On 16 April 1919, General Dyer ordered 50 riflemen to open fire on a crowd of about 20,000 demonstrators gathered inside an enclosure at Amritsar. They continued firing for ten minutes and killed up to a thousand people.
As news spread of the massacre, resistance rose to new levels. Millions of peasants, workers, and urban poor were involved in mass action. Hindus and Muslims fought side by side against bosses, landlords, and police. The Governor of Bombay later admitted that the movement “gave us a scare” and “came within an inch of succeeding.”
Its failure had nothing to do with the British. The action was called off by Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian Congress leaders.
Gandhi had turned “non-violence” (ahimsa) into a principle. It did not apply to the state: Gandhi had supported Britain during the imperialist war; and the Congress leaders had no power to disarm the British occupation forces in India. Non-violence applied only to Indians fighting for their independence.
The significance of non-violence was that it limited the struggle to nationalist agitation for independence and prevented it evolving into a class struggle against exploitation — which would have threatened the interests of the Indian bourgeoisie represented by [the] Congress [Party].
Under determined revolutionary-socialist leadership, the Indian national movement could have ended British rule in the early 1920s. Under vacillating bourgeois-nationalist leadership, it allowed foreign rule to endure for another quarter century — and when it ended, it would be accompanied by an eruption of communal violence, ethnic-cleansing, and genocide of unprecedented ferocity.
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Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution provided an explanation for the failure of the anti-colonial movements.
The nationalist bourgeoisie vacillated because it was bound by a thousand ties to a social order based on private ownership of land and capital.
Whenever mass movements of workers and peasants became strong enough to threaten colonial rule, they also threatened the property and power of native landlords and capitalists. Knee-jerk class instincts then ensured that nationalist leaders either reined the movement back or joined the counter-revolution to crush it.
The lesson was an old one: the emancipation of the masses would have to be the act of the masses. Freedom would never be granted. It would have to be taken.