Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War

Chapter 88: Keep Calm and Carry On - Britain (Until 1980)
For more information about British politics (in the 1940s), see: https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...ternative-cold-war.280530/page-3#post-8524822
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The 1950 General Election in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland saw Clement Attlee's Labour Party cling onto power with a much reduced majority of five seats. The primary cause of this decline in population was a continued austerity programme. Despite the Second World War being over for five years at this point, rationing of petrol, sugar, milk and meat was still in effect. Whilst Attlee had been effective in the past at dealing with differences of opinion in his party, the contradictions had become to great to reconcile. An austerity budget had been put forward by Chancellor of the Exchequer Hugh Gaitskell, who introduced charges for spectacles and dentures under the NHS in order to free up funds for increased military spending, necessary to maintain the British contribution to the intervention in China, where British forces operated in the Pearl River sector. This erosion of NHS services prompted a revolt by the left wing of the party, led by Aneurin Bevan, a Welsh MP who had strong ties to the miners' unions. Bevan resigned from his position as Minister of Labour. President of the Board of Trade Harold Wilson followed Bevan, handing in his resignation also. Hoping to salvage the situation, Attlee called a snap election in 1951. This backfired, with the Conservative Party narrowly defeating Labour, and Winston Churchill returned to the post of Prime Minister.

The third Churchill government largely concerned itself with foreign policy. Whilst the Conservative cabinet begrudging let Kenya go (it had little real value for the empire at this point), they did effectively suppress the ethnically-Chinese communist rebellion in northern Malaya. British intelligence was also instrumental, with US assistance, in the overthrow of the Mossadegh regime in Iran and the transfer of power to the Shah. Domestically, the only major area of concern for Churchill was housing. He appointed Harold MacMillan as Minister of Housing and Local Government who was tasked with ensuring the construction of 300,000 new houses per annum. Churchill also expressed some trepidation about a rise in immigration from the Caribbean. Labour shortages as a result of the Second World War required a great deal of new workers, and the British Nationality Act of 1948 gave the unintended consequence of encouraging West Indian migration to Britain (the act had originally been drafted with white Canadians, New Zealanders and Australians in mind). There was some opposition to this, both on cultural/racial grounds, and in some instances on labour competition rationales, but it cannot be doubted that this influx of migrants had a positive effect on British economic growth and on the provision of services to all Britons. The arrival of West Indian migrants in the early 1950s is often looked back as the point where Britain itself, rather than just the empire it had ruled over, became truly multicultural.

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Coronation of Queen Elizabeth II of the House of Windsor, 1952

On 6th February 1952, King George VI passed away after a battle with cancer. He was succeeded by his daughter, the 25-year old Elizabeth II. In April 1955, due to ailing health, Churchill stepped down, replaced by Anthony Eden. The popular Eden immediately called a general election, which the Conservatives won a greater share of the vote in than they had in 1951, thus legitimising his position. The 1950s would see the Suez Crisis, which made it apparent that the United Kingdom was no longer a superpower, but also ushered in an economic golden age. Unemployment remained extremely low throughout the decade, rationing was finally ended in its entirety and new consumer products such as televisions and washing machines became accessible to most Britons. Even jobs which required little to no qualifications saw a noticeable increase in wages, and by the onset of the 1960s Britons were on average one of the most affluent peoples in the world. Economic growth had been largely driven by adherence to Keynesian economic policies, which had proved very effective in the context that Britain found itself in during the 1950s. Despite this economic growth, the political fallout from the Suez Crisis forced Eden's resignation. His replacement, former Chancellor of the Exchequer Harold MacMillan, nicknamed "Super-Mac", continued to emphasise high levels of employment as the most important macroeconomic priority. This was in opposition to many of his ministers who sought strict control of the money base to curb inflation. In January 1958, all of MacMillan's treasury ministers resigned. Unperturbed, 'Super-Mac' described these events as "a little local difficulty". MacMillan attempted to utilise the newly-created National Incomes Commission to institute controls on income in order to promote economic growth without inflation. This policy failed due to the steadfast opposition of the Trade Union Congress, the largest trade union confederation in the UK. MacMillan was successful in bringing an end to conscription. The withdrawal of Suez had made it clear that the scope of independent British international security commitments would be limited, and as such it would be preferable for Britain to maintain a smaller, highly professionalised force. In the event of a Third World War, the British militaries would be integrated into an American-led command structure anyway, and a small agile army (the navy of course would remain rather formidable, and would be modernised in order to limit Soviet break-out capabilities through the GIUK gap and the Mediterranean) would be more cost-effective and appropriate for Britain's needs. Unintentionally, the end of conscription helped set the stage for the counter-culture youth movements of the 1960s by not exposing young British men to the social and behavioural conditioning intrinsic to the conscription process. MacMillan took a proactive role in foreign policy, seeking to heal the rift with Eisenhower that had arisen over the the Anglo-French intervention in Egypt. MacMillan's wartime friendship with Eisenhower proved useful to this aim, a high degree of trust between the two men smoothing over any policy differences. Aside from reaffirming Britain's commitment to the 'Special Relationship' with their Transatlantic friends, MacMillan's government also sought to manage the United Kingdom's transition away from imperialism, overseeing the independence of several former colonies, such as Ghana and Malaya. It was also during this time that the United Kingdom tested its first nuclear weapons off of the coast of Australia. 'Super-Mac' proved popular with the British public, winning the 1959 general election and increasing the Conservatives' electoral majority. In his second term, MacMillan negotiated the acquisition of American-made Polaris ICBMs, as British scientists had failed to create a viable natively-produced ICBM to function as a delivery system for Britain's nuclear weapons. The latter half of Super-Mac's prime ministership was marred by a number of disappointments, including the imposition of a seven-month wage freeze as a damage-control measure regarding Britain's balance of payments issues in 1961, and notably the inability to prevent De Gaulle from vetoing British entry into the EEC. This unpopular policy resulted in a number of by-electoral defeats, chipping away at the Tories' electoral majority. MacMillan would resign in 1963 due to health complications, although the concurrent Profumo Affair and the criticism it attracted may have hastened his resignation.

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Harold "Super-Mac" MacMillan, British Prime Minister, 1956-1963 (Conservative Party)

