Carl Linder III
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Carl Linder III (R-OH)
2009-2013
In 1938 Carl Linder Sr. founded the first United Dairy Farmers location near Cincinnati. What began as a way to circumvent milkmen middlemen became a thriving convenience store chain throughout Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky. From there the family’s interests grew. Carl Linder Jr. would purchase American Financial Group in 1973, taking the family into the insurance and real estate business. The family would buy and sell the United Fruit Company, which they renamed Chiquita, over the years as well.

In 1953 much of this lay in the future as Carl Linder III was born, but continued control of United Dairy Farmers ensured a wealthy upbringing for the boy. Linder would be raised to eventually take over the family business; he was also raised in the strong baptist faith of his father and grandfather, UDF still does not sell Birth Control or lottery tickets.

The Linder family was, and remains, one of the richest and most influential families in Cincinnati. Donations to the zoo, art museum, and University of Cincinnati were common. The UC Business school was named for Linder Jr. and there was also political donations. The Linder family were Republicans, and threw their money behind the GOP with vigor.

Linder III was no exception. He was a major supporter of anti-pornography efforts, as well as numerous Republican canidates for Governor, Senate, and President. In 1989, disappointed with area schools, he would found a Christian academy for his children to attend. When no church catered to his beliefs precisely, he founded his own.

Linder’s family would gain publicity when they purchased the Cincinnati Reds for a time, although they would not be able to replicate the success of the 70s or 90s. They would sell the team in 2005 when Linder took over operations of the family business.

Politically Linder stayed the course as a committed Republican, his money backing Chaffee, and Pataki despite their moderation. American Financial Group would be heavily involved in a failed lawsuit to allow unlimited political donations. He would find more success in the 1998 and 2002 gubernatorial races, when he successfully backed Bob Taft for Governor of Ohio, recentering the Linders as key players in the Ohio Republican Party.

As the war in India grew, Linder got himself made chairmen of the Ohio Victory Coordinating Committee, a coalition aimed at ensuring Ohio businesses supported winning the war abroad. As none of Linder’s businesses directly touched the war effort this was perhaps an odd choice, although he proved a decent neutral head between business owners, although less neutral towards the unions.

Prominence from this, as well as his closeness to the Tafts, would send him to Washington. In 2005 Senator Eric Fingerhut resigned from office to become American Ambassador to Israel. Taft would appoint Linder to fill out the term. Many alleged a quid quo pro regarding Linder family donations, although where standard political donation games end and outright buying a Senate seat begins is sometimes blurry.

In his Senate years Linder was supportive of the war, but critical of its conduct, especially on the home front. He attacked waste and fraud and generally made an impression. Few, however, expected him to run for President.

As the country demobilized and reflected on the war, Linder stumped. He highlighted his piety and acumen. He spoke in terms of the philanthropist, monuments to the dead, a renewal of the nation led by example.

When Linder ran the Republican Party was in dire straits. No Republican had been in the White House since 1985. No Republican had won a nationwide election since 1976. The Republican Party had not won the popular vote two straight times since the 1920s. The Democratic Party held locks on Congress.

And then entered Linder, running a fairly conservative campaign. Some feared he would doom the party. But then, running to the center hadn’t really worked either. Linder’s near unlimited funds and connections with other donors no doubt helped him as well. He would win in New Hampshire and Wisconsin, but would lose in South Carolina and Oregon to George Allen. However come Decision Day Linder would secure the nomination with his wider national reach. Seeking foreign policy credentials, he tapped his senatorial colleague John McCain.

Linder ran a campaign that was light on policy, heavy on rhetoric. He decried the current economic pains of the post-war world, but kept silent about his solutions. On foriegn policy he promised that no longer would American allies be caught flat footed. However he spoke most about the social ills facing the nation. Veterans were coming home to a nation with a rising drug problem, with promiscuity, with a lack of conviction. Criminals still ran rampant, immigrants were taking jobs needed by demobilized soldiers. Linder’s rhetoric at times stretched the definition of ‘dogwhisle’ to its very limits.

But it was not an ill-considered choice. Many were nervous about the rising tide of social change, such as the GBLT Movement. Older voters did not trust the new generations. John Kerry, although he had served competently as Secretary of State, was seen as a choice looking outward, not inward. James Traficant’s corruption still stunk over the Millenium Party. Linder seemed clean, and he was actually talking about what Americans wanted to hear. And narrowly he was able to win the White House.

