw it as an opportunity to strengthen their influence to the detriment of the clergy, even if the prospect of the crown strengthening its power caused apprehension and hesitation among the latter. Marie I decided to negotiate with the Pope for a concordat similar to that of the Kingdom of France from 1568 onwards, but had to contend with the hesitations of Pope Benedict XIII.
    Marie I also had to deal with the Irish question. Thomas Butler managed the various rivalries and tensions within the Emerald Isle to the best of his ability, while seeking to strengthen his authority and influence. This led to enmity on the part of various Irish lords, notably his rival Gerald FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, as well as Shane O'Neill, who took a dim view of the Earl of Ormonde strengthening his influence from the English Pale. Thomas Butler's position as arbiter not only enabled him to develop an important position in Ireland. It also enabled the English crown to consolidate its influence and authority over the Emerald Isle under the reigns of Henry IX and Elizabeth I, without falling into the pitfalls caused by the latter's illusion of a return to a previous situation. However, the Earl of Ormonde faced opposition and hostility from a number of Irish lords, some out of rivalry, while others took a dim view of his strong position and proximity to the English crown.
    On the diplomatic front, Mary I continued to forge important relations with the kingdoms of Scotland and France. Her relations with James VI of Scotland were cordial, while those with Charles IX of France were more complicated due to the ambiguous position of her husband and their children, despite the commitment made at the Amboise meeting. The sovereign also undertook to forge relations with Philip II of Spain, seeking to develop commercial ties with the latter through the Spanish Netherlands and the Spanish kingdoms themselves, but also to have a powerful ally. She developed relations with John II of Norway, in particular to support the latter in the face of the threat posed by Frederick II of Norway, as Mary I and her husband did not want to take the risk of seeing the King of Denmark grow stronger and have more means to support Elizabeth and her husband Edward in their bid to regain the English crown. They did not hesitate to support the Kingdom of Sweden to distract the King of Denmark from providing further support to their rivals.

    The years 1565-1569 were a period of serenity and tranquility for the Kingdom of Scotland, as James VI set about consolidating his authority.
    The Scottish king set about consolidating his authority in the late 1560s, but had to contend with the various Scottish clans, notably the MacDonnells, whose links with Ireland affected his relations with the kingdom of England. James VI relied heavily on the Parliament of Edinburgh to develop his authority and lessen the influence of the Scottish clans. To strengthen his kingdom, the Scottish sovereign continued to develop trade with his various neighbors, particularly on the North Sea. On the religious front, the Scottish sovereign pursued his policy of defending the Catholic faith. He also undertook the renovation and construction of royal residences to enhance the prestige of his reign and consolidate royal authority. To carry out his reforms, he relied on Matthew Stewart, who remained his most trusted advisor. At the Scottish court, factions were evolving, marked less by diplomatic alignments than by clan rivalries. Matthew Stewart clashed with David Douglas and James Hamilton, the latter now opposing the King of Scotland on the strengthening of his royal authority, not wanting to see their influence fought and weakened.
    On the diplomatic front, James VI consolidated his relations with Mary I of England in order to maintain peace between their respective kingdoms and develop trade relations. These relations were strengthened by the fact that he was married to the English sovereign's daughter. These relations are sometimes complicated by the MacDonnells' links with their relatives in Antrim, Ireland. The King of Scotland also maintains important relations with the kingdom of France, particularly the Duchy of Brittany, as he is the son-in-law of Francis IV of Brittany. His relations with the kingdom of France are also commercial. Good relations with the kingdom of England meant that the Stuart sovereign had less need to maintain the Auld Alliance. Through trade, James VI maintained important relations with John II of Norway.
     
    1565-1569: Upheaval in Italy
  • 1565-1569: Upheaval in Italy
    The end of the 1560s was a special period for the Italian and Swiss territories, marked in particular by the return of local conflicts linked to rivalries between certain cities and territorial or dynastic claims.

    The years 1565-1568 saw Gregory XIV seek to put his stamp on the Catholic Church. The Pope strengthened the Roman Inquisition to combat the so-called reformed churches in Italy and beyond. He supported Louis III's Kingdom of Hungary by providing financial aid to combat the Ottoman Empire. The Sovereign Pontiff supported Philip II against Saadian Morocco and lent his support to Francesco II Sforza in his claims to Valtellina, seeing this as an opportunity to weaken the Protestant position in the Swiss cantons. Influenced by the cardinals Alexander Farnese and Ippolito de' Medici, the Pope remained neutral in the conflict between the Duchy of Florence and the Republic of Siena. Gregory XIV continued the architectural projects of his predecessor, as much out of artistic interest as out of a desire to strengthen the influence and prestige of the Catholic Church and embody its triumph over the Protestant movements. Among the cardinals he created were his nephew Luigi Pisani in June 1565 and his compatriot Federico Cornaro in October 1567.