MacMillan appointed the Earl of Home, Alec Douglas-Home, as a successor. This was a highly controversial decision within the party. Several notable Tories argued that the elite Etonian "magic circle" shouldn't be the visible head of the party, and that it was necessary to have a younger, more modern leadership. Furthermore, polls had shown an increase in Labour support throughout the British electorate, and a literal aristocrat would appear to confirm the stereotype of the Conservative Party as a mouthpiece of the stuffy, out-of-touch landed gentry. Eventually convinced by dissident MPs, notably Enoch Powell, Iain McLeod, Reginald Maudling and Lord Hailsham, Deputy Prime Minister Rab Butler, after some vacillating, refused to serve under Douglas-Home[199]. Whilst Butler would remain a powerful figure in the Conservative Party, he would not be selected as to lead the party in the upcoming 1964 general election. That privilege would instead fall to MacLeod. The 1964 election would prove to be tightly-contested. The Labour Party of Harold Wilson, who had been bolstered by public dissatisfaction with MacMillan's second term, mounted a serious challenge to Conservative political dominance. Labour's platform emphasised greater coordination between state-run enterprises and the renationalisation of the steel and road haulage industries, but declared no further nationalisations. They also promised expansion of social services, tax reform and control of inflation (although they were unable to suggest any mechanisms beyond unpopular pay and price controls). Education was another area of emphasis for Labour, who sought comprehensivisation of secondary education and a later leaving age. With regards to immigration policy, Labour promoted a strict quota system, but with full legal equality and NHS privileges for immigrants already residing in the United Kingdom, such as the Caribbean migrants and the "Kenyan Asians" (people of Indian descent who fled the violence in Kenya). Labour's foreign policy platform was based around so-called "socialist foreign policy", requiring high human-rights standards for aid recipient-countries and criticising the Conservatives for the Aden Emergency and sales of arms to apartheid South Africa and Francoist Spain. The Conservatives also promised taxation reform, such as a decrease in personal income tax, and emphasised a "new Conservative Party" which would take the experience of the last thirteen years or so of leadership and infuse it with a modern, forward-thinking outlook. McLeod and his peers pledged an even closer transatlantic relationship with the United States, a continued deep involvement with the British Commonwealth, development of domestic nuclear power infrastructure, increased capital investment in industry to promote retooling of the British manufacturing industry to keep up with competitors such as the German bundesrepublik, and emphasised diplomatic successes such as the Kingston Agreement [200] and the Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. This election was noticeable for being one dominated by theatrics on both sides. Television became key to campaigning for the first time in British history. Although much tighter than in previous elections, the Conservatives were once again able to claim victory [201] but with a majority of a mere two seats. This slim a majority made governance extremely difficult, and McLeod actively engaged in a number of behind-the-scenes deals in order to secure a decrease to personal income taxes before calling a snap election in 1966. This had some success, granting the Conservatives a forty-seat majority, enough to push through most policies, although some of the more controversial ones, such as the decriminalisation of homosexuality, had to be left at the wayside. The McLeod government overall maintained the Keynesian economic approach which the past decade had seen, but improved productivity to a degree by allowing industrial firms to gain financial assistance for the purchase of state-of-the-art equipment. In response to French and German policies limiting imports from the United Kingdom, the McLeod government introduced a subsidy scheme regarding purchase of domestically-produced automobiles, effectively pushing French, German and American cars (aside from Ford, as it operated manufacturing plants in the UK) out of the mass market, and preventing Japanese automobile companies from getting a foothold in the UK market.

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James Callaghan, British Prime Minister, 1970-1979 (Labour Party)

The 1970 election saw Labour finally break the Conservatives' monopoly on power that had been maintained since the end of the Attlee government. Increasing discord within NATO between the French-influenced and American-loyal factions made the Conservatives' insistence on the wisdom of reliance on NATO for British security come into question. The Conservative Party had also taken a relatively hands-off policy regarding increasing communal tensions in Northern Ireland, which bothered many in Britain. Economic growth had started to slow, and balance of trade and overvaluation of the pound as a result of the Bretton Woods system continued to plague the British economy. With Harold Wilson losing the Labour leadership after the poor results in the 1964 and 1966 election, McLeod instead found himself campaigning against James Callaghan, who represented the 'right' of the Labour Party. Despite misgivings about the commitments to NATO, Callaghan's government remained in the alliance, seeing the French-led LDO, ran as it was by essentially a fascist junta, as a worse alternative. Callaghan oversaw the introduction of a 15% surcharge on imports to tackle the balance of payments deficit. The sudden price shocks experienced by ordinary Britons and the outrage it caused with Britain's trade partners saw the government announce that it was merely a temporary measure. The new Labour government increased income taxes beyond pre-McLeod levels, which did cause some consternation, as well as introducing a petrol tax, but they also increased the state pension and the widow's pension. Furthermore, a capital gains tax was introduced, which was popular with much of Labour's electoral base. The Callaghan government also saw the introduction of a short-term mortgage scheme which enabled low-wage earners to maintain mortgage schemes in the face of economic difficulties. This did a great deal to counteract the reputational damage done by an increase in income tax. Labour began to adopt policies they saw as part of an overall "economic rationalisation". The increase in oil prices pushed by the United Arab Republic and Venezuela did prompt economic difficulties, but the Callaghan government subsidised development of deep-sea drilling techniques to exploit the North Sea oil fields to counteract this trend in the long-term. Under the Labour government, the voting age was lowered to 18 from 21, which was implemented in the 1974 election[202]. Labour would win a second term. Despite an economic dip in the mid-70s, the economy was largely recovering by 1978, inflation dropped under 10%, employment was high and GDP growth was steady. The policy of pay restraint had helped push economic growth by limiting wage costs for businesses, but the trade unions were staunch opponents of this policy, and had influenced a handful of leftist Labour MPs to support them. Growing Labour unrest and strikes, largely concentrated in Scotland and the north of England, convinced Callaghan to hold the next general election in 1979 instead of 1978 as per the British custom of quadrennial peacetime elections. November 1978 to February 1979 saw the "Winter of Discontent", a wave of industrial action taking place during the coldest winter in years. The nominal cause for the unrest was the cap on pay rises, but there were other underlying elements: within the Labour Party there was disagreement on the future direction of British socialism and the trade unions attempted to reassert their past influence over the Labour Party in order to pull it back towards the left after eight years of centrism under Callaghan towards a more dirigisme-influenced system. It was also somewhat of a grassroots revolt against the Trade Union Congress, whose older leadership didn't reflect the rank-and-file, which was composed of a greater number of women and ethnic minorities than ever before. Left-wing Labour MPs blocked initial government attempts at introducing sanctions on the striking workers. The widespread industrial action led to several strange scenes, including a 300-passenger train being stranded near Stirling, Scotland due to heavy snow, and some towns being entirely cut off, only able to be reached by helicopter as infrastructure was largely unstaffed and as such shut down. Anger with the inconveniences caused by the strikes also led to occasional counter-demonstrations by non-union citizens. Eventually the strikes were lifted after pay rises averaging around 15%. Nevertheless, the events turned much of the British public against the trade union movement and paved the way for the 1979 Conservative victory, where Edward Heath would take the mantle of Prime Minister [203].

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[199] IOTL, they were unable to convince Butler to refuse to serve under Douglas-Home, despite Butler's dissatisfaction regarding MacMillan's selection of Douglas-Home as his successor.
[200] TTL's equivalent of the Nassau Agreement, where the UK was able to get Polaris missiles from the USA.
[201] IOTL Harold Wilson's Labour Party narrowly defeated the Conservatives under Douglas-Home in the closest-contested election in British history; IOTL 900 individual votes made the difference between a Labour victory and a Conservative one.
[202] IOTL it occurred in 1969.
[203] Thatcher was able to become Conservative leader IOTL because of Heath's failure in the 1974 elections, despite being incumbent. In this case, he wasn't ousted from party leadership due to not being an incumbent PM; the other Tories largely assume the failure to win is not entirely Heath's fault.
 
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Interesting to see what a non Thatcherite Britain would look like
Definitely one of the directions I want to go with this. I haven't 100% decided what I wanted to do with the UK but I figured that I'd at least try to find ways to prevent the complete switch-over to a service economy and atrophying of the British manufacturing sector.
 
Love it! youd think thered be a lot more alternate cold war TLs, but i never seem to find any.
Thanks so much Krasno, great to have a new reader!

I think there are quite a few Cold War-era TLs, but most of them are focused on 'sub-topics' within the Cold War, I guess due to the sheer scope of the Cold War.
 