Linder was not able to bring his party majorities in Congress, but he did increase the GOP’s numbers. And working with moderate Democrats he was able to pass some conservative policies. Increased penalties for drug violations, restricting abortions using the national health system (although states maintained an opt in system), working to ‘preserve religious freedom.’ Prior presidents had focused on border security to combat illegal immigration, Linder would increase the prevalence of deportation, which of course roused controversy in some circles and praise in others.

Even more liberal and progressive politicians found some limited areas of common ground. A monument to the dead of the recent war was planned and funded, and Linder would push for Maya Lin, a Chinese-American from Athens, as the architect, reaffirming Kaptur’s sentiments from the Discovery Park speech. Linder, a lifelong Soccer fan, would be instrumental in the US hosting the 2018 World Cup.

Foreign Policy would be the issue where Linder saw the most success. Obviously tensions with China remained, but no new crisis emerged. Although typically fiscally conservative Linder would bow to pressure and his “Marshall Plan for India” would prove a success. As would his Asian Treaty Organization, the NATO to China’s USSR. Recognizing the now Tripolar world, Linder would reach out to Moscow. Linder despised Communism but did not want the two other powers aligning against the United States.

However where the Linder Administration faltered, then came completely unglued, was on economic policy. It was not unexpected that Linder, an extremely wealthy man, would have free market ideas about the government’s role in the markets. But he had been fairly quiet during the campaign, and most expected him to skirt the issue. Instead he plunged right in.

The Linder Recovery Plan was bold, it must be said. Major tax cuts, cutting red tape, special tax exemptions for development, restrictions on Unions that fell short of Taft-Hartley but still stung. The list went on and on. Tariff reductions, removing certain protections for the environment, major cuts to entitlement programs. It promised to be the largest shift in Government since the Metzenbaum Reforms.

It was also dead in the water the moment it was proposed.

The moderate Democrats Linder relied on to pass legislation tended to be socially conservative, but fiscally closer to the center. They were not on board for such major cuts to government spending in particular. Entitlements were popular across the nation, the outsourcing implied by tariff reductions made little sense with China an enemy and India devastated by war. Linder’s Republicanism also perhaps blinded him to the fear that most Democrats had of the AFL-CIO deciding they needed to be primaried.

Had Linder been more politically experienced, or more willing to compromise, he might have gotten more passed. He was able to deregulate the airlines, and had some success with his “economic opportunity sectors” program. But his big ticket items all failed. Had he been willing to drop his tax cuts for the wealthy and corporations, he might have gotten his other cuts through. But he was not willing to do so. The 23rd Amendment, championed by a man who held similar views, was used to curtail efforts at executive agreements to reduce tariffs.

Linder’s proposals were no less popular with the general public than they were in Congress. Although he would get some credit for the recovery from the post-war slump, his efforts undermined this. Clearly, his proposals weren’t needed. And the Hill Democrats were not wrong in their analysis of the situation. Americans liked their national health insurances, their colleges, and their nationwide news networks. In 2010 Democrats expanded their majorities, a clear sign Linder’s efforts had failed.

Linder would sign a few more pieces of legislation, an updated GI Bill more notably. Certainly, he had accomplished more than John Dean. But in ramming his head into a brick wall so many times, he had not done the Republican Party any favors in displacing the “natural party of government.”

Linder’s re-election defeat was widely foreseen. Traficant, in his final race, combined Linder’s social rhetoric with a less controversial economic platform to begin a renaissance of the Millenium Party.

Linder would return to his business and to Cincinnati. He remains a philanthropist and, as of 2017, the owner of the local NASL team. He is an active supporter of his Republican Party, both in speeches, and perhaps more importantly, his money.

Linder is generally not well regarded. But he does perhaps signify the road to salvation for the Republican Party and the road to destruction. His time in office proved that, for the moment, openly sounding the trumpet of laissez-faire capitalism was political poison. Yet his campaign in 2008 showed that sounding the dog whistle still perhaps gave hope for the party.

Certainly dog whistlers and open racists alike would have a field day for Linder’s successor, the first black man elected President, and the first one in a long time not born in Ohio.
 
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As an Ohioan this timeline makes me smile. I've got to wonder just how memeatic Ohio is now that almost every president in living memory has come from there... interested to see who the next president is too.
 
As an Ohioan this timeline makes me smile. I've got to wonder just how memeatic Ohio is now that almost every president in living memory has come from there... interested to see who the next president is too.
The year is 2028. The President has signed an executive order renaming the University of Michigan the “Woody Hayes Memorial Garbage Pit.” There is nothing that can stop us now.
 