    However, the pontiff died in April 1568. In the month following his death, the conclave held to designate his successor saw opposition from various factions, notably that led by Alexander Farnese, that of Luigi Cornaro, who represented the late pope's supporters, and that led by Ippolito de' Medici, who was determined to acquire the position of supreme pontiff. In addition to these internal rivalries, there were also external rivalries between cardinals with French preferences and those with Spanish preferences. Among the favourites were Ippolito de' Medici, Ugo Boncompagni and Giovanni Gerolamo Morone. Thanks to the support of Alexander Farnese and his allies and the Spanish faction, Ippolito de Medici was elected in May 1568 and enthroned as Leo, becoming Leo XI. However, the new pope died at the beginning of June 1568, a few weeks after his election. This precipitated a new conclave, where the choice fell on the dean of the college of cardinals, Giovanni Gerolamo Morone, after around a month of debate in which the various factions struggled to reach agreement and put forward their champion. The new pontiff chose the name Benedict in reference to his role as protector of the Benedictine order, initially becoming Benedict XIV before retracting to Benedict XIII, the previous Benedict XIII being considered an antipope (1).
    The new Pope set out to strengthen his relations with the various states of Christendom, seeking in particular to mobilise the Christian powers against the Ottoman Empire, whose success on Rhodes once again increased their threat in the Mediterranean. He continued his predecessor's policy of supporting Louis III of Hungary, who was now facing Sultan Selim II. Benedict XIII particularly developed his links with Emperor Maximilian II in order to be able to develop a policy of reconciliation and reintegration of the Lutherans into the fold of the Church. He maintained the Roman Inquisition, but restricted the extension of their influence and actions beyond the Papal States and the Italian territories where they had established themselves. The Pope undertook to pursue reforms within the Church, with the aim of reconciling the different components of Christianity. He showcased Baroque architecture to make Rome shine and strengthen the appeal of the Catholic Church. His religious policies, particularly that of reconciliation and the reintegration of Lutherans into the Catholic faith, were received with mixed feelings within the Roman Curia and rekindled rumours of his Lutheran sympathies, which had been denied under the pontificate of Gregory XIV. However, the pontifical policy enabled Rome to preserve its lustre and prestige, winning the admiration of foreign representatives and visitors.
    On the diplomatic front, Benedict XIII developed important relations with Emperor Maximilian II, who shared his desire to reintegrate the Lutherans into the Catholic Church. He maintained important relations with Philip II of Spain, supporting the latter against the Kingdom of Morocco. He maintained important relations with the Kingdom of France. He also intervened in the conflict between Siena and Florence, acting as arbitrator in favour of Siena to counter the influence of the Medici and Farnese families. He developed relations with Mary I of England, some of whose religious policies he supported, even though he was reluctant to grant her the right to appoint English bishops, following the example of the Concordat of Carpentras for the Kingdom of France. Finally, he supported John II of Norway, whom he saw as a valuable ally in the restoration of the Catholic faith in the northern kingdoms.

    The years 1565-1569 were a special time for the Duchy of Milan. While its duke, Francesco II, pursued a policy of patronage designed to make his capital one of the most prestigious on the Italian peninsula, surrounding himself with the most brilliant artists and cultured men. The duchy regained some of its former prosperity thanks to trade, even if it had to bear the brunt of the inflation raging throughout Christendom. On the religious front, Francesco II fought resolutely against Protestant ideas, supporting the strengthening of the Roman Inquisition led by Pope Clement VIII, with whom he strengthened his relations, particularly in his plan to recover Valtellina from the Alliance of the Three Leagues.
    The Duke also sought to isolate the Grisons Leagues. He secured the neutrality of his other neighbours, notably Charles IX of France and Emperor Maximilian II, in order to be able to carry out his plans. He also obtained the support of Ferdinand of Tyrol, the Emperor's brother, who saw it as an opportunity to extend the territory of the Lower Engadine controlled by the Grisons. The internal divisions within the Swiss Confederation provided him with an opportunity to implement his plan.