Chapter 89: Mi o Vuku, a Vuk na Vrata - Yugoslavia (Until 1980) (Part 1)
For more information about Yugoslavia ITTL, see here: https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...ternative-cold-war.280530/page-5#post-8724771
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Crisis had been averted in 1948; the Hungarian and Bulgarian armies hadn't crossed the border after all. Stalin had tested the resolve of Tito personally, but also his top lieutenants. No putsch had been forthcoming to oust the man who had led Yugoslavia's valiant resistance to fascist occupation. Unsurprisingly, given the political climate, Tito's proposal for a united Balkan federation failed. Whilst Albania had been incorporated into Yugoslavia, Dimitrov's Bulgaria was too submissive to Soviet domination. Any proposal Stalin would entertain would inevitably mean the loss of all autonomy and self-determination for Belgrade. The Tito-Stalin split would result in one of the darker periods in post-war Yugoslav history. The 'Informbiro period' was characterised by the imprisonment of political dissidents, motivated both by concerns over the possibility of a pro-Stalin coup and by remaining separatist sentiment. The Axis occupation of Yugoslavia during the Second World War had many collaborators: the hyper-violent fascist Ustaše of Croatia; the Slovene Home Guard; Muslim Bosniaks were recruited to SS divisions and to the pro-Ustaše Hadžiefendić Legion and a pro-Germany military government had been established in Germany, supported by groups such as the Black Chetniks. Aside from Axis collaborators, there were also Slovenes, Croats and Serbs who sought either independence from Yugoslavia, or the restoration of the old Serb monarchy. In 1949, the island of Goli Otok was converted into a prison camp. Literally meaning "barren island" in Serbo-Croatian, Goli Otok was also known as the "Croatian Alcatraz". Thousand of political prisoners would labour here, under the unforgiving hot sun on the shadeless rock as well as being lashed by the cold and violent bora wind coming south from the Alps. A neighbouring island, Sveti Grgur, held female prisoners. At a higher level, Josip Broz Tito and his interior minister, Aleksander Ranković moved against unreliable elements in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Komunistička partija Jugoslavije, KPJ). The first targets were Andrija Hebrang and Sreten Žujović. Hebrang had operated as Vice-President of ZAVNOH, the anti-fascist administration of Croatia during WWII. ZAVNOH had drawn the ire of Broz, having adopted a number of resolutions opposed by the central communist leadership. One of these was the acceptance of religious education as a mandatory subject in schools, whilst another was attempting to construct an independent Croatian telegraph agency. After the war, Hebrang was in charge of formulating the first Five Year Plan. Disagreeing with Kardelj, who wanted to focus on light industry, instead Hebrang oriented economic activity towards industry that specifically served agricultural needs. As relations with Moscow deteriorated, Ranković and Tito suspected Hebrang of being Stalin's prime candidate to replace Josip Broz. Hebrang was blacklisted from the party, arrested and accused of being a spy both for Moscow and for the Ustaše during the war. Hebrang would die in prison under suspicious circumstances, although the government claimed that the veteran revolutionary had killed himself in custody. Žujović, a Serb communist and Minister of Finance in the postwar government, openly supported Stalin and was passing on information to the USSR. In the same week as Hebrang's imprisonment, Žujović was arrested and forced to conduct self-criticism. He would be released from prison in 1950 and allowed back into the party, although he would never have a notable position again. In the Informbiro period, the epithet "Cominformist" was applied to real or perceived supporters of Stalin. Thousands were imprisoned, exiled or killed, many of whom were innocent. It wasn't uncommon for quarreling neighbours to report to their local party headquarters fabricated stories about espionage and wartime collaboration. Ranković established a specialised anti-Cominform unit in the State Security Administration (Uprava državne bezbednosti, UDBA). In 1948, over 55,000 members of the KPJ were also members of the Cominform, comprising one-fifth of total party leadership. Larger concentrations of cominformists were found in Montenegro and Serbia, the most traditionally Russophilic regions of Yugoslavia. Aside from just the party, a number of purges were also carried out on the military and within the UDBA itself to root out Soviet sympathisers.

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Aleksandar Ranković, Yugoslav State Security Chief

The new policies towards the USSR and suspected disloyalty in the population inevitably generated opposition. Col. Gen. Arsenije "Arso" Jovanović, chief of the General Staff of the Yugoslav Army was killed attempting to escape to Romania with other Montenegrin dissidents after an abortive coup attempt. Around 5,000 Yugoslav émigrés lived outside of the country and were against the Titoist government. Notably, very few defected to the West. The majority weren't opponents of communism, but rather sought the "resatellitisation" of Yugoslavia. Initially the Yugoslav ambassador to Romania, Radonja Gabulović was the de facto leader of the Yugoslav émigrés, but by late 1949, Major General Pero Popivoda (who had been head of the Yugoslav air force operation service), who had flown from Yugoslavia to Romania, was the official head of an émigré organisation. This organisation, in typical Stalinist fashion, had a very long-winded name: the "League of Yugoslav Patriots for the Liberation of the Peoples of Yugoslavia from the Yoke of the Tito-Ranković Clique and Imperialist Slavery". The Soviet government supported efforts by this émigré Stalinist faction: in Prague and Moscow anti-Titoist newspapers were published in Serbo-Croatian (Nova borba, "New struggle" and Za socijalističku Jugoslaviju "For a Socialist Yugoslavia", respectively) and "Radio Free Yugoslavia" pumped out anti-Tito propaganda from stations in Bucharest. Military personnel among the émigrés were organised into "international brigades" and stationed on the Hungarian, Bulgarian and Romanian borders with Yugoslavia, poised to invade if the opportunity arises. The Soviet allied states blockaded their borders with Yugoslavia, and around eight thousand border incidents occurred between 1948 and 1953. A cominformist uprising occurred in Montenegro in the summer and autumn of 1948. By 1950 these rebellions were defeated by a specialised UDBA taskforce under the command of Komnen Cerović. Two other notable rebellions occurred during this time: a rebellion by ethnic Serb former army officers and partisan veterans in the Krajina region of Croatia and a multiethnic peasant rebellion at Cazin in Bosanska Krajina, both of which were suppressed.

The diplomatic rift that emerged between Belgrade and Moscow posed a number of challenges for the Yugoslav economy. Already a largely agrarian country prior to the Second World War, the devastation wrought by the Axis occupation left Yugoslavia with little native industry. In the immediate post-war years, Yugoslavia had to provide raw materials, both agricultural and mineral, to the Soviets in exchange for machinery and processed goods. There was also a shortage of skilled labour. Restrictions on Soviet-Yugoslav trade imposed by Stalin forced Tito and his government to pursue greater self-sufficiency, but this would take time. Economic difficulties were exacerbated by market shortages due to the military's need to stockpile fuel and food in case of Soviet invasion, as well as by poor harvests in 1948, 1949 and 1950. June 1948 saw the Yugoslavs make a deal with the United States. Access to the Yugoslav gold reserves held in the United States would be granted to Belgrade, with the opening of trade relations. Yugoslavia would also export strategic mineral resources to America. The Americans provided a number of technical instruments allowing the construction of a blooming mill, as well as mobile repair stations and tractor tyres. In August 1949, when the Soviet blockade had come into full effect, the Export-Import Bank of the United States provided its first loan to Belgrade. The United States was determined to "keep Tito afloat" in order to undermine Stalin's dominance over the Eastern Bloc. Washington also provided large quantities of food aid to prevent famine in Yugoslavia. 1950 saw the introduction of an embryonic form of worker's self-management (radničko samoupravljanje) in Yugoslavia. As a result of these economic pressures, growth wouldn't actually occur in the Yugoslav economy until 1952.

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Yugoslav worker contributes to reconstruction efforts in Belgrade (for the cameras anyway)

Alongside economic and diplomatic challenges, a major point of consternation was the constitutional composition of the Yugoslav state. The introduction of worker's self-management would require constitutional changes to ensure political representation for these economic entities. Alongside debate over what exact form this representation would take was an issue that had divided Yugoslav politics since the royalist era, namely the question of centralisation. Proponents of centralisation sought a diminishment of national boundaries within the state in order to promote a shared Yugoslav identity over local nationality. It would also have the effect of creating smaller sub-national units, easier for the central government to dominate. Aleksandar Ranković put forward a proposal in 1949 to divide Yugoslavia into over thirty oblasts along the lines of the 1921 Vidovdan Constitution. This proposal was rejected after vociferous opposition from Slovene and Croat representatives. At the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in 1952, decentralisation would become official policy and the party was rebranded to the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (Savez komunista Jugoslavije, SKJ). Constitutional amendments adopted in January 1953 would establish the Federal People's Assembly, an entity with two houses: a Federal Chamber representing the regions, and a Chamber of Producers representing economic enterprises and worker organisations. The executive branch of government held direct control only over national-wide and foreign affairs concerns. Democratic centralism, a tenet foundational to most Marxist-Leninist states, was abandoned.
 