Michael Coleman
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Michael Coleman (D-OH)
2013-2021
Michael Coleman was born in 1954 in Indianapolis Indiana, but his parents moved at a young age to Toledo, where Coleman would grow up. Coleman would head south for his collegiate education, attending the University of Cincinnati. He would get his JD from the University of Dayton. Coleman was active in the Kappa Alpha Psi black fraternity during his time in college, and has remained a member and supporter of black fraternal organizations since.

Coleman would settle down in Columbus, joining a major Columbus law firm and serving for over a decade, concurrent with the beginnings of his public career. In 1992 he would be appointed to a vacant seat on the Columbus City Council and would be re-elected twice to the position, becoming President of the Council in 1997. In 1999 he ran for Mayor.

Columbus was a historically Republican town. Democratic Mayors were not unheard of, but typically the GOP held the office more often than not. Coleman won with 60% of the votes. He would not face an opponent for reelection. The Columbus mayoralty has not been held by a Republican since.

As Mayor Coleman, the city’s first African American Mayor, pursued policies aimed at keeping city spending under control, improving business opportunities, and reducing gun violence. He proved popular and effective, setting himself up for a possible statewide run.

In 2005 he declared his candidacy for the Governor’s office. Incumbent Bob Taft was historically popular but term limited. In some ways Coleman’s victory against Ted Strickland would be the new Democrats triumphing over the old, although in a manner that was cordial. Coleman would win the 2006 election and move not particularly far to the Governor’s mansion to begin his term.

Coleman’s early time in office was spent supporting the War effort, trying to keep the factories turning out goods to head overseas. After the war ended, Coleman would earn praise for his work transitioning Ohio’s economy back to a peacetime footing. Coleman would, despite his general distaste for Linder, enthusiastically backed the “Marshall Plan for India,” as a way to keep the state’s industry in a powerful position.

Coleman would earn national praise in 2009, when he brokered a deal between Unions and Owners to avoid a major steel strike. The “Youngstown Model” would be used to resolve many of the post war labor disputes cropping up across America. Coleman would also increase affirmative action quotas after being re-elected in 2010 as well as signing laws liberalizing Ohio’s abortion laws.

Still, his challenge in 2012 to President Linder was seen as a longshot. Not defeating Linder, but winning the Primary to get there. Coleman in some ways reflected Linder’s rhetoric from 2008, speaking of a new era for America. But he buttressed this with repeated attacks on Linder’s economic policies. It would win him the nomination.

Selecting Byron Dorgan of North Dakota as his Running Mate, Coleman leapt into the fray. He swung hard into Linder’s policies which he said empowered rich elites…like the ones who had been bribing Jim Traficant. Coleman would face racialized attacks from both of his opponents, but was generally seen as coming out on top in the debates and in his broader campaign strategy. He would become America’s first black President-Elect in 2012, and in 2013 became its first black President.

In some ways Coleman was the inverse of Linder. Linder had run on social issues and then fought hard for economic changes. Coleman had been elected for his conventional economic policies, but his domestic push would be mostly on social issues.

Economically, Coleman would roll back some of Linder’s most offensive executive actions, but would keep the more successful areas, namely targeted tax breaks for certain areas to promote growth. He would expand the welfare state some, but in a limited, case by case manner. Expanding dental coverage. Adjusting formulas to account for demographic shifts. His critics would label him “Tinker Dinker Mayor Mike” for this preference for minor shifts.

Coleman would have much more success pursuing his less expected policies than Linder had. Coleman outlined, in a speech at the Washington Monument, that the nation had made great progress in justice, but still had a ways to go. Coleman worked with Congress to expand and codify Affirmative Action programs. Community boards and funds created by the Metzenbaum Reforms were instructed to include racial justice components in their planning. Coleman would skillfully pass a major Voting Rights Law, dropping regionalized focus for a nationwide set of standards.

A nationwide blanket legalization of Abortion was a step too far for even the Senate Democrats. But Coleman was able to pass a bill that set forward minimum standards for exceptions to bans in the cases of rape, incest, or threat to the woman’s life.

There was extreme backlash to these actions in some segments of the population, and the Democrats would lose more than a few voters and elected officials to the Republicans and, increasingly, the Millennials. Some expected this to cost him reelection in 2016. However, here he benefited from having two opposition parties. Although House Minority Leader Paul Ryan had a social conservative streak, his economic policies, he had been an ally of Linder, raised eyebrows. Meanwhile Gary Doty picked up Traficant’s torch with surprising zeal and effectiveness, driving home economic populism while balancing social conservatism with ‘respectability.’ The net result was a split in the anti-Coleman vote.

