What if Jerusalem had assented to the 1538 Sanhedrin.

Well, OTL Acre and moshavot Tzabarim seem to be more open to new influences that fit their own pietistic mentality...

Considering that they are growing in numbers and influence among the Yishuv... will they start knocking on the door of the Sanhedrin?

Is there some type of Haham who plays the role of Rebbe or spiritual leader for them? Do they have their own community rabbis?
 
Well, OTL Acre and moshavot Tzabarim seem to be more open to new influences that fit their own pietistic mentality...

Considering that they are growing in numbers and influence among the Yishuv... will they start knocking on the door of the Sanhedrin?

Is there some type of Haham who plays the role of Rebbe or spiritual leader for them? Do they have their own community rabbis?
They're growing in number but are very much a minority. A supermajority of the Yishuv lives in the towns and villages of the Galilee, their faith tends to either be much more conventional or to approach the Haskalah from a different angle, and their numbers are growing as fast as the moshavim and the Acre kollel.

In any event, Acre is outside the Sanhedrin's jurisdiction so they don't much care, and the moshavim have their own spiritual leaders who exist in the interstices of the Sanhedrin's system because they don't seek formal semicha. They aren't doing anything that the Sanhedrin would have legal grounds to ban, and they do accept its jurisdiction as a court.
 
In case anyone's interested, my fantasy novelette, The Speech God Understands (the editor added That between Speech and God, but I prefer the original title) is out today in Beneath Ceaseless Skies. The story involves medieval cabalist Isaac the Blind in an alternate 12th-century Toulouse where gematria works. and is a sequel to The City of Kindness, which featured the same character.
These stories are fantastic. I absolutely adore the worldbuilding, the magic, etc.
 
RESTORATION BLUES JULY 1814
RESTORATION BLUES
JULY 1814

“Are you certain,” said Rabbi Abraham Vita de Cologna to Carel Asser, “that I can’t persuade you to stay another term?”

“I regret that you can’t. It’s been pleasant teaching here and revisiting the scene of old battles, but I’ve been summoned to a new post at the Hague.”

“Have you?” Vita’s voice held a note of surprise; Asser had never been one for posts. He’d grown stout and florid, and had clearly prospered since his time in the Paris Sanhedrin, but he’d done so as a private advocate, and he no more cared to take direction from others now than he had when he’d pulled a sword on David Sinzheim.

But Asser nodded. “I’ve been appointed to the commission to draft a constitution for the Kingdom of the Netherlands.”

Yes, thought Vita, that would be enough to tempt Asser away from his chambers in Amsterdam and Paris, and certainly from lecturing in civil law at the École nationale rabbinique. It also meant that the Dutch Jews would remain emancipated – not that there was much doubt about that, but it was still a comfort at a time when the German states and Rome were rescinding their emancipation decrees and when what had been the Grand Duchy of Warsaw had abandoned even its tepid reforms and returned to the full rigor of Prussian law.

And a greater comfort is that France is going the way of the Netherlands. There were some, at the beginning, who’d spoken in favor of repealing the laws that had liberated French Jews after the Revolution, but it had quickly become clear that the Bourbons didn’t intend to listen. The new king and his ministers were inclined to rock the boat as little as possible, and besides, the feeling within the government was that the French Jews had earned their privileges. The Interior Minister had said as much to Vita a month ago – you were Frenchmen under Bonaparte, and his Majesty wishes you to continue to be Frenchmen…

“The bargain worked,” he murmured. It had been a risky bargain – accept the co-option of Jewish communal institutions by the state and agree to a program of educating them as patriotic French citizens – but Sinzheim had managed to walk that tightrope, and so had Vita after he’d succeeded Sinzheim as President of the Central Consistory and Chief Rabbi of France. The French Jews had made their concessions at the Paris Sanhedrin but had conceded no more of the faith, and Sinzheim had used the consistorial tax to spread Jewish primary schools to every corner of the country. Even the requirement that the rabbinical school devote a third of its curriculum to secular studies had enabled it to play patron to half the Jewish natural philosophers and men of letters in Europe. The newspapers were calling Paris the Israelite Athens – a name that some rabbis found too Hellenistic to be comfortable, but when Acre and Tzfat were the other options, and when the bills the visiting professors paid to the Rothschilds for imported kosher wine were so awe-inspiring, Vita couldn’t argue against it…

“I wouldn’t be so sure,” Asser said, and Vita looked up sharply from his reverie. “It won’t go back to the way things were before, that’s true. But you’ll find that you have to sail with the wind.”

“We are patriots now, we will be patriots tomorrow.”

“Patriotism meant something different under Bonaparte than under the republic, no? And it will mean another thing under the king. I doubt you’ve had your last visit from the interior ministry, and I expect your next visitor may come bearing lists.” Asser seemed about to say something more, but he left it at that. “Will I be seeing you tonight at our nagidah’s?”

“Madame de Rothschild, you mean?” Jacob Mayer Rothschild had been sent to Paris two years ago to open a branch of the family bank; his young wife had become the queen of the Jewish salon-keepers. Asser wasn’t the only one who Vita had heard calling her “our nagidah,” and most of those who did had the same note of sarcasm. European maskilim tended to be uncomfortable with women having too much freedom, especially if they had intellectual pretensions; Asser had less of that attitude than many, but he had his share.

He still wouldn’t miss one of her soirees, though. Few people would.

“I think so. I have work to finish at my office, but supper at the Rothschilds’ table is agreeable.”

“It is. If I were a young man seeking a patron, I’d bet that you could convince me to stay here another term, just for the free meals. But the Interior Minister’s table is less agreeable, and nothing he serves is free.”
_______​

As it happened, the commissioner from the Interior Ministry was waiting for Vita when he returned to his office, and he did bear a list.

“May I come in?” he said, polite as he always was. “If you have a moment, I have some matters to discuss with you regarding the management of the rabbinical school.”

Vita opened the door and let the commissioner precede him inside. “Does his Majesty disapprove of the way the school is being managed?”

“Oh no, of course not! His Majesty has every confidence in your management. The government holds you in the highest respect. But we have… reviewed the faculty appointments, and we believe there are some who it might be time to superannuate. We’ve taken the liberty, as well, of proposing candidates to be promoted to fill their posts.”

