Miscellaneous <1900 (Alternate) History Thread

Longest siege in history that was won by the attacker? Usually the longest sieges are won by the defender, so I want to see the opposite.
I believe it would be the Siege of Candia, where Ottoman forces laid siege to forces of the Kingdom of Candia from 1648 to 1669. Ultimately, the Ottomans won what is generally accepted to be the second-longest siege in recorded history.
 
So:

Obviously the US Navy struggled in the early years of the Republic, with it being seen as a key project of the Federalists and suffering from ill-attenton durng the years of Democratic-Republican rule.

So, I have a bit of a challange for everyone. How do we get the US Navy as strong as possible by the 1860s. I don't mean a naval force which is going to be able to take on the British or the French - I doubt that that is in the cards, but a navy which would be on par with a medium-range power such as Spain.

Would a Clay Presidency help matters? (Im not entirely sure his views on the Navy - but the Whigs inherited a lot of moderate Federalism, and a strong navy seems like something which would fit nicely in his American System plan)
 
What if Arthur Plantagenet Lived?

Arthur Plantagenet was Duke of Brittany as Arthur I from 1196-1203. He was the son of Constance, Duchess of Brittany and Geoffrey (4th son of Henry II of England). His father as well as two older brothers, William and Henry predeceased Henry II before Arthur was born. Since Richard I had no children with his wife Berengaria of Navarre, Arthur became Heir Presumptive. However, when Richard I died in 1199, John (the 5th and youngest son of Henry II of England) usurped the throne. Eleanor, Duchess of Aquitaine sided with John. Philip II of France initially sided with Arthur but sided with John after the Treaty of Le Goulet in 1200, 2 years later in 1202 he revolted against his uncle John but was captured. By 1203 he had disappeared, but most say he was murdered on the orders of King John.

But what if Arthur had lived?

1. How would John (and possibly Henry III) deal with a surviving Arthur?
2. How much longer would Arthur live?
3. Would Arthur inherit Aquitaine instead of John?
4. If Arthur survives until at least 1215, would the Barons support him instead of Louis of France?
5. If John wins could there be an earlier War of the Roses?
I was just thinking the other day that having a surviving Plantagenet line on the continent would be very fun.

I think Anjou, Maine and Touraine had more of a tradition for primogeniture than did Normandy -- and Normandy and Anjou hadn't really been together all that long -- so I wouldn't be surprised if Arthur takes this trio of territories and divides the Angevin Empire in half, with John holding Normandy (at least for a time) and Aquitaine.

Pretty sure Eleanor always favored her son over her grandson in Aquitaine. Of course, Philip might just steal whatever he can and beat Aquitaine into submission for Arthur if he thinks Arthur would be easier to manage.


Maybe Richard II can slip on a banana peel in Ireland (or be killed by a stray arrow like his namesake)? Has anyone discussed what might happen if Richard dies naturally without heirs? Presumably Henry of Lancaster would return to contest his disinheritment, and be met with the same popular tide that made him king OTL, only he wouldn't have the stain of Richard's death on his hands.
Any timeline without Richard II is a good timeline.


Who would’ve been the legitimate heir if Richard slipped on that banana peel? Let’s suppose both Richard and Henry both slipped on banana peels
Depends on who he named as his heir. The will that he wrote up before sailing to Ireland implies that Edmund of Langley is next in line, but any corresponding instrument that may have made this explicit has been lost to history.


According to Richard II? Either Edmund, earl of March & Ulster, or Edmund, duke of York (depending on Richard's mood). According to Edward III's entail? Henry of Monmouth.

Realistically, Henry of Monmouth has a better chance, in my opinion. The Lancastrian network built up by John of Gaunt was enormous, and therefore Monmouth would have had plenty of people in the right places backing him. Yes, he was only 12 or 13 in 1399, but March was only 7 or 8, and therefore further away from his majority. York, meanwhile, was not a particularly ambitious uncle during either of his nephew's reigns, nor was he that influential. He is unlikely to seize the opportunity himself or have the means to do so. Nor is another faction likely to crown him while there are other options available.
The Mortimers were really never seriously in line. It was only ever going to be Lancaster or York and it's just a quirk of history that the Mortimer and York lines merged, and that the 3rd duke of York chose to press his claim through his Mortimer descent.

Realistically, it probably would have been Henry of Bolingbroke anyway. He was fantastically popular before taking the throne and Edward of Norwich was one of the most-hated men in the kingdom. Parliament almost explicitly calls for his execution in OTL 1399. No one would want to make Edmund of Langley king and put this guy in as prince of Wales.
 