Coleman’s second term would see what would be his crowning, and critics would say only, foreign policy achievement, the Panama Conference. Representatives from ATO, NATO, and other aligned groups met in the Central American capital which was both symbolically linking two oceans while also thumbing the nose at the rest of Communist Central America. The Panama Conference served as a major milestone for the broad “Democratic Pole” opposing Soviet and Chinese expansion efforts.

Coleman’s second term would see perhaps his greatest triumph, and his greatest failures. His Gay Marriage legalization would face stiff opposition from many comers, and engender defections from the party. But it would pass, and earn Coleman a place in history. Some attribute this to the losses the Democrats took in 2018, not enough to remove their majorities, not quite (and they benefited from a split opposition), but they were at the lowest point in years. Others blamed simple fatigue.

These narrow majorities were the main cause of Coleman’s setbacks in the second half of his second term. His major, sweeping, gun control act, the largest change since Metzenbaum, fell flat on its face. The Democrats who remained in rural areas were simply too scared to support anything of that nature. Perhaps his immigration reform might have passed in theory, but the plan was criticized for being overly complex and technical, a tough sell from a President leaving office soon, and too fragile to maintain coherence during the horse trading of Washington.

Economically Coleman would see wide praise for establishing the National Economic Output Board. The Board brought together representatives from government, NGOs, businesses and unions in pursuit of a mutually agreeable economic policy. This was likely always a pipe dream, but businesses appreciated the nod given to them by the Democrats in this area. The AFL-CIO was less enthused by that, but got a seat at the table and the Board seemed like it could potentially be a vehicle towards Sectoral Bargaining, so that was nice.

Coleman left office in 2021, and it is thus difficult to judge his historical legacy from so short a distance. He made history, and not just as the first Black President of the United States Clearly he benefited from a split opposition, and was able to affirm a major legacy of expanded rights. However he also saw failures that might have been avoided. His actions may have pushed the Millenials and Republicans closer together and harmed the Democratic coalition that has dominated the country for decades. But some might say it was worth it for a woman desperately needing an abortion, or a Gay couple finally able to marry. His economic legacy remains to be seen, his efforts to integrate business into the Democratic Party’s national order may strengthen it, or prove a Trojan Horse.

For now though, Coleman’s legacy is secure. He was succeeded by another black Ohio Democrat, who now stands tall as the incumbent President of the United States.
 
LeBron James
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LeBron James (D-OH)
2021-????

LeBron James was born in 1984 to a single mother in Akron, Ohio. At age 5 he was introduced to what would become the defining aspect of his life: basketball.

James was, and remains, an excellent basketball player, and so was able to attend St. Vincent-St. Mary High School, an Akron Catholic school with an excellent sports program. There he would become a national sensation, considered by all to be the greatest prospect in the nation. After several state championships most assumed he would go directly to the NBA. In fact he would play one, and only one, year in college, winning a national title for The Ohio State University before entering the draft.

As fate would have it, the draft would keep James in Ohio. He was drafted by the Cincinnati Royals in 2003. James would win Rookie of the Year, and quickly emerged as one of the league’s leading stars. However the team, although much improved, was not a championship contender in his early years. It was not until 2006 that James would play in an NBA finals, and not until 2007 that he would win his first ring. The Royals would win further championships in 2009, 2010, and 2013 with James at the helm.

In 2014 James was a free agent, and caused great controversy when he announced he would be signing with the Royals’ instate rivals, the Cleveland Cosmos, closer to his hometown in Akron. James would be no less successful there, winning championships in 2015, 2016, and 2017, as well as one further in 2019.

As a player James became internationally renowned, especially with his participation on the Gold Medal winning Olympic teams in 2004 and 2008. Between sponsorships and contracts, James became extremely wealthy. James was an active philanthropist, especially towards his hometown of Akron, funding schools, housing and other programs. He was also vocal on issues of racial justice, and generally spoke in favor of Democratic politicians.

Speculation about political office had surrounded James before, but it still came as a shock when, shortly after his 2019 NBA Title, he announced his retirement and that he was running for President as a Democrat. Initially he was not taken seriously. Newman, at least, had the grace to serve a perfunctory two years as Governor before he ran.

