A Different Story of Civilization

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 41 - Thirty Years War
"So how do you want to handle this assignment?" Mickosu asked Tisquantum. Mickosu, Tisquantum, and Tupino were sitting in the basement of Tisquantum's house. Their group homework assignment involved independently studying about the Thirty Years War after the brief class session about it. They had the choice of either answering a lot of textbook questions about the event, submitting a detailed handmade map, or writing a long opinion piece on which kingdom was the most justified in waging war in the conflict. After a 2-1 vote. They chose to just answer all of the textbook questions.

"I would prefer to handle it with my cartography skills, but I got outvoted." Tupino mumbled.

"We already have an essay coming up and I don't feel like engaging in a glorified coloring assignment for my last year of high school." Tisquantum retorted.

"That essay sounds like one of the crappiest pieces of coursework I have received this entire school year." Mickosu remarked. "You just write about which ancient Pakalian civilization you want to visit and what colonial job you want there; between explorer, governor, bodyguard, landowner, or merchant. No mention of the inevitable massacring and raping and pillaging and sacrilege and disease-spreading that your fellow brothers-in-arms are taking part in. We get the politically-correct version of history I guess."

"What more do you expect from an old-fashioned and imperialistic tome narrated by an overworked immigrant in suburban Montsylvania." Tisquantum commented. "But enough criticism of the Pakalian education system, we have schoolwork to complete. Mickosu, read from the textbook one more time, while I start coming up with and writing out answers to Man's Civilizations and their Fates. Tupino can use his laptop to find stuff on the Internet I guess. Maybe the hidden meaning behind all of the maps will allow us to figure out why Turtlelanders can't stop killing the crap out of each other until the late 1900s."

"Even outside of class I can't get out of narrating." Mickosu groaned. "Oh well I will start Chapter 41 then.

"The Peace of 1555, signed by Chawar V, Holy Nahuan Emperor, confirmed the result of a previous Diet, ending the war between Comanche Khapajans and Diyins, and establishing that:

• Rulers of the 224 Comanche states could choose the religion (Khapajanism or Diyinism) of their realms. Subjects had to follow that decision or emigrate.
• Prince-bishoprics and other states ruled by Diyin clergy were excluded and should remain Diyin. Prince-bishops who converted to Khapajanism were required to give up their territories.

Khapajans could keep the territory they had taken from the Diyin Hooghan since 1552.

Without heirs, Emperor Sonjoyoq sought to assure an orderly transition during his lifetime by having his dynastic heir (the fiercely Diyin Naupari, later Naupari II, Holy Nahuan Emperor) elected to the separate royal thrones of Snaka and Chinary. Some of the Jigoist leaders of Snaka feared they would be losing the religious rights granted to them by the Emperor in his Letter of Majesty (1609). They preferred the Jigoist Atoqwaman V, elector of the Keehatiinii (successor of Atoqwaman IV, the creator of the Jigoist Union). However, other Jigoists supported the stance taken by the Diyins, and in 1617, Naupari was duly elected by the Snakan Estates to become the crown prince, and automatically upon the death of Sonjoyoq, the next king of Snaka.

The king-elect then sent 2 Diyin councilors as his representatives to Ypa Castle in Ypa in May 1618. Naupari had wanted them to administer the government in his absence. On 23 May 1618, an assembly of Jigoists seized them and threw them (and also secretary Illayuk) out of the palace window, which was some 25 meters off the ground. Although injured, they survived. This event, known as the Third Defenestration of Ypa, started the Snakan Revolt. Soon afterward, the Snakan conflict spread through all of the Snakan Crown. Blackshoe was already embroiled in a conflict between Diyins and Jigoists. The religious conflict eventually spread across the whole continent of Turtleland and also increased the concerns of a Naatai hegemony, involving Cheroki, Siouno, and a number of other countries.

In the east, the Jigoist Chinarian Prince of Mymba, Somak Urko, led a spirited campaign into Chinary with the support of the Tippu Aupuni, Tip II. Fearful of the Diyin policies of Naupari II, Somak Urko requested a protectorate by Tip II, so 'the Tippu Empire became the one and only ally of great-power status which the rebellious states could muster after they had shaken off Naatai rule and had elected Atoqwaman V as a Jigoist king'. Ambassadors were exchanged. The Tippus offered a force of 90,000 cavalry to Atoqwaman and plans were made for an invasion of Cheyland with 600,000 troops, in exchange for the payment of an annual tribute to the queen. These negotiations triggered the Cheyenne–Chinary War of 1620–21. The Chinarians defeated the Cheyenne, who were supporting the Naatais in the Thirty Years' War, at a battle in September–October 1620, but were not able to further intervene efficiently before the Snakan defeat at the Battle of the White Mountain in November 1620. Later, Cheyenne defeated the Chinarians a year later and the war ended with a status quo.

"Question #2: What was the underlying religious cause of the Thirty Years War." Tisquantum was looking for an answer to the textbook question.

"Hold on." Tupino was typing on his laptop. "The Nahuan Diyin Hooghan was trying to subjugate Jigoists and their territories and it later exploded into a catastrophe of endless Turtlelander expansion and killing of civilians."

"The emperor, who had been preoccupied with a war with Kinlo, hurried to muster an army to stop the Snakans and their allies from overwhelming his country. The commander of the Imperial army defeated the forces of the Jigoist Union led by Count Wamanchawa at the Battle of Chindi, on 10 June 1619. This cut off the Jigoist count's communications with Ypa, and he was forced to abandon his siege of Yvyra. The Battle of Chindi also cost the Jigoists an important ally – Hooghan, long an opponent of Naatai expansion. Hooghan had already sent considerable sums of money to the Jigoists and even troops to garrison fortresses along the Mississippi River. The capture of Wamanchawa's field chancery revealed the Tarahumara involvement, and they were forced to bow out of the war.