Might, proposing, candidates – the commissioner hadn’t phrased anything as an order, and Vita knew from experience that these lists were negotiable. The hard-line Bonapartists like Furtado had resigned already, and if he wanted to save a couple of the proposed retirees or veto one or two of the candidates, he could. He took the list in hand and scanned the names; at first glance, there were some that he would negotiate. But the message was clear: the Bonapartists were to be replaced by royalists, and while individual lecturers might be on the table, that change was not.

Nor was the next change, because the commissioner wasn’t finished.

“We have also discussed within the ministry,” he said, “that we might ask your faculty for a ruling – no, not a ruling, an opinion, or possibly a treatise. We have been unable to locate a commentary on Jewish theology as it relates to kings, and it would be of interest to us – what is the Jewish conception of kingship, what duties are expected of a king, from what source does the king derive his right to rule. Your faculty appears well qualified to prepare a brief on that subject, and it is a project we would most urgently care for you to undertake.”

Again, the commissioner spoke with the utmost politeness, one gentleman addressing another. But again, his intent was clear, and Vita suddenly realized that the bargain had changed. Bonaparte had demanded a religious ruling that Jews should be patriots, but Louis le Désiré wanted more – he wanted the French Jews to confirm not only patriotism but royalism, and ultra-royalism at that, as an article of faith. The writings that could support a brief on the divine right of kings came instantly to his mind, and the commissioner, who was as well-versed in Jewish theology as many rabbis, no doubt knew them too.

Vita recalled his thought of only the hour before – the French Jews had made their concessions at the Paris Sanhedrin but had conceded no more of the faith. It seemed that would not be true any more.

“Let me consult with the faculty, and with the presidents of the consistories,” he temporized. “A project such as this will require a consensus.”

“We certainly would not want it otherwise. Shall I expect your initial report in a month’s time?”

“That should be sufficient, yes.”

“In a month, then,” the commissioner said, and rose from the chair with his hat in hand. It was a long time before Vita could return to his work.
_______​

“It is indeed a pleasure, Madame Rothschild,” said Vita, bowing over her hand. “But if you will excuse me, there’s an old friend here who I need to talk to.”

“Of course.” After two years in Paris, Hannah Rothschild was as familiar with the rituals of greeting as anyone, and she handled them with grace. She was tall, angular, not conventionally beautiful, but there was an energy about her that made her striking. And she was capable of far more than politeness alone; she’d built a stable of the foremost Jewish intellectuals in Paris, and she’d given ample proof that she could hold their own in conversation with them. She also carried on a wide correspondence, and Vita had often found her useful in keeping up with affairs across the Jewish world.

But at the moment, there was someone he needed to talk to, and it wasn’t Asser, who stood across the room with a glass of Galilee wine in hand, deep in conversation with a judge of the Paris commercial court. He looked around the salon and found him – Rottembourg, perhaps the most prominent of Bonaparte’s Jewish carrières aux talents, promoted to general of divisions after the Russian disaster and newly confirmed in his rank by the king.

“What can I do for you, Rabbi?” he asked.

“Do I remember correctly that you know Abbé Montesquiou?”

“I met the man during the negotiations this spring, and of course I know he’s the Interior Minister, but I wouldn’t say we’re friends…” He looked at Vita with sudden comprehension. “Are you asking me to persuade him against his plans for your school? Because I don’t have nearly the influence with him to do that.”

Vita shook his head. “No. What I ask is that my replacement be a man of integrity, and I would like your help in persuading him to accept that man.”

“That, yes…” Rottembourg began, but stopped short. “Your replacement? You are resigning?”

“There is a point at which a man is asked to concede too much, and I am at that point. I don’t know how to comply with what the ministry expects and be true to the faith, so another man must figure out how to do that.”

Rottembourg was silent for a moment. “I once advised a young man to resign and go to the Holy Land. Can I presume to advise you differently? A man of your learning and wisdom is needed in France.”

“I was born in Italy, mon general, and I have a duty I can’t fulfill. The Holy Land, you say?”

In truth, Vita had thought no further than resigning – he’d had a vague idea that he might return to Mantua, but nothing more – but the Holy Land held a sudden attraction. And if he went there, he realized, he would become a member of their Sanhedrin. No one, as far as he knew, had been a member of both the Grand Sanhedrin of Paris and the Great Sanhedrin of Palestine; if he did, he would be the first.

The first – and suddenly the Rothschild salon seemed far away, and he thought of all the places where the hard-won rights of the Jewish community were being stripped from it – but, I suspect, not the last.
 
RESTORATION BLUES
JULY 1814

“Are you certain,” said Rabbi Abraham Vita de Cologna to Carel Asser, “that I can’t persuade you to stay another term?”

“I regret that you can’t. It’s been pleasant teaching here and revisiting the scene of old battles, but I’ve been summoned to a new post at the Hague.”

“Have you?” Vita’s voice held a note of surprise; Asser had never been one for posts. He’d grown stout and florid, and had clearly prospered since his time in the Paris Sanhedrin, but he’d done so as a private advocate, and he no more cared to take direction from others now than he had when he’d pulled a sword on David Sinzheim.

But Asser nodded. “I’ve been appointed to the commission to draft a constitution for the Kingdom of the Netherlands.”

Yes, thought Vita, that would be enough to tempt Asser away from his chambers in Amsterdam and Paris, and certainly from lecturing in civil law at the École nationale rabbinique. It also meant that the Dutch Jews would remain emancipated – not that there was much doubt about that, but it was still a comfort at a time when the German states and Rome were rescinding their emancipation decrees and when what had been the Grand Duchy of Warsaw had abandoned even its tepid reforms and returned to the full rigor of Prussian law.
this will push maskillim to the OTL ideologies
And a greater comfort is that France is going the way of the Netherlands. There were some, at the beginning, who’d spoken in favor of repealing the laws that had liberated French Jews after the Revolution, but it had quickly become clear that the Bourbons didn’t intend to listen. The new king and his ministers were inclined to rock the boat as little as possible, and besides, the feeling within the government was that the French Jews had earned their privileges. The Interior Minister had said as much to Vita a month ago – you were Frenchmen under Bonaparte, and his Majesty wishes you to continue to be Frenchmen…

“The bargain worked,” he murmured. It had been a risky bargain – accept the co-option of Jewish communal institutions by the state and agree to a program of educating them as patriotic French citizens – but Sinzheim had managed to walk that tightrope, and so had Vita after he’d succeeded Sinzheim as President of the Central Consistory and Chief Rabbi of France. The French Jews had made their concessions at the Paris Sanhedrin but had conceded no more of the faith, and Sinzheim had used the consistorial tax to spread Jewish primary schools to every corner of the country. Even the requirement that the rabbinical school devote a third of its curriculum to secular studies had enabled it to play patron to half the Jewish natural philosophers and men of letters in Europe. The newspapers were calling Paris the Israelite Athens – a name that some rabbis found too Hellenistic to be comfortable, but when Acre and Tzfat were the other options, and when the bills the visiting professors paid to the Rothschilds for imported kosher wine were so awe-inspiring, Vita couldn’t argue against it…

“I wouldn’t be so sure,” Asser said, and Vita looked up sharply from his reverie. “It won’t go back to the way things were before, that’s true. But you’ll find that you have to sail with the wind.”