However James’ status as a national icon was powerful, and not merely because he was a great player. He was charismatic and could play both the thoughtful leader and the enthusiastic athlete. He touted his philanthropy as well as his commitment to social good. He rallied minorities behind him, and flashed his National Basketball Players Association card to skeptical union leaders. Business interests made more sympathetic to the Democrats by Coleman, and the fact that the Democrats were seemingly the only party that could win, were generally favorable to him. His chief opponent, Maryland Senator Martin O’Malley, failed to enthuse the base, and James would secure the nomination.

Selecting Massachusetts Congressman Jim McGovern, Chair of the House Rules committee, gave James some beltway credibility, if perhaps a little light on foreign policy. However James would win in a landslide regardless. The Republicans nominated Mike Huckabee, while the Millennials sought to prove they were more than just a Midwestern party with the surprising nomination of the defecting Hawaii Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard. Both ran economically populist, more socially conservative campaigns. As the pair fought for the same base, James rolled up support in the rest of the country.

James has been active internationally as President, working to continue from the Panama Conference, funding anti-Communist and anti-Chinese states and groups abroad. His most prevalent success has been drawing Indonesia into ATO. However, allegations that American backed forces in Burma have committed atrocities have recently put a damper on his diplomatic efforts.

At home James has been vocal on racial justice issues, to mixed results. He successfully passed reforms to the Riffe Education system, giving more funding to Historically Black Colleges and Universities. However his comments on police brutality have seen pushback from policy groups. James has been active in support of a more national housing policy. The AFL-CIO has been pushing him towards a new labor bill geared towards sectoral bargaining, although both bills remain stuck in committee.

James remains generally popular heading into his first midterms, although questions loom. In areas where the Republican and Millennium Parties remain split, Democrats are likely to remain in power. But local alliances and fusion tickets have started to spring up, and when the Republican and Millennial polling numbers are united, things look much grimmer for the Democrats. With both opposition parties having drifted into generally similar policies, most consider it a matter of time before one absorbs the other. The Millennium Party was recently rocked by the revelation that Traficant aid Tim Ryan was ‘the Penguin’ leaker in 2000, while the Republicans are reportedly courting Pete Rose.

Regardless, James continues on as President. Recently he had the honor of welcoming the Stanley Champion Columbus Blue Jackets to the White House, as well as his old Cincinnati Royals team. This follows visits from the Cleveland Browns, The Ohio State Buckeyes, Columbus Crew, and Cleveland Cosmos.

James’ most recent public address came at a ceremony in Cleveland, which is set to host the 2024 Olympics. James praised Ohio Governor Connie Schultz for her work on the project and reflected on how the clear waters of the Cuyahoga reflect the greatness of the city and nation.

After a friendly glare from Schultz, James hastily concluded by noting that he was saving best for last, and gave his regards to his home, the Great State of Ohio
 
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Curtis LeMay (R-OH)
1965-1969

The prospect of drafting a general had been touted by the Republican Party several times in recent memory. Eisenhower had been seriously considered in both 1948 and 1952, and of course Douglas MacArthur had actively pushed for his own nomination. But neither had ever emerged from a convention.

Curtis LeMay would.

LeMay was born in Columbus, and although the family would move around the country, they would eventually drift back to Columbus, where LeMay would attend Ohio State University, while entering Army Air Corps reserve. LeMay would distinguish himself in exercises before the war, and would command a bomber group in Europe, before taking over Bomber command in Asia, where he pushed for a strategy of mass strategic bombing of Japanese cities, often using incendiary bombs on civilian targets.

After the war LeMay served briefly in Europe, including during the Berlin Airlift, before returning to the states to head Strategic Air Command. LeMay pushed heavily for the development of a strategic nuclear bombing force, at at times even expressed an open desire for war with the Soviet Union. Initially LeMay was pleased with the Lausche Administration’s interventionism compared to Bricker, but soon became disillusioned. The leaders of the wars in Vietnam and the Congo favored tactical bombing over mass strategic destruction, this, and LeMay’s penchant for argumentatie and off the cuff comments, eventually led him to essentially being forced into retirement in 1962.

Returning to Ohio, LeMay would occasionally give interviews harshly critical of the Lausche Administration’s policies. Initially this was limited to foreign policy, but elements of criticism surrounding domestic issues would also soon emerge. LeMay bemoaned the lawlessness sweeping the country, which he blamed on “rabble rousers and incompetent leadership.” Some comments attracted controversy, such as his “bomb them till they think the planes are gods” comment, but that just increased his publicity.