    These diplomatic negotiations enabled Francesco II to send an ultimatum to the Alliance of the Three Leagues in the spring of 1566, demanding that they cede the region to him. When the Grey Leagues refused, the Duke declared war on them in the summer of 1566 and prepared his forces, justifying his campaign in the name of the Catholic faith. Recruiting Swiss condottieres and mercenaries from Catholic cantons, the Duke of Milan attacked the Como and Valtellina region in July 1566. His forces captured Como at the end of August 1566 and reached Sondrio at the beginning of September 1566. The Milanese moved up towards Chiavenna and met a Grison army north of Lake Mezzola on 13th August 1566. The confrontation was brutal, with the Grisons using the terrain to counter the Milanese attacks. Thanks to the condottieres they had recruited, the Milanese eventually dispersed the Grisons and took Chiavenna on 16th September 1566. The Milanese then turned their attention to Bormio, which they occupied in October 1566. The news that a Grisons army was approaching Chiavenna led the Milanese to return to the latter in an attempt to stop their adversaries. At the beginning of September 1566, the two armies clashed in Val Bregaglia. Unlike the confrontation at Lake Mezzola, the Milanese did not have the numerical advantage and were exhausted by their campaign. Their situation was complicated by the growing problem of paying the mercenaries who made up their forces. All these factors contributed to the Grisons' success in the battle of 8th September 1566, causing part of the Milanese forces to rout. Following this success, the Graubünden regained control of most of Valtellina in the autumn of 1566.
    Despite the defeat in Val Bregaglia, Francesco II did not concede defeat and sought to involve Ferdinand of Tyrol in the conflict in order to divide the Graubünden forces, convinced that the confessional divisions between the Swiss cantons would prevent them from supporting the Three League Alliance. In parallel with the new negotiations with the Habsburgs, the Duke of Milan carried out various skirmishes against the Graubünden to weaken their position in the region, but also to prevent them from moving south to threaten him. However, the exchanges with Ferdinand of Tyrol were long and uncertain, with the Count of Tyrol more reluctant to intervene openly in the conflict. He also learned of the formation of the League of Glarus in November 1567 by the Protestant cantons of the eastern part of the Swiss Confederation. Despite these setbacks, Francesco II tried to save the situation and, with difficulty, raised a new army at the beginning of 1567, which he sent to regain control of Valtellina in February 1567. The Milanese came up against the Graubünden army and their allies south of Morbigno in mid-February 1567. The ensuing battle was deadly, with the Milanese failing to break the Graubunden lines in their assaults and with the support of their cannons before a flanking attack failed to bypass the opposing army, causing panic among the Milanese.
    Following the further defeat of his forces and the risk of an invasion of his duchy by the Grisons and their allies, Francesco II was urged by his entourage to negotiate a truce with the Alliance of the Three Leagues. The truce was signed between the duchy and the Grison leagues in March 1567, and the status quo was maintained. After the end of the Valtellina War, Francesco II concentrated on reorganising his duchy's finances and resuming his policy of patronage. Despite his failure to retake Valtellina, he continued to keep a close eye on the situation in the Swiss cantons and the Alliance of the Three Leagues, particularly the divisions and tensions that shook the Swiss cantons following the creation of the League of Glarus.
    However, Milanese incursions into Valtellina brought the plague to the duchy, while a major epidemic affected the Swiss cantons and, from 1566-1567, the Three League Alliance. Francesco II endeavoured to limit the impact of the epidemic, which struck Como and Brescia particularly hard in 1568-1569.
    On the diplomatic front, Francesco II developed important relations with the Habsburgs, particularly Ferdinand of Tyrol, although these did not lead to an alliance. His relations with the Swiss cantons were mixed, with good relations with several of the Catholic cantons and strained relations with the Protestant cantons, particularly due to their support for the Alliance of the Three Leagues. It had a special relationship with the papacy, although the religious policy of Benedict XIII caused some friction between the duchy and the Papal States. Relations with the Republic of Genoa were complex, especially as the events that affected the maritime republic from 1566 onwards rekindled Milan's temptation to reassert its influence over the latter. Francesco II maintained complicated ties with the kingdom of France, particularly as a result of the kingdom's growing influence over the Genoese republic from 1567 onwards. At the end of 1569, the Duke learnt of the death of Charles IX, prompting a mixed reaction from him due to the uncertainties surrounding the intentions of the new French king, Charles X.

    The end of the 1560s was a complicated time for the Republic of Genoa. Having replaced his father as admiral and unofficial ruler of Genoa, Giovannia Andrea sought to maintain his position and win over the Albergo factions. He set about restoring the Genoese fleet and strengthening diplomatic ties with Philip II of Spain and trade in the Mediterranean and its various neighbours. Although his relations with the Duchy of Milan were neutral, they remained excellent compared to the uncertain and tense relations with the Kingdom of France and even the Duchy of Savoy, as Louis II was close to the French crown. Relations with Alessandro II de' Medici, on the other hand, were more complex, as the Duke of Florence was very ambitious and wanted to strengthen his dukedom.