“We are patriots now, we will be patriots tomorrow.”

“Patriotism meant something different under Bonaparte than under the republic, no? And it will mean another thing under the king. I doubt you’ve had your last visit from the interior ministry, and I expect your next visitor may come bearing lists.” Asser seemed about to say something more, but he left it at that. “Will I be seeing you tonight at our nagidah’s?”

“Madame de Rothschild, you mean?” Jacob Mayer Rothschild had been sent to Paris two years ago to open a branch of the family bank; his young wife had become the queen of the Jewish salon-keepers. Asser wasn’t the only one who Vita had heard calling her “our nagidah,” and most of those who did had the same note of sarcasm. European maskilim tended to be uncomfortable with women having too much freedom, especially if they had intellectual pretensions; Asser had less of that attitude than many, but he had his share.
why?
He still wouldn’t miss one of her soirees, though. Few people would.

“I think so. I have work to finish at my office, but supper at the Rothschilds’ table is agreeable.”

“It is. If I were a young man seeking a patron, I’d bet that you could convince me to stay here another term, just for the free meals. But the Interior Minister’s table is less agreeable, and nothing he serves is free.”
_______​

As it happened, the commissioner from the Interior Ministry was waiting for Vita when he returned to his office, and he did bear a list.

“May I come in?” he said, polite as he always was. “If you have a moment, I have some matters to discuss with you regarding the management of the rabbinical school.”

Vita opened the door and let the commissioner precede him inside. “Does his Majesty disapprove of the way the school is being managed?”

“Oh no, of course not! His Majesty has every confidence in your management. The government holds you in the highest respect. But we have… reviewed the faculty appointments, and we believe there are some who it might be time to superannuate. We’ve taken the liberty, as well, of proposing candidates to be promoted to fill their posts.”

Might, proposing, candidates – the commissioner hadn’t phrased anything as an order, and Vita knew from experience that these lists were negotiable. The hard-line Bonapartists like Furtado had resigned already, and if he wanted to save a couple of the proposed retirees or veto one or two of the candidates, he could. He took the list in hand and scanned the names; at first glance, there were some that he would negotiate. But the message was clear: the Bonapartists were to be replaced by royalists, and while individual lecturers might be on the table, that change was not.

Nor was the next change, because the commissioner wasn’t finished.

“We have also discussed within the ministry,” he said, “that we might ask your faculty for a ruling – no, not a ruling, an opinion, or possibly a treatise. We have been unable to locate a commentary on Jewish theology as it relates to kings, and it would be of interest to us – what is the Jewish conception of kingship, what duties are expected of a king, from what source does the king derive his right to rule. Your faculty appears well qualified to prepare a brief on that subject, and it is a project we would most urgently care for you to undertake.”
https://www.sefaria.org/Mishneh_Torah,_Kings_and_Wars?tab=contents you (EDIT le Desire not @Jonathan Edelstein )probably weren't looking very hard especially since Paris burned copies when the Maimonidean controversies arose. and if Strauss is to be believed, the Logic as well. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10457091003684913 Admittedly this is more halacha than theology and the Rambam was imagining an ideal king or the Hasmoneans not the institution of the 18th century Europe. Or the King Code in Dvarim. https://www.sefaria.org/sheets/119751?lang=bi https://www.andrews.edu/services/jacl/current_issue/parable-of-the-bramble.html None are to the Bourbons liking. Especially as the bramble could be read as Galoisian Republicanism "To Louis Philllipe if he turn traitor"
Again, the commissioner spoke with the utmost politeness, one gentleman addressing another. But again, his intent was clear, and Vita suddenly realized that the bargain had changed. Bonaparte had demanded a religious ruling that Jews should be patriots, but Louis le Désiré wanted more – he wanted the French Jews to confirm not only patriotism but royalism, and ultra-royalism at that, as an article of faith. The writings that could support a brief on the divine right of kings came instantly to his mind, and the commissioner, who was as well-versed in Jewish theology as many rabbis, no doubt knew them too.

Vita recalled his thought of only the hour before – the French Jews had made their concessions at the Paris Sanhedrin but had conceded no more of the faith. It seemed that would not be true any more.

“Let me consult with the faculty, and with the presidents of the consistories,” he temporized. “A project such as this will require a consensus.”

“We certainly would not want it otherwise. Shall I expect your initial report in a month’s time?”

“That should be sufficient, yes.”

“In a month, then,” the commissioner said, and rose from the chair with his hat in hand. It was a long time before Vita could return to his work.
_______​

“It is indeed a pleasure, Madame Rothschild,” said Vita, bowing over her hand. “But if you will excuse me, there’s an old friend here who I need to talk to.”

“Of course.” After two years in Paris, Hannah Rothschild was as familiar with the rituals of greeting as anyone, and she handled them with grace. She was tall, angular, not conventionally beautiful, but there was an energy about her that made her striking. And she was capable of far more than politeness alone; she’d built a stable of the foremost Jewish intellectuals in Paris, and she’d given ample proof that she could hold their own in conversation with them. She also carried on a wide correspondence, and Vita had often found her useful in keeping up with affairs across the Jewish world.

But at the moment, there was someone he needed to talk to, and it wasn’t Asser, who stood across the room with a glass of Galilee wine in hand, deep in conversation with a judge of the Paris commercial court. He looked around the salon and found him – Rottembourg, perhaps the most prominent of Bonaparte’s Jewish carrières aux talents, promoted to general of divisions after the Russian disaster and newly confirmed in his rank by the king.

“What can I do for you, Rabbi?” he asked.

“Do I remember correctly that you know Abbé Montesquiou?”

“I met the man during the negotiations this spring, and of course I know he’s the Interior Minister, but I wouldn’t say we’re friends…” He looked at Vita with sudden comprehension. “Are you asking me to persuade him against his plans for your school? Because I don’t have nearly the influence with him to do that.”