Interesting to see where this Yugoslavia is heading, hopefully with the death of Stalin, they can rekindle their relations with the USSR and the rest of the bloc and integrate better to grow better, plus with the computer focus in the Soviet Union, maybe Tito can adopt it too
 
Last Outposts of Empire: Spanish Africa in the 1960s

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A town in Western Sahara, formerly Spanish Sahara

Once the earliest colonial superpower, by the 1960s Spain's overseas empire consisted of a few remnants of territories along the Mediterranean coast of North Africa, as well as the territory of Spanish Sahara nestled between Morocco and Mauritania, and the territory of Spanish Guinea, situated between Gabon and Cameroon.

By 1958, Spain had relinquished control of Ifni, an exclave of Spanish Sahara, to Morocco. The Moroccans continued to actively work to undermine Spanish authority in their Saharan territory, which manifested itself in support for the primary anti-colonial movement of the 1960s, the Movement for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Wadi el Dhahab, more commonly known as the Harakat Tahrir. The Harakat Tahrir was established in 1966 by a Sahrawi jounralist and quranic teacher Muhammad Bassiri, aiming to peacefully overturn Spanish colonial rule. The organisation gathered in secret, but revealed itself in a demonstration in El-Aaiun in 1970, attempting to hand over a petition to the Spanish colonial governor calling for better treatment and accelerated independence for the territory. The peaceful protest was bloodily suppressed by the colonial authorities. A nationwide hunt ensued for members of the Harakat Tahrir, and Bassiri was arrested. He would later disappear in Spanish custody. After the crushing of the Harakat Tahrir in the so-called Zemla Intifada, Sahrawi nationalists began to turn to increasingly militant means of achieving independence.

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Poster for Radio Ecuatorial, based in Spanish Guinea

The small Spanish province of Spanish Guinea was largely maintained through the exploitation of cacao and coffee commodity crops on large plantations, as well as on the utilisation of logging concessions to provide tropical timber. Between 1960 and 1968, Spain engaged in a strategy of 'partial decolonisation' in an attempt to retain the territory. Initially this saw little practical change for the natives, who had few rights unless they ascended to the emancipado class, of which whites were automatically a part of. This was intended to encourage cooperation with the colonial authorities and create a native semi-elite that would maintain control over the rest of the African population. This failed, and two groups for the independence of Equatorial Guinea formed in Cameroon and Gabon: the Movimiento Nacional de Liberación de la Guinea (MONALIGE) and the Idea Popularde la Guinea Ecuatorial (IPGE). They were limited in their ability to apply pressure to the Spanish, but it was by this time clear that maintaining Spanish colonialism there was not viable in the long term. A referendum on 15 December 1963 gave the region a measure of autonomy, and put the province's administration in the hands of a moderate grouping, the Movimiento de Unión Nacional de la Guinea Ecuatorial (MUNGE). This proved insufficient to maintain Spanish rule, and the Spanish, under pressure from the UN, conceded to decolonisation, granting Equatorial Guinea independence in 1968. Francisco Macías Nguema, who had been named deputy prime minister in the autonomous territorial government in 1964, became president after defeating former prime minister Bonifacio Ondó Edu on a strongly nationalist platform. Ondó Edu went into exile briefly in Gabon, and was reported as having committed suicide, although it is suspected that Nguema may have been involved in his rival's death. Nguema put the country on a path towards orientation with the Soviet Union and the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as suppressing internal political opposition, declaring his country a one-party state in 1970.
Muhammad Bassiri was not Sahrawi. He was from the Azilal Region in Morocco and his family still has a quranic school there.
 
Muhammad Bassiri was not Sahrawi. He was from the Azilal Region in Morocco and his family still has a quranic school there.
Oh really? Interesting. I try to do my best to research for this timeline and occasionally my sources might be slightly off. Thank you for pointing this out. Perhaps if you have any good sources (in English) around this region or conflict I could get better informed for when I revisit it?

Thanks so much for the correction!
 
Oh really? Interesting. I try to do my best to research for this timeline and occasionally my sources might be slightly off. Thank you for pointing this out. Perhaps if you have any good sources (in English) around this region or conflict I could get better informed for when I revisit it?

Thanks so much for the correction!
No problem. The myth that he was from the Sahara was made up by Polisario to give themselves legitimacy and pretend that they are the succesors of Harakat Tahrir.
Unfortunately on Wikipedia you will find the same wrong information, there is an "information war" going on between Morocco and Algeria. Many articles about moroccan and north african history were edited.
 
Chapter 90: The Black Legions - The International Croat Separatist Movements (Until 1980)
As the noose drew tighter on the Nazi war machine, with the western Allies advancing into the Rhineland and massive Soviet armies pushing past Poland towards Berlin, a mass withdrawal of German troops from the Balkans was commenced to protect the German heartland. Alongside them were masses of collaborators from the myriad ethnicities of Yugoslavia. The largest of these groups was the Croatian ultranationalist Ustaša, whose barbarity had left even the likes of General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau and the Gestapo aghast. There were also representatives of other groups fleeing towards Austria, including the Slovenian domobranstvo ("Home Guard") and the remnants of the Serbian State Guard (Srpska državna straža), whose ranks had been thinned by the Ustaša during their retreat through Croatia. In hot pursuit were Tito's multinational Yugoslav partisans. Although elements of the Slovenian domobranstvo and the stragglers of the Serbian State Guard were able to surrender to British forces in Austria, the British refused to accept the surrender of Ustaša columns, directing them instead to surrender to the Yugoslav partisans. A deal was also struck with the Yugoslavs to a phased repatriation of Slovenes and Serbs in their custody. Elements of the Croatian Armed Forces surrendered, whilst other units refused to surrender to the multinational Yugoslav force, resulting in their complete destruction. Repatriations by the British ceased after reports of death marches and massacres of Ustaša and domobran troops that had been handed over. The majority of the Serb and Slovene captives as such were not handed over to Tito's forces.

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Croatian propaganda poster encouraging Croats to join the battle against the Soviets, WWII vintage