The Mortimers were really never seriously in line. It was only ever going to be Lancaster or York and it's just a quirk of history that the Mortimer and York lines merged, and that the 3rd duke of York chose to press his claim through his Mortimer descent.
True enough, though I felt remiss not to mention them. Members of the political elite unaware of Edward III's entail considered the Mortimers to have a reasonable claim (Thomas Walsingham for one). And Ian Mortimer makes a decent argument that Richard II named Roger Mortimer his heir in 1386. Though in typical Richard II fashion, this was likely intended to undermine Henry of Lancaster rather than a sincere expression of Richard II's wishes regarding the crown after his passing.

The Lancaster party has too much broad support for another candidate to amount to much. And Edmund duke of York was a Lancaster supporter himself, working with Henry IV in the years before his death.
 
True enough, though I felt remiss not to mention them. Members of the political elite unaware of Edward III's entail considered the Mortimers to have a reasonable claim (Thomas Walsingham for one). And Ian Mortimer makes a decent argument that Richard II named Roger Mortimer his heir in 1386. Though in typical Richard II fashion, this was likely intended to undermine Henry of Lancaster rather than a sincere expression of Richard II's wishes regarding the crown after his passing.

The Lancaster party has too much broad support for another candidate to amount to much. And Edmund duke of York was a Lancaster supporter himself, working with Henry IV in the years before his death.
I don't think it's disputed that Richard II named Roger Mortimer his heir in the 1386 parliament, but also I don't think anyone took him seriously at the time. IIRC, Ian Mortimer's interpretation of events was that the announcement received no attention because everyone already thought of Mortimer of heir, but I just don't think that's the case. The announcement came at a moment of political crisis -- parliament was threatening to depose Richard -- and so Richard's move was more of a threat than anything else. He was basically saying "depose me, and you'll be stuck with a boy, and wouldn't that be worse?" But parliament never backs down -- they still force the reform of his government while making the threat to remove him if he doesn't -- and Richard never seals letters patent to confirm the boy as heir once the crisis has passed. His naming of Mortimer is so insignificant that it's not even recorded in the parliamentary rolls and only a single chronicler mentions it. Richard recognizes Gaunt as heir just a year later.

What's more, Richard never does anything to elevate the Mortimers in any way and attempts to crush them at various times in the 80s and 90s. (Parliament intervenes to stop Richard from busting up the Mortimer estates for no reason during Roger Mortimer's minority.) All this put together suggests, to me, that Richard was never serious about a Mortimer inheritance and no one ever took him seriously when he briefly suggested it. This is pretty clear when, in 1399, parliament considers Langley as Richard's successor, and then considers Bolingbroke, Norwich and Conisburgh after Langley refuses to be considered -- i.e., it considers Richard's uncle and then his three first cousins. Mortimer is never considered at all. This suggests that proximity of blood was seen as the natural line of inheritance.

Ultimately, I think the only reason the 1386 announcement gets the attention it does is because Richard of York pressed his claim through the Mortimer line 74 years later. Then, of course, ROY's son won the war and so this retroactively came to be viewed as the rightful line of succession. If ROY had pressed his claim through Langley's line, since Richard clearly favored Langley as his heir in the mid to late 1390s, and ROY's son had subsequently won the war, then this whole Mortimer thing would be all but forgotten.
 

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Europe and the Balance of Power: Marxist-Engelist Politics

When Friedrich Engels left Prussia on a trip through Bavaria to Baden to cover the revolution there, he had no idea how much it would change his life and how much his writings would help change Europe.

…more over here.
 
Could Hannover be a kingdom in the German Empire like Bavaria or Saxony like how bavaria was on the same side as hangover but didn't get annexed could hanover have some land taken from it so Prussia can be connected but not all and survive as a kingdom?
 
If ROY had pressed his claim through Langley's line, since Richard clearly favored Langley as his heir in the mid to late 1390s, and ROY's son had subsequently won the war, then this whole Mortimer thing would be all but forgotten.
It's not particularly relevant, but I wonder if York emphasized his mother's line over his father's line because of his father's treason in the Southampton plot? York could have argued his father's attainder was invalid because an illegal king had issued it, but it might not have been a convincing argument (especially since Henry V was a popular king, and Cambridge's scheme so hair-brained).

York was allowed to inherit his dukedom from his father's brother, of course, but from what I've read Cambridge was attainted and his son wasn't allowed to inherit his Cambridge title. If interrogated thoroughly, perhaps doubts could have been raised about York's ability to inherit via the male line? I'm really not sure, but perhaps emphasizing the Mortimer line was York's way of getting around that topic.
 
It's not particularly relevant, but I wonder if York emphasized his mother's line over his father's line because of his father's treason in the Southampton plot? York could have argued his father's attainder was invalid because an illegal king had issued it, but it might not have been a convincing argument (especially since Henry V was a popular king, and Cambridge's scheme so hair-brained).