Vita shook his head. “No. What I ask is that my replacement be a man of integrity, and I would like your help in persuading him to accept that man.”

“That, yes…” Rottembourg began, but stopped short. “Your replacement? You are resigning?”

“There is a point at which a man is asked to concede too much, and I am at that point. I don’t know how to comply with what the ministry expects and be true to the faith, so another man must figure out how to do that.”

Rottembourg was silent for a moment. “I once advised a young man to resign and go to the Holy Land. Can I presume to advise you differently? A man of your learning and wisdom is needed in France.”

“I was born in Italy, mon general, and I have a duty I can’t fulfill. The Holy Land, you say?”

In truth, Vita had thought no further than resigning – he’d had a vague idea that he might return to Mantua, but nothing more – but the Holy Land held a sudden attraction. And if he went there, he realized, he would become a member of their Sanhedrin. No one, as far as he knew, had been a member of both the Grand Sanhedrin of Paris and the Great Sanhedrin of Palestine; if he did, he would be the first.

The first – and suddenly the Rothschild salon seemed far away, and he thought of all the places where the hard-won rights of the Jewish community were being stripped from it – but, I suspect, not the last.
 
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Again the Armenian analogue comes to my mind.....it seems that what is developing in TTL Yishuv/Nagidate is akin to what happened OTL in Armenian millet (at least in Constantinople); a theocratic institution, initially managed by religious hierarchy, became more and more secular because of the push of their bourgeoisie&intelligentsia, to the point of being completely reorganized into a 'Modern Nation within an Empire" , with its own Constitution and National Assembly.

Perhaps the Nagidate, the entire Yishuv or both are going to undergo the same kind of overhaul, acording to TTL recent developments, given the fact that non religious powers (Nagid and merchant class) are far stronger ITTL than anything similar OTL.

I'm following with great interest all these exchanges between both Sanhedrins and between Yishuv and Galut.... if Vita decides to make Aliyah according to last plot twist, he'll bring with him to Eretz Israel all these Q&A about jewish nationhood and to whom Jews owe allegiance .....outside Napoleonic France, perhaps a growing Yishuv start to debate wether their "kings" are Banu Zaydani or.......

OTOH, and stressing the possible parallelisms with OTL......are we going to see a Fennoman (or "Ivriman") type movement among Yishuv Yehudim?. I mean, a trend not only aimed at upgrading the status of Ivrit, but also a general Hebraization of names among them (no more Strauss, Friedman, etc.)
 
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this will push maskillim to the OTL ideologies
Some of them, yes. There are alternative models IOTL - the maskilim are unlikely to emulate the Hasidic warlords, but the French model, with its comfortable subsidies and opportunities for educated Jews, has its attractions. And even the OTL ideologies will often have a different focus - you don't need Herzlian Zionism, for instance, when the Galilee is right there.
Because women with education and freedom are unfeminine and frivolous, threaten the institution of the family, are unsuitable for marriage and motherhood - all the same reasons why many non-Jews of the time felt the same way. Shmuel Feiner has also argued that many maskilim grew up in families where the father studied and the mother worked and ran the house, and came to associate strong women with domestic tyranny; I'm not sure how widespread this feeling actually was, but Feiner finds support for it in Haskalah-era memoirs. (This is an issue that the Galilee and Acre maskilim wouldn't have, given that men in those places, and even rabbis who don't have congregations, are expected to work outside the synagogue.)
https://www.sefaria.org/Mishneh_Torah,_Kings_and_Wars?tab=contents you probably weren't looking very hard especially since Paris burned copies when the Maimonidean controversies arose. and if Strauss is to be believed, the Logic as well. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10457091003684913 Admittedly this is more halacha than theology and the Rambam was imagining an ideal king or the Hasmoneans not the institution of the 18th century Europe. Or the King Code in Dvarim. https://www.sefaria.org/sheets/119751?lang=bi https://www.andrews.edu/services/jacl/current_issue/parable-of-the-bramble.html None are to the Bourbons liking. Especially as the bramble could be read as Galoisian Republicanism "To Louis Philllipe if he turn traitor"
No, I wasn't looking too hard (and thanks for the references!) but more to the point, the Interior Ministry doesn't really care. "We couldn't find a treatise" is a fig-leaf and they wouldn't be satisfied with Vita handing them a copy of Rambam and saying "have a nice day" - what they want is for the French rabbinate to sign off on a document that recognizes Louis XVIII as ruler by divine right and which they can then use against Jewish liberals who make themselves inconvenient. If that requires a certain amount of creative interpretation of the Rambam and other authorities, so be it.

FWIW, Louis wouldn't object to the King Code - such homilies on the duties of kings are plentiful in Christianity too, and from all accounts, he aspired to be a good king along such lines - and will be fine with a document stating that kings have strict responsibilities to their people, as long as it serves the purpose of locking French Jewish institutions into royalism for the time being.
Again the Armenian analogue comes to my mind.....it seems that what is developing in TTL Yishuv/Nagidate is akin to what happened OTL in Armenian millet (at least in Constantinople); a theocratic institution, initially managed by religious hierarchy, became more and more secular because of the push of their bourgeoisie&intelligentsia, to the point of being completely reorganized into a 'Modern Nation within an Empire" , with its own Constitution and National Assembly.

Perhaps the Nagidate, the entire Yishuv or both are going to undergo the same kind of overhaul, acording to TTL recent developments, given the fact that non religious powers (Nagid and merchant class) are far stronger ITTL than anything similar OTL.
It certainly seems headed that way. One of the effects of the 16th-century Yishuv getting its feet under it was that it grew into an actual nation rather than a group of religious pilgrims that were periodically decimated and replenished. And the merchant class, while at the forefront, isn't the only one with ambitions; the artisans, small landowners, and village notables also want a say.

The nagidah, for her part, has many ambitions. As we've seen, if a woman is compared to the nagidah in Europe, that isn't necessarily a compliment. In the Galilee, that isn't true, partly because of a nascent cult of personality but also because she is presiding over an era of growth and development.
OTOH, and stressing the possible parallelisms with OTL......are we going to see a Fennoman (or "Ivriman") type movement among Yishuv Yehudim?. I mean, a trend not only aimed at upgrading the status of Ivrit, but also a general Hebraization of names among them (no more Strauss, Friedman, etc.)
That's strongest in the agricultural villages, and is also true to an extent in Acre, where we've seen some Polish Jews with Hebraized names. OTOH, the Yishuv is also establishing distinctions between it and the European Haskalah, and part of that is rejection of the European purification of Hebrew. The default attitude in the Galilee is something like "we're proud of our language, it grew naturally," and that might also extend to naming customs, even as the underlying culture continues to flatten into a common tzabar milieu.
 