High-level members of the Ustaša regime, including the Poglavnik (leader, akin to führer) Ante Pavelić were not so naive as to expect negotiated clemency from Tito. These figures, often with assistance from the Vatican, were spirited away via so called "ratlines" to other Catholic countries, most notably Spain and Argentina, where they were welcomed by the Franco and Perón governments. The Croatian emigre population in Australia was also swelled by post-war arrivals. Notably, the American and New Zealand Croatian communities didn't experience the same influx of Ustaša-associated Croat migrants. Rather than keeping their heads down, the exiled Ustaša sympathisers immediately began political and communal organisation seeking to undermine the Titoist regime in Yugoslavia. After arriving in Argentina in November 1948, Pavelić, assuming the name "Pablo Aranjos", worked as a security advisor for Juan Perón. He also cultivated connections with the Croatian Argentine community and other non-Croat Axis exiles with the assistance of Vinko Nikolić and physician (and friend of Eva Perón) Branko Benzon, both former Ustaša. Pavelić's location became international knowledge with the 1950 amnesty granted by the Argentine government to various Axis exiles. Aside from Pavelić, an additional 34,000 Croat (and Bosniak) emigres were allowed to stay permanently. For security reasons, however, Pavelić changed his name again to another pseudonym, "Antonio Serdar". By the end of the 1940s, the geographically-dispersed Ustaša emigre movement was beginning to splinter. However, this phenomenon was slowed by the temporary appearance in Rome of Vjekoslav "Maks" Luburić, who had been residing in Spain under the name "Maximilian Soldo" after commander of the Spanish Blue Division Agustin Muñoz Grandes assisted him with building a new life. Luburić had been the key architect of the intensive Ustaša terror campaign during the Second World War. Not only had he been the architect of the death camp system in Croatia, including the infamous Jasenovac, but he had committed atrocities himself, murdering Serb villagers with his own hands on at least one occasion. The mere appearance of him in Rome was enough to intimidate the emigres who dared to challenge the Poglavnik's authority. On 10th April 1951, the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH), Pavelić announced the creation of the Croatia State Government (Hrvatska Državna Vlada, HDV), which styled itself as a government-in-exile. By this point, another Croatian independence organisation, the Croatian National Committee (Hrvatski Narodni Odbor, HNO-J) had existed for a year, based in Munich and led by Branimir Jelić. Jelić's group would contribute to the production of Croatian nationalist literature, but would have less impact than other groups. A claim that has not yet been verified is a claim by Jelić that the Soviets provided him funding to undermine Tito. Jelić was known as an eccentric and had a tendency to spin tall tales, so this is unlikely. In any case, if Soviet funds were provided to the HNO-J, it was not money well-spent. A more significant challenge to Pavelić's primacy would come from his metaphorical and literal hatchet man Luburić. A 1954 meeting in Buenos Aires between Ante Pavelić and former royal Yugoslav (and therefore Serb) Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović aimed at coming to a mutual arrangement between Croat and Serb exiles for a partition plan of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a prerequisite for a kind of united front against Tito would outrage Luburić and many other Croatian nationalists. Their objective was, after all, the resurrection of the NDH with complete wartime borders, which included the whole of Bosnia-Herzegovina and even parts of Serbia. Some amongst them also sought the annexation of the Sandzak region, which had a significant Muslim population. Ceding territory to the Serbs in order for their assistance would be seen as nothing less than national betrayal by Luburić and other extreme ethnonationalists. The attempted extermination of Serbs on the territory of the NDH during the war had been a central tenet of the Ustaša movement. In their minds Yugoslavia as a project was a mechanism for the domination of the Serbs over the other Yugoslav ethnic groups (no matter than Tito himself was of Slovenian and Croat heritage). Though the Pavelić-Stojadinović rendezvous failed to lead to any collaboration between the two anti-communist movements, even considering it was enough to disillusion the even-more-extreme wings of the Ustaša movement from Pavelić. Formalising his split from Pavelić, Luburić established his own emigre organisation, the Croatian National Resistance (Hrvatski Narodni Odpar, HNO-L). Interestingly, from 1957 Luburić would start to advocate for "national conciliation" between pro-Ustaša and pro-communist Croats. His motivations for such a policy is uncertain. Was he a more hardline ethnonationalist than even Pavelić, but less anti-communist? Was he just trying to appeal to a wider range of Croats? Was he seeking a way to ingratiate himself with socialist Croats still in Yugoslavia but dissatisfied with perceived Serbian primacy? No matter the motivation, it was a risky stance to take, as his championing of the idea that a revived NDH should become a neutral state and a buffer between the Soviet and Western blocs was poorly received by hardliners (as always with the Ustaša, this is a relative term as essentially the whole movement is extremist in nature), particularly the burgeoning Australian Croat militant movements.

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Ante Pavelić in hospital, 1957

As a reaction to Luburić's establishment of the HNO-L, Pavelić and his followers founded the Croatian Liberation Movement (Hrvatski Oslobodilački Pokret, HOP) in order to have their own mass diaspora movement to complement the HDV. In July 1957, Pavelić was badly wounded after being shot by Blagoje Jovović, a hotel owner and former officer in the royal Yugoslav army[204]. During the war, Jovović had fought as a member of the Montenegrin Četniki, and had been recruited as an asset by UDBA and provided with knowledge about the true identity of Antonio Serdar[205]. Jovović himself was shot in the assassination attempt by unseen persons, but was able to temporarily escape, although he was later apprehended by police. When Pavelić was taken to the hospital, his true identity became apparent to police investigators and was leaked to the press. The presence of yet another fascist exile in Buenos Aires reflected poorly on Argentina, and the new Arumburu government agreed to extradite Pavelić back to Yugoslavia. Pavelić attempted to flee but his diminished mobility left him unsuccessful. Back in Yugoslavia, Pavelić was interned in solitary confinement on Goli Otok before being transferred to Belgrade and executed. The execution of Ante Pavelić was broadcast as news throughout Yugoslavia, and a long-winded list of the crimes of Pavelić himself and of the Ustaša regime were read out. Whilst the execution of Pavelić was seen as a triumph by Tito and his government, it did prompt a few unfortunate incidents: a pro-Ustaša rally in the Western Herzegovina town of Lištica prompted a violent police response which saw hundreds arrested and week-long rioting; in the Croatian Krajina town of Knin (famously the medieval capital of Croatia) which was predominantly Serb-inhabited, outrage at the crimes of the Ustaša led to attacks by nationalist Serbs on Croat inhabitants. The police, who were primarily composed of ethnic Serbs, largely turned a blind eye as Croat businesses were vandalised and Croat men beaten in the streets by roving gangs of Serb youths. The authorities finally responded after Croat vigilante groups started forming and engaging in reprisal actions. After weeks of low-level communal violence in Knin, the Yugoslav military was deployed. Belgrade had determined that the military officers be of neither Serb nor Croat ethnic origin, and the largely Slovenian force was able to quickly restore order. On the request of Tito himself, ringleaders on both sides were rounded up and imprisoned. An uneasy peace returned to Knin.

With the death of Pavelić, Luburić attempted to establish himself as the undisputed primus inter pares of the Croatian nationalist movement. He attempted unsuccessfully to gain control of the HOP in order to fold it into the HNO-L, but Pavelić had named Stjepan Hefer as his successor. Hefer was killed by a carbomb in Buenos Aires in 1959 [206]. The assassination of Hefer was assumed at the time to have been committed by the UDBA, but Luburić had in fact ordered the killing in order to strengthen his seniority amongst the Croatian separatist exiles. Luburić wrote long-winded pleas in the various Croatian emigre newspapers and magazines for unity amongst the Croat diaspora and courage against the ever-present threat of "Titoist criminality and gangsterism". Having increased his influence over the Croat diaspora on both sides of the Atlantic, Luburić began to establish contacts with military and political figures throughout Europe. Already having close contacts with Spanish military figures, Luburić also cultivated relationships with the French military junta as well as eliciting clandestine funding from the Bonn government in the FRG. HNO-L training camps were established in Algeria under the auspices of French Foreign Legion training (some Croats would stay in the Legion), and thee HNO-L also engaged in organised crime in Munich. A bombing campaign in Munich against anti-Ustaša Croat community centres and businesses in the city went on with little interference from police. It was only decades later that an investigative journalist would discover that high levels of the government and police forces had been complicit in this bombing campaign, believed that it would root out UDBA spies and Titoist sympathisers among the gastarbeiter Croats in Germany. In 1963 Luburić established a newspaper called Obrana ("Defense") where he published articles relating to guerrilla warfare and military training.