    The death of Giannettino in 1563 contributed to the strengthening of the Albergi's intrigues and the hostility of some of them towards the Doria, with a strong desire to regain the power lost since the end of the war in the League of Perugia. The Fieschis and the Fregosos joined forces to plot the overthrow of the Doria and the restoration of the doge-for-life system, seeking in particular to influence the election of the biennial doges. Faced with the Albergi's intrigues, Giovanni Andrea sought to counter them in various ways, playing off rivalries with rival families and developing his influence in the City Council. Although he lacked his father's arrogance and Caesarian approach, Giovanni Andrea sought to preserve his family's influence over the Genoese republic. These intrigues culminated in September 1565 in the election of Ottavio Gentile Oderico by the nuovi and vecchi of the City Council, who were partly influenced by Giovanni. Giovanni had supported this candidate, who had no political experience, on the grounds that he was weak and malleable, thus countering his rivals.
    Following this election and Giovanni Doria's interference in the city's affairs, some of the Albergo family joined forces to plot against the Doria family and re-establish the previous system. Among the conspirators were Ottobuono Fieschi and Giovanni Luigi Fieschi, the latter distancing himself from his father in his dealings with the Doria. However, the conspirators had difficulty finding outside allies who would support them in overthrowing the Doria and putting an end to the growing Spanish influence in the city. The Fieschis involved in the plot set about contacting the French crown to obtain its support (2) and to be able to implement the plot. Exchanges developed from autumn 1565 onwards, before the conspirators received the support of Charles IX, Louis II of Savoy and Alberico Cybo. On the strength of this support, the conspirators agreed on a plan to seize the Genoese fleet and the city gates, but were divided over the ideal time to carry out their plan: some wanted to act quickly to avoid having their plot exposed, while others wanted to prepare the ground and strike at the most appropriate moment. A compromise was reached with the choice of Easter as the date for the execution of the plot.
    On the morning of 14 April 1566, the conspirators led by Giacomo Fieschi and Alberico Cybo set out to seize the Genoese fleet and the gates of Genoa. Faced with the uproar caused by the conspirators' actions, Giovanni barely escaped at sea. The conspirators set out to seize the government with their allies. They managed to seize most of the members of the Council and Ottavio Gentile Oderico. They also captured Giovanni Andrea Doria's wife, Zenobia del Carretto, and the Spanish ambassador in Genoa, not hesitating to kill the latter (3). Having succeeded in seizing Genoa's various nerve centres, the conspirators set up a council to govern the city and reform its political organisation. Ottavio Gentile Oderico remained doge for a time, before having to step down on 17th April 1566. The provisional council that was established sought to re-establish the old system of electing doges. It also took advantage of the situation to confiscate the Doria estates. The new regime set about reforming the city's administration, while preserving many of the advances made under the biennial doges and the Doria. The members of the council also sought the support of their allies to protect Genoa from Giovanni Doria's potential retaliation. The Fieschi family therefore undertook to send a representative to Charles IX to obtain his support and protection. Having learned of Giovanni Doria's presence in Rapallo at the beginning of May 1566, the Council sought to send forces to retake the city and capture the last representative of the Doria family. Despite difficulties in gathering a force due to the hostility of the communes and the need to consolidate control over Genoa, the Council sent a small troop to Rapallo in May 1566. They captured Rapallo after a violent confrontation, but failed to capture Giovanni Doria, who had escaped a short time earlier.
    However, their policy was opposed by the communes, who rejected the coup and feared that the Albergo family would reduce their position in the political life of the city. The anger of the communes was gradually fuelled by supporters of the Doria family who had escaped capture and who hoped to pave the way for Giovanni Doria's return. These oppositions were compounded by the development of rivalries among the Albergo, as the great Genoese families sought to regain power and corner it for themselves. These rivalries were exacerbated by divisions over the alliances to be forged to preserve the new regime, even though the assassination of the Spanish ambassador helped to impose the idea of a rapprochement with the kingdom of France. Despite awareness of the risk of Giovanni Doria's return with his allies, the council was divided into factions represented mainly by the various Albergo, but also a small group supporting Alberico Cybo. The latter was seeking to develop a leading position within the council and wanted the support of the Genoese to take back the Marquisate of Massa and the Lordship of Carrara from his brother Giulio as a reward for his support. The refusal or lack of interest shown by the main members of the council led Alberico to plot to obtain a position of choice in Genoa so that he could carry out his plans. These various rivalries were particularly strong with regard to the Fieschi family, who were able to take advantage of their role as leaders of the conspiracy to take the leading role in the council and work to regain the position of doge. However, the Genoese family was also divided by the rivalry between Giovanni Fieschi and his brother Ottobuono, with both men claiming the leading position on the council due to their role in the conspiracy. Although Giovanni Fieschi was elected doge at the beginning of May 1566, he was overthrown by his opponents in the autumn of 1566 and replaced by Alberico Cybo-Malaspina.