Some of them, yes. There are alternative models IOTL - the maskilim are unlikely to emulate the Hasidic warlords, but the French model, with its comfortable subsidies and opportunities for educated Jews, has its attractions. And even the OTL ideologies will often have a different focus - you don't need Herzlian Zionism, for instance, when the Galilee is right there.
true I was thinking more Friedlander Chabad skepticism of emancipation being offered. Thats probably the one thing they agree with Rav Zalman ie that liberalization is fragile and can collapse at a moment if not guarded zealously.
Because women with education and freedom are unfeminine and frivolous, threaten the institution of the family, are unsuitable for marriage and motherhood - all the same reasons why many non-Jews of the time felt the same way. Shmuel Feiner has also argued that many maskilim grew up in families where the father studied and the mother worked and ran the house, and came to associate strong women with domestic tyranny; I'm not sure how widespread this feeling actually was, but Feiner finds support for it in Haskalah-era memoirs. (This is an issue that the Galilee and Acre maskilim wouldn't have, given that men in those places, and even rabbis who don't have congregations, are expected to work outside the synagogue.)
Language wars choosing the "masculine" Hebrew over "feminine" "mamaloshayn" Yiddish in the Technio points to these attitudes.
No, I wasn't looking too hard (and thanks for the references!) but more to the point, the Interior Ministry doesn't really care. "We couldn't find a treatise" is a fig-leaf and they wouldn't be satisfied with Vita handing them a copy of Rambam and saying "have a nice day" - what they want is for the French rabbinate to sign off on a document that recognizes Louis XVIII as ruler by divine right and which they can then use against Jewish liberals who make themselves inconvenient. If that requires a certain amount of creative interpretation of the Rambam and other authorities, so be it.
True. I was referring to the Interior Ministry rather than you. And yeah. I wonder if a later rosh yeshivah will lose their temper and tell the Interior Ministry "Have you actually tried engaging in scholarship?" Unlikely given the purge of such objectors and the replacement with ardent royalists.
FWIW, Louis wouldn't object to the King Code - such homilies on the duties of kings are plentiful in Christianity too, and from all accounts, he aspired to be a good king along such lines - and will be fine with a document stating that kings have strict responsibilities to their people, as long as it serves the purpose of locking French Jewish institutions into royalism for the time being.
especially as IIRC from Les Mis( no wait that his cousin) had to be dragged into supporting his absolutist cousin in the Carlist War by parliamentary royalists who were "plus royaliste quo le roi".
It certainly seems headed that way. One of the effects of the 16th-century Yishuv getting its feet under it was that it grew into an actual nation rather than a group of religious pilgrims that were periodically decimated and replenished. And the merchant class, while at the forefront, isn't the only one with ambitions; the artisans, small landowners, and village notables also want a say.

The nagidah, for her part, has many ambitions. As we've seen, if a woman is compared to the nagidah in Europe, that isn't necessarily a compliment. In the Galilee, that isn't true, partly because of a nascent cult of personality but also because she is presiding over an era of growth and development.

That's strongest in the agricultural villages, and is also true to an extent in Acre, where we've seen some Polish Jews with Hebraized names. OTOH, the Yishuv is also establishing distinctions between it and the European Haskalah, and part of that is rejection of the European purification of Hebrew. The default attitude in the Galilee is something like "we're proud of our language, it grew naturally," and that might also extend to naming customs, even as the underlying culture continues to flatten into a common tzabar milieu.
Herder Junggramatikers vs Schleicher and Jones.
 
true I was thinking more Friedlander Chabad skepticism of emancipation being offered. Thats probably the one thing they agree with Rav Zalman ie that liberalization is fragile and can collapse at a moment if not guarded zealously.
Definitely, although "OK then, guard it zealously" and "take another option," neither of which will always be possible, will compete for adherents.
Language wars choosing the "masculine" Hebrew over "feminine" "mamaloshayn" Yiddish in the Technio points to these attitudes.
Yiddish as the mamaloshen is another issue the Yishuv ITTL doesn't have; by this time, Hebrew and Arabic are the primary spoken languages for women as well as men, and in Acre, any language can be used for prayer depending on inspiration. Several parts of the Yishuv are also getting closer to men and women praying together - still separately in the same room, but no longer with a women's gallery or even necessarily a mechitzah.

We probably shouldn't make too much of the differences between the European maskilim and the Yishuv; these are the very earliest days of anything that could be called modern feminism, and no one in the Yishuv is going to be proposing women as rabbis or senior bureaucratic officials anytime soon. OTOH, attitudes matter, and the Yishuv is more likely to accommodate exceptional women and less likely to repress them. And the nagidah co-opting a Tunisian girls' holiday to make her case to the public as ruler could also have unintended consequences.
True. I was referring to the Interior Ministry rather than you. And yeah. I wonder if a later rosh yeshivah will lose their temper and tell the Interior Ministry "Have you actually tried engaging in scholarship?" Unlikely given the purge of such objectors and the replacement with ardent royalists.
It will be more likely with more liberal governments that allow more room for dissent, although the expectation that the communal institutions will align with the state will remain for the foreseeable future.
 
THE SARRAF BASHI AUGUST 1815
THE SARRAF BASHI
AUGUST 1815

The Shorja Market was burning. From Sassoon ben Salih’s house on Shari al-Hennouni, he could see the flames rise. They were getting closer, and so were the shouts of the mob, the clash of steel, the thud of bricks and stones, the shattering and crackling of stalls and houses given to the flames.

“Hurry!” he called to his wife and children. “Don’t stop for anything, just take what you can carry! Come now!” His wife Amam called in turn to the servants and the hired Circassian guards, bringing them running from every part of the house.

Not fast enough. “Come, come!” he shouted again, standing at the gate. The riot was only blocks away and rising to a crescendo. If they didn’t leave soon, they would stand little chance of escape, not with Sassoon sixty-six and Amam more than fifty.

There was usually warning of riots. This time there had been none. Certainly, Baghdad had been on the edge of revolt for months – tinder waiting for the spark – but the fire itself seemed to have come from nowhere.