In far-away Australia, similar militant organisations sprung up amongst the recent Croat and Bosniak immigrants. Whilst Croatian immigration to Australasia had been ongoing since the late 19th century, the sudden influx of a large and politically-motivated group of immigrants changed the face of the Croatian diaspora community in Australia forever. The post-war economic boom experienced in Australia had created a sudden demand for unskilled labour, and unable to receive sufficient numbers from the preferred Anglo-Saxon world, the Australian government allowed a large influx of southern Europeans, predominantly Greeks and Italians, but also Yugoslavs and Maltese. The Croats and Greeks began establishing community organisations, largely built around their churches and football clubs, which actively criticised the communist governments in their homelands[207]. The most notable Croat organisation emerging at this time was the Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood (Hrvatsko Revolucionarno Bratstvo, HRB) established in 1961 by Miroslav Varos and former Ustaša officer Geza Pašti, who splintered off of HOP due to dissatisfaction with their lack of extreme action. The HRB was the most extremist of the Croatian emigre organisations. Whilst less well-financed and equipped than the HNO-L, the HRB was extremely active. Like the HNO-L, the HRB engaged in violence within the Yugoslav community in Australia, supported by ASIO, the Australian military intelligence organisation, who even allowed them to operate training camps on Australian territory. Like the government of the FRG, the Australian government was suspicious of the Yugoslav diaspora that weren't Ustaša sympathisers. Even before the post-war influx, Croat and Serb Australians had been notable members of militant labour organisations in key industries such as mining, and many of these figures were wrongly assumed to be communists and/or Titoist spies and agitators. ASIO therefore supported HRB as a means of suppressing left-of-centre Yugoslavs in the diaspora. The HRB also engaged in a number of assassinations of diplomatic officials and several armed infiltrations into Croatia itself, attacking security forces in unsuccessful attempts to spark a widespread nationalist uprising. UDBA engaged in counter-assassinations when they could track down HRB notables in Europe, killing Pašti in Nice in 1965 and Marijan Šimundić in Stuttgart in 1967. Croatian extremist activity in Australia accelerated after 1969. Youth organisations were established to cultivate recruitment, and bombings were expanded to target Yugoslav and Soviet embassies, Yugoslav trade and tourism agencies, cinemas showing Yugoslav films and especially Serbian Orthodox churches. October 1970 saw a bomb attack on the Yugoslav consulate in Melbourne. On 16th September 1972, two coordinated blasts on a busy afternoon Sydney's George St. injured 16 passersby. The George St. bombings marked a shift in the attitude of the Australian government to the Croatian radical movement. Instead of targeting just other Yugoslav immigrants, these bombings impacted other ordinary Australians. It also prompted tension between New South Wales police and the federal government, with the ruling Liberal party denying the existence of a Croatian ultranationalist underground in Australia. Notably, at this point Ustaša notable Fabijan Lovoković was an influential Liberal party member. Community football clubs were also involved in nationalist violence. Ethnic-based football clubs were and remain a significant focal point for Southern European migrants and their descendants in Australia. 1972 saw a lifetime ban (later commuted to a couple of years) of Melbourne Croatia, a football club managed by Enver Begović, a former soldier in the SS-Handschar Division, due to attacks on pan-Yugoslav team Footscray JUST and a pitch invasion during another game against a Jewish team.

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Aftermath of George St. bombings in Sydney, 1972

A lesser known but still significant Ustaša exile formation was established by Džafer Kulenović. Known as Džafer-Beg by his supporters, Kulenović was a Muslim from the small village of Kulen Vakuf, a small settlement in the shadow of the Ostrovica castle on the border between Croatia and Bosnia. Kulen Vakuf had a history of producing notables from the Bosnian Muslim community, including Mehmed-Beg Kulenović, a Bosnian folk hero who was killed assisting the Ottoman suppression of the First Serbian Uprising in the 1806 Battle of Mišar. Džafer-Beg himself had been Vice President of the NDH, and had escaped to Italy as the Second World War drew to its close. Living there until 1948, Kulenović relocated with his family to Damascus, Syria, where he would continue to write, promoting the interests of "Croatian Moslems" to the rest of the Muslim world. Like other Muslim Ustaša, Kulenović rejected the idea of a separate Bosniak nationality, seeing his people are simply Muslim Croats. Kulenović was a founding signatory to the HOP, although his distance from Buenos Aires limited his influence on the movement. Nevertheless his writings would see wide publication amongst the various Croat independence organisations. Passing in 1956, Džafer-Beg's work would be continued by his son Nahid, who would end up forming connections amongst elite circles in the United Arab Republic, a source of tension between Josip Broz and Gamel Adbel Nasser[208].

It was time. The old man needed to die today. Ilija Stanić sat across the table from his godfather, Vjekoslav Luburić. A seemingly normal man of fifty-five years, few would suspect that this man was a butcher. That he had overseen the slaughter of countless men, women and children. That all of the horrors of Jasenovac and the other hellish killing grounds were due to him. The pervert priest Fra Satana, the srbosjek competitions where Ustaša sadists would see who could slit the most Serbian and Jewish throats with agricultural knives. The burning villages and the orgiastic whirlwinds of sexual and physical violence meted out on innocent civilians. The black uniformed animals masquerading as men. Stanić's father had been complicit in all this. After all, he named Luburić his godfather. The UDBA had told him about these things. He didn't believe them at first, but the files were full of evidence. Photographs of mutilated bodies; children's throats cut and sat up against walls like dolls, women covered in cigarette burns and knife wounds on their breasts and elsewhere. The images flashing in his mind's eye made Ilija's blood boil. But despite all this, Stanić wasn't sure that he had the courage to cross the Rubicon and kill him. Not only the stress of attacking him, but what about reprisals? The UDBA had told him to put some of their poison in his coffee. He would appear to have died from a sudden sickness and no-one would be the wiser. As the minutes dragged on, Luburić complained of feeling unwell, and wandered over to the sink vomiting. Stanić expected him to collapse. What to do now? He's vomiting it up! Stanić looked down at his right hand, quivering with panic. He stood up and went to the utility closet and grabbed a clawhammer. His hands still shook as he gripped the handle tightly. Walking back into the kitchen, Luburić turned to him. His eyes widened as he saw the hammer in Stanić's hand. He stumbled towards the knife stand, one hand on his abdomen as his organs coiled in pain. Ilija rushed forward, his hip pushing the kitchen table to the side. He raised his hammer to strike the killing blow, but as the hammer came down Luburić shifted to the side. The hammer landed on the hard cap of Luburić's shoulder, and Stanić felt the neurons in his brain exploding with a sudden pain. He tried to scream and couldn't, blood choking him. And then he realised. His godfather had driven a knife in his throat. His legs collapsing under him, Stanić gasped desperately and pulled the knife out of his throat, and then immediately realising his mistake. He looked up at his godfather's grim face, and Luburić sat down on a chair still gripping his gut. Stanić's blood gushed out onto the kitchen floor, and the darkness at the edge of his vision enveloped his eyes. [209]

On April 20th 1969, Luburić survived an assassination attempt by his godson Ilija Stanić. The HNO-L and HRB saw the Croatian Spring of the early 1970s as an opportunity to take advantage of an upswing in open nationalistic displays in Croatia but were unsuccessful in prompting an insurrection. HNO-L and HRB infiltrations engaging in sabotage and attempting to provoke an uprising failed. Nevertheless there were two major events of Croatian ultranationalist terrorism within the Yugoslav borders during this period. The first, Operation Morski Dvor, was a two-pronged raid by French-trained HNO-L on the naval base at Vis, which failed and the commandoes were captured or killed. The second, Operation Tomislav, was an attack by HRB militants on the 1979 Mediterranean Games, hosted in Split. 26 athletes and officials were taken hostage by the Australian Croat militants. An initial attack by Yugoslav special forces had to be aborted and two officials were killed in reprisal. Eventually an Austrian mediator was flown in who negotiated a settlement with the HRB, allowing the militants to leave for Italy and compelling the Yugoslav government to release a small number of Croat prisoners from Goli Otok, also to be sent to Italy. None of the athletes were killed but the humiliation of the Yugoslav police and government saw them redouble their assassination efforts amongst militant notables in the Croat diaspora.