York was allowed to inherit his dukedom from his father's brother, of course, but from what I've read Cambridge was attainted and his son wasn't allowed to inherit his Cambridge title. If interrogated thoroughly, perhaps doubts could have been raised about York's ability to inherit via the male line? I'm really not sure, but perhaps emphasizing the Mortimer line was York's way of getting around that topic.
Maybe, but i think who getting his uncle‘s inheritance would likely restore his rights on the Crown, bypassing the issue of his father. Still the Mortimer claim was likely the stronger of the two and the only one who could be used against the Lancaster
 
I see you're point of view, but I could imagine that William would still want an alliance with the Hohenstaufens and/or make the Hohenstaufens give up their claim on Southern Italy.

I can also see Tancred not having exactly the same support he did IOTL, especially if Henry of Swabia doesn't have a claim via Constance, but there might be at least one noble who might prefer having an adult on the throne instead of a regency under Joan, similar to what happened to Alexios II and Ladislaus III of Hungary. Plus, Tancred had already rebelled against the crown before to try and depose William I.

Thinking about brides for Bohemond, I was thinking either Eirene Angelina (she married Tancred's eldest son IOTL before marrying Philip of Swabia) or either Constance of Aragon (wife of Emeric of Hungary and first wife of Emperor Frederick II) or Eleanor of Aragon (sixth wife of Raymond VI of Toulouse.

Speaking of Raymond VI, with Joan in Sicily, he might not repudiate his marriage to Bourguigne de Lusignan. And if he doesn't have any male issue without marrying Joan, the County of Toulouse might not pass to the French crown, depending on who his daughter, Constance, marries/remarries, which could very well be Philip Augustus.

There could be a thought - Philip Augustus remarries to Constance of Toulouse instead of Ingeborg of Denmark, while Ingeborg marries Henry or Philip of Swabia.
Bourguigne is fertile and had kids with later marriages so Toulouse will not unite with France in this scenario.
 
If the Philippines becomes more-or-less "independent" in 1898 under US protection (which was rather plausible; the annexation of the Philippines was a last-minute decision and the US government was highly divided on the matter), kinda like what happened to Cuba, then what will happen to the Moros? The Sultanates of Maguindanao, Sulu and Buayan, as well as the Confederation of Lanao, all still exist at this point and are staunchly resistant towards direct rule, be it Spanish or American. Could a Moro state/protectorate separate from the First Philippine Republic be established somehow?
 
Could Hannover be a kingdom in the German Empire like Bavaria or Saxony like how bavaria was on the same side as hangover but didn't get annexed could hanover have some land taken from it so Prussia can be connected but not all and survive as a kingdom?

Technically in the original plans devised by Bismarck, this was to be the case, with Hanover losing the southern part of its territory ( so as to facilitate the connection between the Rhineland and the rest of Prussia ) but the rest of the Prussian war cabinet preferring to annex the the entire kingdom ( which was seen as an adequate compensation in exchange for the renunciation of annexation of the rest of Saxony and the Austrian territory ) although it must be remembered that in case of neutrality during the Seven Weeks' War, Hanover would have been able to keep all its possessions , therefore two things must happen: either the army under George V manages to put up a greater resistance than Otl against the Prussians ( perhaps managing to coordinate or reunite with the federal troops engaged in Bavaria ), so as to convince the latter to negotiate or Prussia makes territorial gains elsewhere
 
If Burgundy were to survive as an independent state to the protestant reformation era would it convert or remain catholic? Is this like essentially an author chooses TL? or is one possibility more likely than the other? On the one hand I know, Burgundy was very very catholic, the papacy was quite favourable to Burgundy but on the other hand, a lot of the bishoprics were under Burgundian influence and a protestant reformation could allow them to properly annex them/Burgundy was also very urbanized.
 
How could the Netherlands include Flanders could it be the Treaty of London is done differently and Flanders is given to the dutch and Walloon and Luxenbourge independent and Walloonia eventually joins France?
 
If the American Revolution either didn't happen or failed before France could get involved, would the one in Haiti happening earlier than IOTL do enough damage to the country's finances to bring about the French Revolution roughly on schedule despite the butteflies?
 
If the Philippines becomes more-or-less "independent" in 1898 under US protection (which was rather plausible; the annexation of the Philippines was a last-minute decision and the US government was highly divided on the matter), kinda like what happened to Cuba, then what will happen to the Moros? The Sultanates of Maguindanao, Sulu and Buayan, as well as the Confederation of Lanao, all still exist at this point and are staunchly resistant towards direct rule, be it Spanish or American. Could a Moro state/protectorate separate from the First Philippine Republic be established somehow?
There would probably be a separate bureau (Bureau of Moro Affairs) under the auspices of the Department of Interior whose headquarters would be located in either Cotabato or Zamboanga.
 
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