No, it only came from a place everyone thought was nowhere while we were all watching the intrigues among the imams and the ashraf families. Baghdad had been under the Porte’s direct rule for two years – after trying and failing to hold the city in 1810, the Sultan decided that Diriyah’s surrender would be an opportune time to try again – and his troops had slain Said Pasha as they had Sulayman the Little and had worked great slaughter among the leading men of the city. Nor had Mehmet Pasha, the Janissary officer who’d been installed as governor, done anything to make amends; he’d looted the Shi’ite mosques, gone out of his way to insult the ashraf and merchant clans, sent brutal punitive expeditions against the Kurdish tribes, and even defied the British consul. For months now, the only support he still had was among the garrison troops – that and the Jews like Sassoon, who didn’t dare show disloyalty lest he lose his post as treasurer and then his life.

The Mamluk chief Dawud Pasha was in the north gathering an army, and the only question was whether it would be the merchants, the Sufis or the sayyidun who let him in. But all of them waited just a little too long.

The revolt had come instead from the slums outside the south gate where the people who followed the Diriyan doctrines gathered. No one had counted them as a force – Diriyah had been defeated, after all, and could no longer raid Iraq or send preachers there. Mehmet Pasha sent soldiers in every year or so to destroy their mosques and drive away their imams, but he thought them of little account, a rabble that had no army and were too poor to even bother taxing.

It turned out, though, that they had knives and bricks and stones, and the means to set fires. And when the latest of Mehmet Pasha’s purges ended with his soldiers not only killing an imam but violating his daughters, they’d surged into the city to burn and kill in their turn.

Had they settled for taking revenge against the soldiers, that would have been one thing. But they hated the Shi’ites too, and they hated the Christians and Jews as much or more. So they were bringing their fire to everything – to the Assyrian and Armenian quarters, to the Sufi shrines, and to Shorja market and the places of the Jews.

They were on the Shari al-Hennouni, clashing with what remained of Mehmet Pasha’s guard; the soldiers were running, and there would be nothing left to protect Sassoon ben Salih’s house from the fate of the others on the street.

“Come now!” he called a third time, and Amam appeared at last, with family and servants and guards following. He began a quick count, but Amam said, “There is no time. Everyone is here – I made sure. And we have sufficient.”

The Circassians formed up around the family and opened the gate to the street. The smell of the fires was palpable and the Diriyan mob’s battles with the last of the city guard were veiled by thick smoke. The street was a furnace; the wind blew sparks overhead, chased by the noise of battle and shouts of rage and pain.

“Hurry!” said Sassoon. It went against his pride, but he let one of the manservants take him by the arm and half-carry him to keep up with the guards. The city barracks wasn’t far. If they could reach it, they would be safe.

“We’ll get there,” Amam answered. “They have the house to loot, and they won’t get rich by following us.” She sounded remarkably cold-blooded about the home where she and Sassoon had lived for forty years and raised seven children, but she was probably right, and if the choice was to lose one’s house or one’s family, there could only be one outcome to pray for.

“The Name will preserve us,” he murmured, and saw that they had reached the main street and joined the stream of refugees making for the north gate and the barracks.

Behind them, the mob and the flames engulfed their house, and beyond that, the setting sun was red over the Tigris. A new day was beginning, the ninth of Av.
_______​

Four days later, the family gathered in their warehouse in Salhiya on the west side of the Tigris. The riot was done, and so was Mehmet Pasha; Dawud Pasha’s Georgian mamluks and Kurdish tribesmen had entered the city and restored order, and the Ottoman governor had met the headsman after a drumhead trial for crimes against the people. The parts of Baghdad that had survived the chaos were in peace, and the warehouse, which had been at the periphery of the riot and whose strong walls and armed guards had defied entry, would be home for now. Close to a hundred of Baghdad’s other Jews lived there now as well, and soon, they would mark Shabbat Nachamu, the Sabbath of Comfort.

Many had come to give comfort, and not all of them had been Jews; the family’s Muslim neighbors too had come to express sorrow to the one they called “Sheikh Sassoon” for his piety and charity. And they were luckier than many; they had most of their trade goods, and Amam had saved enough of the money and jewels in their strongbox that they could start over. They would have enough to help others rebuild as well, to restore the Great Synagogue, to donate toward the repairs of ruined churches and mosques…

Or so they had thought, until the messenger came.

“It must be important,” Sassoon’s ten-year-old son Yamen had said, marveling at the intricacy of the seal. Sassoon, Amam, and their adult sons found rather less to marvel about. The message was a decree from Dawud Pasha, and it gave and took away; it confirmed Sassoon in his office as sarraf bashi – court treasurer – but tasked him with levying a tax of one third of all the Jewish property in the city.

“Dawud blames us for the riot,” said David, Sassoon’s oldest son. “We provoked the Wahhabis, so we must pay for the damage.”

“He beheaded Mehmet Pasha for provoking them,” said David’s brother Joseph.

“Mehmet Pasha must not have been as rich as Dawud hoped,” said Amam cynically. “He took what Mehmet has but his soldiers still aren’t paid, so he needs someone else to steal from – someone who can’t fight back. And his vizier is a Sabbatean from Aleppo.”

“But this will ruin us!”

“It won’t, at least not quite,” Sassoon said. Not all the family’s property was in Baghdad; they had warehouses and factors in Basra and contracts with the British in Bombay. “But what we have here won’t be enough to rebuild, and many others will be cast into poverty.”

“If they stay,” said Amam.

“If they stay, yes. If we stay.” Sassoon suddenly remembered the visit he’d had with the husband of the Galilee nagidah, who’d passed through Baghdad on the way home from the war. He’d said something about the ninth of Av then – that in the Galilee, it was a day of mourning as it was everywhere else, but also a day to recall that all disasters passed and that all that was destroyed could be rebuilt. And if the rebuilding couldn’t happen here…

“We go, then. We, and as many as will come with us.”

“Where?” asked David. “Bombay?”

“You will go there, yes. Someone has to take care of our business there, and you will need a marriage portion. And Joseph can settle in Basra. But there are many other merchant families in those cities, and we should not be tied too much to one place – we have learned that today, and like the Rothschilds, we must spread across the world.”

He laid a map on the rug that the family had brought to the corner of the warehouse to make it more of a home. And he remembered another thing the nagidah’s husband had told him, a verse of a song:

The Holy Land has homelands three:
The mountains of the Galilee,
The cities by the shining sea,
And Acre, where the faith is free.