===
[204] IOTL, Pavelić was shot by Jovović on April 10th 1957. This is significant in that it allowed two months of healing by Pavelić before Perón was ousted. The post-Perón Argentine government agreed to extradite Pavelić to Yugoslavia, but Pavelić was able to flee the hospital and make it to Santiago, Chile, and then to Spain.
[205] IOTL Jovović claimed that he was operating of his own volition, seeking revenge for Serbs killed by the Ustaša regime. However there are persistent rumours amongst the Yugoslav diaspora that he was working for, or at least assisted by, the Yugoslav UDBA. I'm assuming that there is truth to these rumours, but I'm noting this uncertainty to be historiographically-responsible.
[206] IOTL Hefer died of natural causes in 1973. And Luburić was limited to a major role in the Croat diaspora in Europe, with little influence over the Argentine Croats.
[207] Of course, IOTL Greece didn't go communist, so this isn't so much the case, although there have historically been some flare-ups between Australian Greeks and Turks, particularly over the Cyprus conflict in the 1970s. Nevertheless the militant Croat organisations did exist IOTL.
[208] IOTL, Nahid was assassinated by UDBA in Munich in 1969.
[209] IOTL, Luburić was still leaning over the sink when he was struck by the hammer in the back of the head, and Stanić's assassination attempt was successful. Stanić fled to Yugoslavia and Luburić's body was found the next day by his teenage son.
 
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Excellent chapter, I never knew much about the expatriate croat community so this was a good learn
I'm glad that you enjoyed it!

I would like to emphasise (as someone with Croat heritage that doesn't have family ties to the Ustaša), that there were also a lot of Croats that had been established in their new homes before the Ustaša influx (for instance a lot of Dalmatians moved to New Zealand in the late 19th century) and there were also some post-war Croats that emigrated for economic reasons (like my grandfather, who immigrated in the 1950s, so before the Yugoslav economic recovery in the 60s and 70s). The Ustaša were really noticeable in Argentina and Australia, but there were also moderate Croat organisations in New Zealand and America, and the German Croat community was pretty split in its political orientation. I just hope my update didn't give the impression that all Croats outside Yugoslavia were Nazi sympathisers.
 
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Chapter 91: A Brotherhood of Nations - Yugoslavia (Until 1980) (Part 2)
The 1953 constitutional amendments did not mark the end of the reformist movement in Yugoslavia. Milovan Đilas, President of the Federal People's Assembly of Yugoslavia (for a brief 21 day period) emerged as a major critic of Stalinism, with Tito's encouragement. Eighteen articles by Đilas were published in the LCY party newspaper Borba which denounced the bureaucratic state planning of the USSR in favour of worker's self-management and economic autonomy. Đilas didn't reserve his criticism for the USSR however. Eventually turning his sights on the party apparatus of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and what he saw as an emerging self-interested apparatchik class . Đilas was expelled from the Central Committee and he thereafter left the LCY. On December 25th 1954, Đilas referred to the government of Yugoslavia as "totalitarian" in a New York Times interview. Đilas was brought to trial for "hostile propaganda" and given a 18-month suspended sentence. In 1957 he wrote The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System, which was published in the United States. Đilas would spend the rest of the 1950s in prison, despite being seen as Tito's likely successor a mere half a decade earlier.

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Milovan Đilas, 1950

In the early 1960s, a faction within the LCY formed to promote further decentralisation of Yugoslavia. This autonomist faction believed that putting more economic control in the hands of the individual republics would help to rationalise the economy, limit inflation and put a halt to the construction of economically-irrational but politically-expedient factories in poorer regions of the federation. Notable autonomists included Edvard Kardelj of Slovenia, Vladimir Bakarić of Croatia, Petar Stambolić of Serbia and Mehmet Shehu of Albania [210]. The autonomist wing of the LCY was steadfastly opposed by the centralist faction centred around Aleksandar Ranković, which was supported by the majority of ethnic Serb politicians in Serbia, Montenegro and the ethnically-Serb regions of other republics. Ranković had long been in charge of state security, with complete control of the secret police apparatus in Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia. Nationalist tensions lessened the loyalty of secret police in Croatia, Slovenia, Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina to Ranković though. Ranković was seen by the autonomists as seeking Serb domination in Yugoslavia, whilst he saw the autonomists as promoting centrifugal policies that he believed would one day tear Yugoslavia asunder. As was often the case in political disputes, Marshal Tito would be the final arbiter. Whilst Ranković had remained loyal thus far to Tito, the wily old Marshal was aware that Ranković had strongly opposed the transfer of Kosovo from Serbia to Albania, and his influence and power amongst Serbs and the security services. He would end up siding with the autonomists, and at a party meeting on the islands of Brijuni, off the coast of Istria, Ranković was expelled from the party after being presented with a dossier full of accusations accusing him of attempting to form a clique with the goal of seizing power for himself, and of bugging the Marshal's own residence [211].

Throughout the 1950s and 60s, despite some issues, most notably with inflation and unemployment, Yugoslavia's overall economic health was good. Extensive trading ties were maintained with both major Cold War blocs and with countries of the Non-Aligned Movement. The introduction of workers' self-management gave a degree of flexibility to economic enterprises unique amongst Communist regimes in Europe. Nevertheless, there was a great deal of political influence on these enterprises and efficiency often suffered. The mid-60s saw a number of key changes to the Yugoslav economy. For instance, foreign enterprises were allowed to become partners in joint enterprises with up to 49% shares (the idea of this being exploitation was circumvented by the need for foreign capital and the remaining controlling stake of the Yugoslav half of the enterprise). A number of West German companies were interested in investment and in return a larger number of Yugoslavs were allowed to travel to the FRG as guest workers. Investing foreign companies were often disillusioned at the perceived lack of efficiency of the Yugoslav enterprises they invested in. This is somewhat predictable given that the investing parties sought maximisation of profit, whereas the Yugoslav system sought to balance worker satisfaction with economic productivity. Whilst the initial influx of foreign capital slowed, the guest worker system would prove greatly beneficial for Yugoslavia, which took in large sums each year of remittances. A new dinar was also introduced in 1965. Tourism in Croatia's Dalmatian coast (and to a lesser extent the skifields of Slovenia) were revived with significant federal investment, and would prove highly profitable, as well as increasing Yugoslavia's prestige in the West. Other achievements included reaching a literacy rate of 91% and providing universal free healthcare.