    The new doge sought to consolidate his position within the city and abroad, by attempting to renew ties with Philip II of Spain. He acceded to the sovereign's request to punish the murderers of his ambassador, having some of those responsible sentenced in November 1566. However, his action helped to provoke hostility from the Fieschi family and some of the other Albergi, while the communes continued to take a dim view of the return of the doge-for-life system at a time when their political weight had been weakened. The new doge sought to prepare his plan to regain control of the seigniory of Carrara and the marquisate of Massa. However, his plan was denounced by the other Albergi, who took a dim view of the misappropriation of public funds for a project that did not concern them. They forced Alberico to resign in January 1567. He was replaced by Cesare Fregoso (4). The new doge set about developing relations with the kingdom of France and the duchy of Savoy to protect the republic from the risks posed by the duchy of Milan or an attempt by Giovanni Doria to regain control of the city. The new doge sought to strengthen Corsica's defences, unwilling to see the deposed admiral attempt to use the island to regain control of the city. He managed to consolidate his position during 1567, even though relations with the Kingdom of Spain were more complicated, particularly due to the rehabilitation of those executed under his predecessor and the survival of Giovanni Doria.
    Despite the internal unrest and the vagaries of diplomacy, the Republic of Genoa managed to maintain its trade with its various neighbours, even consolidating its trade with the Kingdom of France. The strengthening of its ties with the kingdom of France led it to gradually fall under the influence of the French crown.

    In the late 1560s, the Duchy of Florence was again involved in various events and troubles that affected the region. During this period, Alessandro II undertook to develop Florence to rival Rome and Milan, supporting a major policy of patronage by supporting painters, sculptors and architects, including Agnolo Bronzino and Bartolomeo Ammannati. In particular, he encouraged the development of Baroque art from Rome. In governing his territories, Alessandro continued to rely on his father-in-law Cosme, but increasingly distanced himself from the latter, eager to prove himself and less and less appreciative of Cosme's administrative talents, feeling that he was in Cosme's shadow. His marriage to Madeleine Sforza gave birth to a second daughter, Cecilia, in autumn 1566. A son, Lorenzo, was born in the summer of 1567 but died shortly afterwards.
    During this period, Alessandro II also wanted to strengthen his territory and legitimacy by neutralising Florence's rival, Siena. The Duke was determined to defeat the rival city and seize part of its territories. He was all the more determined to act because he wanted to succeed where his father-in-law and mother had failed a decade earlier, and because he took a dim view of the Strozzi presence in Siena, recalling the existence of notable figures defending the republican regime against which the Medici had had problems. He decided to rely on his uncles Ottavio and Rannucio, the former of whom had important claims on Siena. He met them in Cortona in the spring of 1566 and undertook to defend their claims in exchange for some of Siena's territories. The meeting was somewhat tense due to the Farneses' own interests, but an agreement was reached between the Duke of Florence and his uncles. In the summer of 1566, Alessandro II received a representative from Siena asking for the truce between their two cities to be renewed. Duke Medici refused to extend the peace. In preparation for his campaign against the Sienese, the Duke undertook to forge diplomatic links with several of his neighbours and the King of Spain in order to gain support or guarantee their neutrality, particularly in the case of the Papacy through the intermediary of his uncles, Cardinals Farnese and Ippolito de' Medici. In September 1566, he received Giovanni Doria, who asked for his help in recapturing Genoa. The Duke was unable to accede to his guest's request, as he was concentrating on preparing his campaign against Siena. He did, however, allow Giovanni Doria to reach the Kingdom of Naples.
    Having assembled an army in the winter of 1566-1567, he attacked Siena in February 1567, putting his father-in-law in charge of the city. Determined to isolate the Sienese Republic from any outside support, he attacked Monterrigioni while his two uncles were passing through Casole d'Elsa. The Duke of Florence laid siege to the fortified city for a fortnight before surrendering. He joined his uncles, who had begun the siege of Siena at the beginning of March 1567. While his forces and those of his uncle Ottavio Farnese continued the siege, those of Rannuccio Farnese undertook a campaign in the south-west to seize the territories close to the coast and isolate Siena from any maritime support. Rannuccio Farnese captured Montieri at the beginning of April 1567 before laying siege to the fortress of Massa (5) at the beginning of April 1567, but had to face a Sienese army led by Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni at the end of April 1567. Rannuccio was killed in the confrontation, while his army was routed by the Sienese.