He pointed to Baghdad and Basra and Bombay, and then to another place. “I think I will go here.”
 
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The Napoleonic arc is done – I hope I’ve managed to deliver some turning points, some new directions, some food for thought about modernities that might have been, and a touch of the epic. Next stop 1840.

My current plan (subject to change without notice, like all plans) is to model the 1840 arc on the 1765 arc, which is the one that I think worked best as a story and at showing what it’s like to live in this world. What I have in mind is six to eight stories with a common theme, each involving an ordinary person and each giving a close-up view of a particular place, followed by a note on the historical events which have influenced those places since 1815.

What I haven’t decided yet is whether 1840 will follow 1765 in being a year which itself doesn’t experience much history. The 1765 stories were shaped, with one exception, by events of the 1730s-1750s, and the places and characters shown in those stories had time to assimilate those events and live in the world they created rather than reacting to them as they happened. So I’m not sure if the war where the Egyptian alliance breaks away from the Porte, for instance, will happen in 1840 or whether it will already have happened in 1840 (or for that matter, whether it will be about to happen, although that’s the least likely option).

After 1840, depending on your interest, my motivation, and my ability to sustain the cognitive dissonance of writing this timeline while Greater MENA careens down the greased chute to hell, I’ll either skip another generation (probably to 1875-80) or just jump to the epilogue with a few closing stories taking place in al-Ittihad al-Bilad al-Sham [1] in 2025.

[1] Population 32.1 million; GDP (PPP) per capita $36,300; federal parliamentary democracy; 17 member states; head of state David III (the five hereditary dynasties rotate the federal kingship every four years, and it’s currently the Melech ha-Galil's turn); religious demographics: Sunni 48%, Jewish 32%, Christian 10%, Shi’ite 5%, Druze 3%, Other 2%. [2]

[2] Yes, I’ve reinvented Malaysia. No, it won’t necessarily become canon, but it also won’t necessarily not become canon.
 
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the five hereditary dynasties rotate the federal kingship every four years
Now I'm curious:

Is the idea just 5 relatively powerful hereditary dynasties that happen to be around when the Union of the Levant forms, or is it one per each major religion (1 Sunni, 1 Shi'ite, 1 Jewish, 1 Christian, 1 Druze)? Some combination of the two?
 
THE SARRAF BASHI
AUGUST 1815

The Shorja Market was burning. From Sassoon ben Salih’s house on Shari al-Hennouni, he could see the flames rise. They were getting closer, and so were the shouts of the mob, the clash of steel, the thud of bricks and stones, the shattering and crackling of stalls and houses given to the flames.

“Hurry!” he called to his wife and children. “Don’t stop for anything, just take what you can carry! Come now!” His wife Amam called in turn to the servants and the hired Circassian guards, bringing them running from every part of the house.

Not fast enough. “Come, come!” he shouted again, standing at the gate. The riot was only blocks away and rising to a crescendo. If they didn’t leave soon, they would stand little chance of escape, not with Sassoon sixty-six and Amam more than fifty.

There was usually warning of riots. This time there had been none. Certainly, Baghdad had been on the edge of revolt for months – tinder waiting for the spark – but the fire itself seemed to have come from nowhere.

No, it only came from a place everyone thought was nowhere while we were all watching the intrigues among the imams and the ashraf families. Baghdad had been under the Porte’s direct rule for two years – after trying and failing to hold the city in 1810, the Sultan decided that Diriyah’s surrender would be an opportune time to try again – and his troops had slain Said Pasha as they had Sulayman the Little and had worked great slaughter among the leading men of the city. Nor had Mehmet Pasha, the Janissary officer who’d been installed as governor, done anything to make amends; he’d looted the Shi’ite mosques, gone out of his way to insult the ashraf and merchant clans, sent brutal punitive expeditions against the Kurdish tribes, and even defied the British consul. For months now, the only support he still had was among the garrison troops – that and the Jews like Sassoon, who didn’t dare show disloyalty lest he lose his post as treasurer and then his life.
the effects of the coup.
The Mamluk chief Dawud Pasha was in the north gathering an army, and the only question was whether it would be the merchants, the Sufis or the sayyidun who let him in. But all of them waited just a little too long.

The revolt had come instead from the slums outside the south gate where the people who followed the Diriyan doctrines gathered. No one had counted them as a force – Diriyah had been defeated, after all, and could no longer raid Iraq or send preachers there. Mehmet Pasha sent soldiers in every year or so to destroy their mosques and drive away their imams, but he thought them of little account, a rabble that had no army and were too poor to even bother taxing.
his mistake.
It turned out, though, that they had knives and bricks and stones, and the means to set fires. And when the latest of Mehmet Pasha’s purges ended with his soldiers not only killing an imam but violating his daughters, they’d surged into the city to burn and kill in their turn.

Had they settled for taking revenge against the soldiers, that would have been one thing. But they hated the Shi’ites too, and they hated the Christians and Jews as much or more. So they were bringing their fire to everything – to the Assyrian and Armenian quarters, to the Sufi shrines, and to Shorja market and the places of the Jews.
1834 once a riot starts it spreads to everything. Which reminds me of a midrash on why Passover needed to smear lambs blood on the mantels, the Angel of Death could only be stopped by apotropaic rituals.
They were on the Shari al-Hennouni, clashing with what remained of Mehmet Pasha’s guard; the soldiers were running, and there would be nothing left to protect Sassoon ben Salih’s house from the fate of the others on the street.

“Come now!” he called a third time, and Amam appeared at last, with family and servants and guards following. He began a quick count, but Amam said, “There is no time. Everyone is here – I made sure. And we have sufficient.”

The Circassians formed up around the family and opened the gate to the street. The smell of the fires was palpable and the Diriyan mob’s battles with the last of the city guard were veiled by thick smoke. The street was a furnace; the wind blew sparks overhead, chased by the noise of battle and shouts of rage and pain.

“Hurry!” said Sassoon. It went against his pride, but he let one of the manservants take him by the arm and half-carry him to keep up with the guards. The city barracks wasn’t far. If they could reach it, they would be safe.

“We’ll get there,” Amam answered. “They have the house to loot, and they won’t get rich by following us.” She sounded remarkably cold-blooded about the home where she and Sassoon had lived for forty years and raised seven children, but she was probably right, and if the choice was to lose one’s house or one’s family, there could only be one outcome to pray for.