A new generation of politicians in the LCY began to reshape politics in the 1970s, with Tito's tacit approval. This "second generation", most of whom had come to prominence during WWII (unlike the interwar underground activists who formed the first generation) was supposed to continue the path of reform and change to meet the new and emergent challenges of an ever-changing world. However, like all change, this caused some destabilisation. In the late 1960s, two members of this generation, Mike Tripalo, Pero Pirker and Savka Dabčević-Kučar rose to the top of the League of Communists of Croatia (Savez Komunista Hrvatska, SKH), the Croatian branch of the LCY. These reformers were aligned with the Croatian cultural society Matica hrvatska. The initial criticisms of the late 1960s were based in economic nationalism: dissatisfaction that funds from Croatian economic output (especially tourism) were being redistributed to poorer republics such as Serbia and Macedonia. By 1971 they had begun to also make calls for further increased autonomy and opposition to perceived overrepresentation of Serbs in the security forces in particular, but also in federal politics. Matica hrvatska also pushed for recognition of Croatian as a separate language, rather than comprising dialects of Serbo-Croatian. Despite some economic devolution, banks based in Belgrade still dominated the loan market. These banks had largely pushed Croatian banks out of the lucrative Dalmatia market and hotels were gradually acquired by companies based in the federal capital. Linguistic debate between Serbs and Croats unnecessarily inflamed interethnic tensions, and the Serbs of Croatia were bothered by Croatian calls for increased authority and less Serbian presence in major Croatian political institutions. The so-called 'Croatian Spring' had commenced. The reformists were opposed by a conservative faction of the SKH led by Miloš Žanko, Stipe Šuvar, Jure Bilić and Croatian Serb politician Dušan Dragosavac, who sought support from the Praxis School of Marxist humanist philosophers. The reformists in response sought to ally with a variety of Croat social and political forces, including many who were non-communists. A notable ally of the reformists was economics professor Marko Veselica. Žanko even openly accused Vladimir Bakarić of nationalism, despite the latter's relative lack of commitment on the issues being debated. In December 1969 Tito criticised Žanko, and Dabčević-Kučar would follow up the next month, accusing Žanko of "unitarism". Žanko was ousted from the SKH, marking the reformist ascendancy over the Croatian communists. Croatian calls for economic autonomy became a federal issue, with the SKH courting the political elites of Macedonia, Albania and Slovenia. Despite support for other reforms by Marko Nikezić, who had replaced Stambolić as head of the League of Communists of Croatia (Savez Komunista Srbija, SKS), the SKS' push to retain the redistributionist economic policies led the SKH to denounce them for "hegemonism".

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Savka Dabčević-Kučar, head of the SKH reformists, first female head of government in Europe

As a wave of student elections at the University of Zagreb went the way of non-communist candidates, Tito requested that Dabčević-Kučar order the arrest of a number of these figures. Her refusal caused a major upsurge in popularity amongst the reformists, seen as standing up for ordinary Croats against the central government. A set of reformist amendments to the Yugoslav constitution were made in 1971, limiting the federal governments areas of interest to foreign affairs (including foreign trade), defence, maintenance of a common currency, and the tariff regime. Inter-republic committees were established to make decisions and advise the federal government before ratification. A number of more radical demands came from outside of the SKH, including the establishment of a separate Croatian military and even complete independence. Over the course of a number of meetings with the SKH, Tito determined that accusations by opponents of SKH about "national chauvinism" were exaggerated, helping to protect the reformist SKH leadership from opponents within their party. Seeking both to connect with ordinary Croats and to justify their views to the central government, SKH both emphasised the importance of the Catholic church in Croat society as well as claiming to be a continuation of ZAVNOH, the WWII era liberation government in Croatia. The SKH's agenda was opposed by many amongst the Croatian Serb community, who saw the increased visibility and promotion of Croat culture as a means to mitigate their own community. The cultural society Prosvjeta came to dominate the Croatian Serb nationalist discourse. They demanded the co-official use of Serbian cyrillic alongside the Croatian latin script and one of their activists, Rade Bulat, promoted the idea of an autonomous province for Croatian Serbs, as well as a separate Dalmatian autonomous region. The SKH vociferously opposed any division of Croatia in this manner. In some areas of northern Dalmatia which were largely cohabited, some civilians started stockpiling arms, concerned by the possibility of conflict between the two communities. Outside of Croatia, Ustaša emigre groups spread disinformation claiming that the SKH was working with them and that the Soviet Union was preparing to intervene to force Croatian independence. The UDBA initially fell for these falsehoods, but a further investigation disproved them. It had clearly been an attempt to provoke armed conflict between Croatia and the Yugoslav central government, which they sought to exploit. Some Croatian nationalists in Croatia also advocated the annexation of parts of Bosnia-Herzegovina, increasing tensions with the government of that republic too.

At the 5th November plenary session of the SKH, Dabčević-Kučar stated that the national movement should not be sacrificed in the interests of revolutionary purity, and she rejected several recommendations by Bakarić to adjust the SKH's policies. In the aftermath, concerned that Dabčević-Kučar and her allies would put Croatian nationalism before adherence to Titoist communism, Bakarić urged Marshal Tito to intervene in support of the conservative faction of the SKH. Opportunistically, heads of the Yugoslav army showed Tito recordings of nationalist rallies in Croatia, where anti-Tito chants could be heard. On 1st December, Tito held a joint meeting of LCY and SKH leadership at Karađorđevo, Serbia. The SKH leadership was pressured to control the situation in Croatia, and Tito's speech, which denounced Matica hrvatska and accused it of seeking a resurrection of the NDH, was broadcast nationwide. The student strikes which had been ongoing over the prior month halted, marking the SKH backing down from a challenge against the central government, but didn't take any action to punish those involved. Bakarić and Tito forced the resignations of Pirker, Tripalo and Dabčević-Kučar. Student protest leaders were arrested. Tens of thousands were expelled from the SKH. Around 300 were convicted for political crimes, but thousands were help without trial for 2-3 months. Purges of journalists, academics and writers were ongoing until late 1972. Pirker passed away (not from government action) in August 1972 and 100,000 attended his funeral. The reformist SKH leadership, despite being ousted from power, were still very popular in Croatia. In order to quell nationalist feeling, Tito granted many demands that had been made by the ousted SKH leaders. The lack of rollback from the reinstated SKH conservatives bothered the Croatian Serbs.

The new 1974 Federal Constitution was the product of Johann Koplenig [212], although he passed away in 1973 unable to see his proposal implemented. The proposal created a number of autonomous republics representing regional and local ethnic interests, but within the frameworks of existing republics. Unlike the prior situation, where Albania and Serbia had autonomous republics (Kosovo and Vojvodina respectively) which had a full vote at the national level, now all full republics were given two votes, with each autonomous republic having one vote. The republics had a great deal of economic influence over their autonomous republics, but the latter would have their own police forces, which would therefore be predominantly their own ethnic group. In total, they would collectively add up to twenty votes. This system was intended to balance both ethnic and local economic interests and minimise the likelihood of large centrifugal blocs forming. It was an unpopular idea in Croatia, but the humbling of the SKH left them with little choice. Yugoslavia was now structured as follows: Slovenia (autonomous republic: Carinthia [Slovene majority; large German minority]); Croatia (autonomous republics: Dalmatia [Croat majority]; Krajina [Serb majority; large Croat minority]); Bosnia-Herzegovina (autonomous republic: Herzegovina [Croat majority; Bosniak minority]); Serbia (autonomous republics: Montenegro [Montenegrin Serb majority; Albanian minority], Sandžak [split between Serbs and Bosniaks] and Vojvodina [very diverse]); Albania (autonomous republic: Kosovo) and Macedonia. The new constitution also defined the Bosniak nationality, and included all Slavic-speaking muslims in this group (including those in Sandžak).

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Yugoslav Flags

In 1977, Tito began a widespread tour of friendly nations in Europe and Asia, and 1980 saw the construction of Yugoslavia's first nuclear reactor, at Krško.

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[210] ITTL, Mehmet Shehu was ousted by Koçi Xoxe in 1948, but is later rehabilitated into the Albanian communists.
[211] Very interesting stuff because we aren't really sure whether these accusations were true (they may well be), and if they were false, whether they were fabrications by Tito or by autonomists. Lots of AH potential here for someone else if they wrote a TL on it.
[212] Johann Koplenig died in 1968, but ITTL lives a few years longer. Historically he was chairman of the Austrian Communist Party, as he was ITTL, but ITTL he moves back to his hometown in Carinthia out of homesickness and joins the Slovenian communists during the 1950s. As such, this constitution is very different from the historical 1974 federal constitution.
 
Thank God, even if Yugoslavia doesn't survive somehow, avoiding a guy like that will already be a blessing
All I can promise is: no Milosevic and no Tudjman.

Kurd, you're very engaged with the TL, can I ask, is there a particular subject you'd like to see explored (before the 1980s)?
 
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