    Alessandro II and his uncle Ottavio Farnese laid siege to Siena during the spring and summer of 1567. They learned of the defeat and death of Rannuccio Farnese at the beginning of May and soon afterwards suffered raids from the forces of Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni. By early summer, the Florentine forces were exhausted and weakened, and the question of payment for the mercenaries arose. Unable to take the city, Alessandro II was forced to lift the siege in June 1567 and retreat to Monterrigioni. Reaching Florence at the beginning of July, he set about reorganising his forces and gathering new ones, but had to ask his father-in-law to help him against the Sienese. At the end of the summer of 1567, on hearing the news of the siege of Monterrigioni by the Sienese, Alessandro II instructed his father-in-law to rescue the garrison. The latter reached Monterrigioni in September 1567, forcing the Sienese to lift the siege. Following this success, Cosimo reinforced the city's garrison and led raids into Sienese territory during the autumn of 1567, before returning to Florence to spend the winter of 1567-1568. At the beginning of 1568, Alessandro II learned of the Sienese attack on Volterra and in March 1568 led a new army in an attempt to bring his adversaries to heel. Accompanied by his uncle Ottavio Farnese, the Duke confronted the Sienese near San Gimignano at the end of March 1568. The battle was violent and saw Alessandro II forced to retreat to Florence. As the Volterra region was hit by the Sienese raids, the Duke of Florence was forced to rely on his father-in-law to resolve the situation. Cosimo de' Medici defeated the Sienese south of Certaldo in mid-April 1568.
    At the end of spring 1568, the Florentines were forced to submit to the arbitration of the new Pope, Benedict XIII. He imposed a return to the status quo for both cities in July 1568. Alessandro II resented the imposition of peace and the papal interference. This was compounded by his growing jealousy of his father-in-law Cosimo, whose administrative and military talents made him popular with the Florentine population and undermined Alessandro II's position. A growing rivalry developed between the two men, with Alessandro II now seeking to emancipate himself from his father-in-law and even thinking of getting rid of him, fearing that the Florentines would support Cosimo to his detriment. Alessandro II tried to have Cosme poisoned in the spring of 1569, but failed. Worried that he might be overthrown, he instructed trusted men to assassinate Cosme in May 1569. The attack succeeded, but rumours of Alessandro's involvement spread as Cosimo's brutal death was keenly felt by the Florentine population. Alessandro II's relations with his mother deteriorated as the Pope intervened in the affair in the autumn of 1569, denouncing Cosimo's assassination and demanding that Alessandro II show repentance.

    The territory of Siena went through a rather complicated period at the end of the 1560s. Although Peter Strozzi and the governing council continued to provide fairly stable governance for the city, allowing it to prosper economically and artistically, the Sienese found themselves confronted with the ambitions of the Duke of Florence, Alessandro II de' Medici. Having learned of the negotiations between the Medici and the Farnese, Peter Strozzi and the city council sent a representative to negotiate an extension of the truce in the summer of 1566, but were rebuffed by Alessandro II. This led Peter Strozzi and the city council to prepare for the possibility of conflict, seeking allies to counter Alessandro II, in particular from the French crown, and seeking papal arbitration. They received no specific response from Gregory XIV, but were promised potential support from the French, who were backing the new Doge of Genoa. Faced with the imminent risk of conflict, Peter Strozzi sought to recruit an army and strengthen the defences of the Sienese territory. He obtained the services of Astore Baglioni to lead part of the forces charged with defending the Sienese republic.
    In February 1567, Siena was attacked by Alessandro II de' Medici and his uncles Ottavio and Rannucio Farnese. On hearing of the fall of Casole d'Elsa and the siege of Monterrigioni, Peter Strozzi and the council raised a militia of almost ten thousand men to defend the city. Siena was besieged by the Farnese forces from mid-March 1567, before Alessandro II joined them. Peter Strozzi organised the city's defences against the Florentines and entrusted his son Philip and Astore Baglioni with the task of preventing the Florentines from moving inland and isolating Siena. While Peter Strozzi effectively defended Siena against Alessandro II, his son and Astore Baglioni defeated Rannuccio Farnese at the Battle of Massa before raiding the Florentines to disrupt their supply lines and force them to lift the siege of Siena in June 1567. Following this success, the Sienese sought to retake the territories that the Florentines had taken from them. Philip Strozzi and Astore Baglioni attacked Casole d'Elsa at the beginning of July 1567. They recaptured the town before attempting to retake Monterrigioni in August 1567. The siege was difficult and the Sienese almost took it, but in September 1567 they faced a new Sienese army led by Cosimo de' Medici, forcing them to lift the siege and withdraw to Siena. The Republic of Siena was subjected to raids by Cosimo de' Medici during the autumn of 1567, particularly in the Castelnuovo Berardenga region. However, the Sienese took advantage of the winter of 1567-1568 to organise themselves and prepare their defences. Peter Strozzi and the council decided to attack Volterra to force the Florentines on the defensive. They sent an army led by Astore Baglioni and Peter Strozzi in February 1568. The Sienese reached Volterra shortly afterwards and took it after a few days. The Sienese raided the region, taking San Gimignano in particular. However, at the end of March 1568, they came up against the nearby army of Alessandro II and Ottavio de' Medici. The battle was brutal, but Astore Baglioni eventually forced the Florentines to retreat to Florence. The Sienese continued their raids in the region, but were defeated by Cosimo de' Medici in mid-April 1568 near Certaldo, forcing them to retreat to Volterra. Astore Baglioni was seriously wounded in the confrontation and died of his injuries a few days later.