“The Name will preserve us,” he murmured, and saw that they had reached the main street and joined the stream of refugees making for the north gate and the barracks.

Behind them, the mob and the flames engulfed their house, and beyond that, the setting sun was red over the Tigris. A new day was beginning, the ninth of Av.
that date is inauspicious.
_______​

Four days later, the family gathered in their warehouse in Salhiya on the west side of the Tigris. The riot was done, and so was Mehmet Pasha; Dawud Pasha’s Georgian mamluks and Kurdish tribesmen had entered the city and restored order, and the Ottoman governor had met the headsman after a drumhead trial for crimes against the people. The parts of Baghdad that had survived the chaos were in peace, and the warehouse, which had been at the periphery of the riot and whose strong walls and armed guards had defied entry, would be home for now. Close to a hundred of Baghdad’s other Jews lived there now as well, and soon, they would mark Shabbat Nachamu, the Sabbath of Comfort.

Many had come to give comfort, and not all of them had been Jews; the family’s Muslim neighbors too had come to express sorrow to the one they called “Sheikh Sassoon” for his piety and charity. And they were luckier than many; they had most of their trade goods, and Amam had saved enough of the money and jewels in their strongbox that they could start over. They would have enough to help others rebuild as well, to restore the Great Synagogue, to donate toward the repairs of ruined churches and mosques…
The communities are returning to coexistence.
Or so they had thought, until the messenger came.

“It must be important,” Sassoon’s ten-year-old son Yamen had said, marveling at the intricacy of the seal. Sassoon, Amam, and their adult sons found rather less to marvel about. The message was a decree from Dawud Pasha, and it gave and took away; it confirmed Sassoon in his office as sarraf bashi – court treasurer – but tasked him with levying a tax of one third of all the Jewish property in the city.

“Dawud blames us for the riot,” said David, Sassoon’s oldest son. “We provoked the Wahhabis, so we must pay for the damage.”

and not the Wahabin for rioting?

“He beheaded Mehmet Pasha for provoking them,” said David’s brother Joseph.

“Mehmet Pasha must not have been as rich as Dawud hoped,” said Amam cynically. “He took what Mehmet has but his soldiers still aren’t paid, so he needs someone else to steal from – someone who can’t fight back.”
the problem of riots, how to pay the rioters and soldiers. the Butter and Guns of the Austrian school.
“But this will ruin us!”

“It won’t, at least not quite,” Sassoon said. Not all the family’s property was in Baghdad; they had warehouses and factors in Basra and contracts with the British in Bombay. “But what we have here won’t be enough to rebuild, and many others will be cast into poverty.”

“If they stay,” said Amam.

“If they stay, yes. If we stay.” Sassoon suddenly remembered the visit he’d had with the husband of the Galilee nagidah, who’d passed through Baghdad on the way home from the war. He’d said something about the ninth of Av then – that in the Galilee, it was a day of mourning as it was everywhere else, but also a day to recall that all disasters passed and that all that was destroyed could be rebuilt. And if the rebuilding couldn’t happen here…
could they marshall resources from Basra to rebuild Baghdad? and of course it happens on Tisha B'av. Nice way to highlight the duality of the day.
“We go, then. We, and as many as will come with us.”

“Where?” asked David. “Bombay?”

“You will go there, yes. Someone has to take care of our business there, and you will need a marriage portion. And Joseph can settle in Basra. But there are many other merchant families in those cities, and we should not be tied too much to one place – we have learned that today, and like the Rothschilds, we must spread across the world.”

He laid a map on the rug that the family had brought to the corner of the warehouse to make it more of a home. And he remembered another thing the nagidah’s husband had told him, a verse of a song:

The Holy Land has homelands three:
The mountains of the Galilee,
The cities by the shining sea,
And Acre, where the faith is free.


He pointed to Baghdad and Basra and Bombay, and then to another place. “I think I will go here.”
where?
 
Now I'm curious:

Is the idea just 5 relatively powerful hereditary dynasties that happen to be around when the Union of the Levant forms, or is it one per each major religion (1 Sunni, 1 Shi'ite, 1 Jewish, 1 Christian, 1 Druze)? Some combination of the two?
I was thinking the former - the five dynasties that founded the union reserved the rotating monarchy for themselves, Security Council-style. The five are the Zaydanis, the Tuqans, the Zemachs, the Shihabs, and one more that we'll meet when it comes time. The Druze and Shi'ite clan chiefs aren't part of the rotation, but there are other offices traditionally reserved for them.
 
the effects of the coup.
Among other things. The difference between Baghdad IOTL and ITTL is also due to the earlier victory over the Wahhabis; rather than letting Said Pasha restore the Mamluk dynasty and consolidate power after the failed attempt to establish central rule in 1810, the Porte ITTL, buoyed by the surrender of Diriyah, decided to try again in 1813. This results in Baghdad being in more of a state of unrest than OTL and, as can be seen, Dawud Pasha coming to power early.
his mistake.
Yes, you ignore a disenfranchised religious sect at your peril. Ottoman walis, though, did a lot of that.
and not the Wahabin for rioting?
Dawud Pasha is punishing them too - he's good at that - but they don't have a pot to piss in, so he needs to go elsewhere for the money.
could they marshall resources from Basra to rebuild Baghdad? and of course it happens on Tisha B'av. Nice way to highlight the duality of the day.
They could, but those resources are safer in Basra, where the wali is friendly and where recourse can be had to British law, than if they're brought to Baghdad where Dawud Pasha could get them.
To one of the three places mentioned in the rhyme. You'll find out which one in 1840.
 
A good series of updates, thank you. You manage to capture the sweep of history together with its impact on ordinary people very well.
A new day was beginning, the ninth of Av.
that date is inauspicious.
of course it happens on Tisha B'av. Nice way to highlight the duality of the day.
I didn't know about Tisha B'av being an unlucky day (in fact, I don't really know anything about the Jewish calendar at all), but the comments inspired me to read the wiki article about it. Yet another thing I've learned from this TL.
 
I was thinking the former - the five dynasties that founded the union reserved the rotating monarchy for themselves, Security Council-style. The five are the Zaydanis, the Tuqans, the Zemachs, the Shihabs, and one more that we'll meet when it comes time. The Druze and Shi'ite clan chiefs aren't part of the rotation, but there are other offices traditionally reserved for them.
Those traditional offices still have real power or have become ceremonial like the great officers of the UK?
 
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