Many of the Eastern Establishment were skeptical of LeMay, while the Old Isolationists were of course appalled. But there was a wide swath of Conservativedom that liked what LeMay was selling. Tough on Communism abroad, tough on chaos at home. LeMay allowed his name to be entered into several primaries, and swept them all. LeMay’s lack of concern surrounding programs such as Social Security would help him at the Convention, as his supporters would make broad concessions to the liberals in exchange for their support, such as Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. as Vice President. The Brickerites would be locked out, and many would vote for Fabus in the fall, but LeMay would also make surprising inroads into the South in 1964.

LeMay’s campaign would be marked by several gaffes, which were pounced upon by the Jackson Campaign. But it would not be enough, and LeMay would enter the White House, despite lacking anything in the way of political experience.

Domestically LeMay would declare a “War on Disorder,” aimed at stopping the rioting. Working with Conservative Democrats and Republicans alike, LeMay pushed heavily for harsher penalties for criminal activities, and expanded FBI powers. LeMay would work closely with J. Edgar Hoover, looking to infiltrate and clamp down on civil rights protesters and student groups, who grew more strident during this time.

LeMay’s segregationist allies would be displeased to learn that the President blamed them somewhat for the disorder. He would not allow direct violations of federal court orders, at one point lecturing Alabama Governor that “the law is the law is the law.” After the Orangeburg Shootings, when the South Carolina National Guard fired into a crowd of black students LeMay would federalize the National Guard raging about the “shoddy discipline” that he would never have allowed in his own soldiers.

However, by and large LeMay could not stop the chaos. He refused to entertain further civil rights or voting rights legislation. Most of his actions fell on minority populations. The sight of soldiers rolling through American cities became disturbingly common. LeMay was restrained in 1966, when liberals enjoyed a major wave year. Congress began investigations into government overreach and the causes of rioting. LeMay was never, as his critics often alleged at the time, plotting a dictatorship. But it was not hard to see why this was a common fear.

To the surprise of some, LeMay managed to avoid starting World War 3 while in office, the closest he came was another round of shots across the Taiwan Strait and a new proxy war in Sudan. Vice President Lodge would prove an effective de facto ambassador, who would successfully mend fences in Europe that had been shoddy since the Truman Administration. LeMay’s focus was on an expansion of the wars in Vietnam and the Congo, and implementing his beloved strategic bombing plans. In Vietnam with the clear target in the North this had at best mixed results, but in the Congo, where the Lumumbaist Rebels lacked such a centralized supplier it served to alienate more of the population. Neither a surge in troops nor the bombings were ending the twin quagmires, and Americans noticed.

LeMay would also see the vast expansion of CIA activities across the globe. Where Bricker’s isolationism, and Lausche’s indecision had limited it’s actions, LeMay gave them a wide berth. Coups in Indonesia and Burkina Faso, running guns to right wing dictators in the Americas. Cold Warriors prospered under LeMay.

But few else did. Americans had gotten tired. Tired of the riots he could not stop, of the sudden intrusions into their lives, of the deaths abroad, and of LeMay’s constant bluster.

LeMay would live out his life not in Washington or Ohio, but in Maryland until his death in 1989. Although revered by a certain class of hawkish rightists, LeMay has generally been judged a failure by history. His War on Disorder failed badly, and abroad he was responsible for some of the worst destruction wrought by America during the Cold War.

The Americans of 1968 also deemed LeMay a failure. He and the Republicans were voted out in a landslide in favor of a candidate who seemed, almost literally, Heaven sent.
Wasn't LeMay from California? He considered running for Senate in 1968 as a Republican if I remember correctly before being selected as Wallace's running mate. Perhaps he could've been elected to the Senate in 1962 after the Cuban Missile Crisis if he had retired that year.
 
Wasn't LeMay from California? He considered running for Senate in 1968 as a Republican if I remember correctly before being selected as Wallace's running mate. Perhaps he could've been elected to the Senate in 1962 after the Cuban Missile Crisis if he had retired that year.
LeMay was born and raised in Ohio only moving to California in 1965. ITTL he never moved there as different circumstances bring him back to Ohio instead.
 
And Fin...
And so concludes the TLIAW that, as anticipated, took longer than a week! Fittingly concluded on Hell Is Real Eve. Thank you all for following along, and for your support and feedback! If anyone had a favorite President or concept I'd be happy to hear it. Thanks again!
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This has been a grand timeline! Really fun to read, the choices you've made all seem logical (Though, in universe, one does wonder why the remaining states even bother running for the Presidency at this point) and I can't wait to see what timeline you come up with next.
 
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