    In the summer of 1568, Siena obtained a return to peace thanks to the intervention of Pope Benedict XIII. This allowed the council and Peter Strozzi to concentrate on governing the city and strengthening its ties with the outside world, in particular with the new pontiff and the Republic of Genoa.

    In the late 1560s, the Republic of Venice pursued its policy of renewing trade relations with the Ottoman Empire, taking advantage of the new sultan to try and obtain concessions from him. The Serenissima also continued to develop investments in Domini di Terraferma (6), even though the two Doges of the period were not very involved in this policy.
    On the diplomatic front, the Serenissima sought to improve its relations with the Ottoman Empire by taking advantage of the advent of the new sultan, Selim II. It also sought to maintain good diplomatic and commercial relations with its neighbours, mainly the Papacy and the Habsburgs. It kept a close eye on the unrest that shook the Republic of Genoa and on Selim II's moves against the latter in the Aegean between 1568 and 1569.

    The Swiss cantons faced a complicated and tense situation during the years 1565-1569. The Catholic and Protestant cantons sought to find a compromise that would ensure the stability of the confederation, although the Catholic Church sought to strengthen its presence among the Swiss cantons, while the Protestant cantons sought to preserve their gains. The cantons sought to draw inspiration from the Treaty of Augsburg and the principle of respect for each canton's own religious practices at federal diets. These tensions were compounded by the plague epidemic that had been affecting the region since 1563, and which struck various cantons between 1565 and 1568, devastating several of them.
    The divisions and the plague made it difficult to establish a policy of compromise, especially as the tensions between the Alliance of the Three Leagues and the Duchy of Milan further complicated the situation. The Protestant cantons were prepared to support their neighbours and allies in Graubünden, while certain Catholic cantons such as Lucerne and Fribourg were prepared to remain neutral, or even to support Duke Francesco II. These tensions prevented the Swiss cantons from reaching a compromise and led to the Valtellina War between the Alliance of the Three Leagues and Milan in 1566. The Protestant cantons in the east were determined to support the Three League Alliance and united in the League of Glarus in autumn 1566. Despite the constraints resulting from the plague epidemic, the alliance sent men to support the Graubünden against the Milanese, playing a crucial role in the victory at Bitto in February 1567, forcing Francesco II to sign a truce with the Three League Alliance and maintain the status quo in March 1567.
    However, this success contributed to heightening tensions between the Catholic and Protestant cantons, with the Catholic cantons fearing that the Protestant cantons would try to carry out the policy pursued under Ulrich Zwingli in the 1530s. These tensions were not helped by the speeches made by certain religious representatives of the Catholic clergy, who warned the Catholic cantons of the risk of a repeat of the Germanic situation, or even of an attack by the Protestant cantons to force the Catholic cantons to give in to their demands. The risk of conflict and religious tensions brought the Federal Diet to an impasse, with unanimity on decisions concerning the status of confessional practice being very difficult to achieve, despite the desire of cantons of both denominations to achieve a situation similar to the Alliance of the Three Leagues, or similar to the Germanic regions with the Treaty of Augsburg. Bern and Fribourg played a significant role in the negotiations at the Federal Diet, as the two cantons had important relations despite their denominational differences. Conversely, the members of the League of Glarus were reluctant to dissolve their alliance, while several of the members of the former Christian Union demanded that they do so. These controversies were compounded by those of the local clergy, with some representatives of the Catholic Church defending local specificities in contrast to the main representatives, such as the Prince-Bishop of Sion. The members of the Diet resigned themselves to a tense status quo, while several Catholic cantons preferred to join forces to avoid the risk of a Protestant backlash.
    The years 1568-1569 saw the situation ease somewhat as the Swiss cantons learned of the new papal policy. The Papacy's conciliatory approach towards Protestants enabled some of the cantons to reach agreement and work to maintain peace. Although the League of Glarus and the Christian Union did not disarm each other, they agreed to set up a system similar to that in the lands of the Empire. In the spring of 1569, a treaty was signed in Sion, committing the various cantons to respecting each other's religious practices while maintaining their own. However, the treaty left open the question of the Catholic Church's relationship with the Zwinglians, Lutherans and Calvinists, as the relations between these different reformed churches had not been clarified and the radicalism of Calvinism and the defensive stance of Lutheranism complicated any approach to conciliation.
    Diplomatically, the Swiss cantons were divided by their religious differences. Relations with the princes of the empire were good, and imperial policy led to a good relationship with Emperor Maximilian II, although the Habsburg shenanigans in the conflict between Milan and the Alliance of the Three Leagues kept the cantons on their toes. Relations with the French crown were complex, particularly as a result of Charles IX's rapprochement with Louis II of Savoy. Relations with the Duchy of Savoy were complex and tense, as Savoyard claims on the Republic of Geneva continued to exist. The Catholic cantons maintained important relations with the papacy, even if the defence of local specificities constituted a distance from the Holy See. The election of Benedict XIII and the start of a conciliatory policy to try and bring Protestants back into the fold of the Catholic Church eased some of the tensions within the Swiss cantons. Relations with the Alliance of the Three Leagues were complex, with the Protestant cantons strengthening their relations with the cantons of Graubünden. Relations with the Republic of Geneva were complex: the canton of Bern remained an important ally of the city, but controversies within the confederation led it to focus on resolving tensions between the Catholic and Protestant cantons.

    The years 1565-1569 were rather complex for the Alliance of the Three Leagues. In spring 1566, they had to face up to the claims of Francesco II Sforza. Despite having complicated relations with the Swiss cantons, the Graubünden Leagues refused to give in to the demands of the Duke of Milan. They were attacked by the Duke in Valtellina in the summer of 1566, and one of their forces was defeated north of Lake Mezzola in August 1566. Mobilising their forces, the Graubünden confronted and defeated the Milanese at Val Bregaglia in September 1566, before regaining control of most of Valtellina and carrying out attacks in the Como region in the autumn of 1566. Skirmishes raged between them and the Milanese during this period, but they enjoyed the support of the Swiss Protestant cantons, which united in the League of Glarus. This alliance enabled them to counter the duchy's new attack in February 1567 at the Battle of Bitto and to attack in the Como region at the beginning of March 1567, forcing Francesco II into a truce that restored the status quo.
    During the years 1567-1569, the Alliance of the Three Leagues carefully and vigilantly managed the denominational question, seeking to maintain the system that allowed each of its cantons to freely practise the denomination of their choice, while the influence of the Catholic Church grew stronger as a result of the various pontifical policies and tensions were high within the Swiss cantons. This does not prevent the Graubünden Leagues from maintaining good relations with the Protestant cantons. It remained vigilant against the Duchy of Milan and the Habsburgs, whose expansionist intentions in Lower Engandine it mistrusted.

    In the late 1560s, the Duchy of Savoy was consolidated under the governance of Louis II of Savoy. He drew inspiration from the French court and the court of Milan to give his duchy a certain prestige. He continued to maintain good relations with the French crown, even though he tried to maintain a certain independence. The Duke maintained some links with the other princes of the empire. However, his relations with the Swiss cantons and the Italian territories were more important. His relations with the Swiss cantons were complicated by Savoyard claims on the Republic of Geneva. He closely watched the tensions within the Swiss confederation, aware that this could give him an opportunity to strengthen his duchy's influence over Geneva and counter Calvinist ideas. His relations with the Duchy of Milan were neutral but cordial, while those with the Republic of Genoa were rather complicated due to the unrest that shook the city from the summer of 1566. Relations between the Duchy of Savoy and the Kingdom of France were, however, strengthened by the rapprochement between the maritime republic and the latter. In dynastic terms, the Duke and his wife gave birth to Charles in autumn 1565, Elisabeth in spring 1567 and Catherine in summer 1568.

    (1) Benedict XIII (1394-1423) was Pope of Avignon during the Great Western Schism. Although the Catholic Church has not yet decided whether or not he is an antipope, Giovanni Gerolamo Morone considered him to be one in view of the Reformation.
    (2) The Fieschis were among the great Genoese families with the closest ties to the French crown.
    (3) Spanish influence and interference were not well perceived by some Genoese, particularly because of the strong ties between the Doria family and the Spanish crowns.
    (4) Son of Cesare Fregoso (1500-1561), a Genoese scholar and diplomat who fought alongside Ottaviano Fregoso, Doge of Genoa, in 1513 to reconquer the city, which was ruled by the Adorno family.
    (5) This is Massa Marittima.
    (6) The land territory of the Republic of Venice.
     
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