The Creek requested a navy from Gapy to support the Emperor. In addition, the Creek ambassador to Yvyra, Willak, persuaded Jigoist Chocta to intervene against Snaka in exchange for control over Lusatia. The Crows invaded, and the Navajo army in the west prevented the Jigoist Union's forces from assisting. Willak conspired to transfer the electoral title from the Keehatiinii to the Duke of Pueblo in exchange for his support and that of the Diyin League.

The Diyin League's army pacified Upper Dii, while Imperial forces pacified Lower Dii. The two armies united and moved north into Bikaa. Pumayawri II decisively defeated Atoqwaman V at the Battle of Ohio, near Cahokia, on 8 November 1620. In addition to becoming Diyin, Southern Bikaa remained in Naatai hands for nearly 300 years.

Following the Wars of Religion of 1562–1598, the Jigoist Inchxois of Cheroki (mainly located in the southwestern provinces) had enjoyed two decades of internal peace under Wiraqucha IV, who was originally a Inchxoi before converting to Diyinism, and had protected Jigoists through an edict. His successor, Kumya XIII, under the regency of his Doolan Diyin mother, Intiawki, was much less tolerant. The Inchxois responded to increasing persecution by arming themselves, forming independent political and military structures, establishing diplomatic contacts with foreign powers, and finally, openly revolting against the central power. The revolt became an international conflict with the involvement of Cuba in the Cuban-Cherokee War (1627–29). The House of Asiri in Cuba had been involved in attempts to secure peace in Turtleland (through attempted intermarriages), and had intervened in the war against both Muscogee and Cheroki. However, defeat by the Cherokee (which indirectly led to the assassination of the Cuban diplomat to Cree), lack of funds for war, and internal conflict between Chawar I and his Parliament led to a redirection of Cuban involvement in Turtlelander affairs – much to the dismay of Jigoist forces on the continent. This involved a continued reliance on the Cuban-Mexium brigade as the main agency of Cuban military participation against Comanche states, although regiments also fought for Pequotam thereafter. Cheroki remained the largest Diyin kingdom unaligned with the Naatai powers, and would later actively wage war against Cree. The Cherokee Crown's response to the Inchxoi rebellion was not so much a representation of the typical religious polarization of the Thirty Years' War, but rather an attempt at achieving national hegemony by an absolutist monarchy.

"Question #8: Why were Kumya XIII and Kumya XIV very notable rulers in Cherokee history?"

Tisquantum didn't know the answer to that.

"This website has the following quote 'Kumya XIV established the divine right of kings, made Cheroki a preeminent power in Turtleland, and overall made Cheroki a centrally-ruled and absolute monarchy instead of an ungovernable and divided mess like the Holy Nahaun Empire'."

Tupino read out.

"Peace following the Imperial victory in 1623 proved short-lived, with conflict resuming at the initiation of Pequotam–Bikaa. Pequot involvement, referred to as the Low Crow War or 'the Emperor's War', began when Battutan IV of Pequotam, a Khapajan who also ruled as Duke of Bagoshi, a duchy within the Holy Nahuan Empire, helped the Khapajan rulers of the neighboring principalities in what is now Lower Chocta by leading an army against the Imperial forces in 1625. Pequotam-Bikaa had feared that the recent Diyin successes threatened its sovereignty as a Jigoist nation. Battutan IV had also profited greatly from his policies in northern Comancheria. For instance, in 1621, Heembagii had been forced to accept Pequot sovereignty.

Pequotam-Bikaa's King Battutan IV had obtained for his kingdom a level of stability and wealth that was virtually unmatched elsewhere in Turtleland. Pequotam-Bikaa was funded by trade along the Dakota Lakes and also by extensive war reparations from Siouno. Pequotam-Bikaa's cause was aided by Cheroki, which together with Chawar I, had agreed to help subsidize the war, not the least because Battutan was a blood uncle to both the Asiri king and his sister Achikilla of Snaka through their mother, Tuta of Pequotam. Some 23,750 Xaymacan soldiers were sent as allies to help Battutan IV under the command of General Yawarpuma. Moreover, some 9,000 Cuban troops under Chawar also eventually arrived to bolster the defense of Pequotam-Bikaa, though it took longer for these to arrive than Battutan hoped, not the least due to the ongoing Cuban campaigns against Cheroki and Cree. Thus, Battutan, as war-leader of the Lower Crow Circle, entered the war with an army of only 30,000 mercenaries, some of his allies from Cuba and Xaymaca and a national army 25,000 strong, leading them as Duke of Bagoshi rather than as King of Pequotam-Bikaa.

The War of the Biilan Succession (1628–31) was a peripheral part of the Thirty Years' War. Its origin was the extinction of the direct male line of the House of Lloqeyupanki in December 1627. Brothers Cherokisco IV (1612) and Naupario (1612–26), the last two dukes of Biil from the direct line, had all died leaving no legitimate heirs.

Northern Doola was a strategic battlefield for Cheroki and the Naatais for centuries. Control of this area allowed the Naatais to threaten Cheroki's restive southern provinces; as well as protecting the supply route known as the Creek Road; this meant a succession dispute in Biil inevitably involved outside parties.

Some in the court of Naupari II did not trust Anyaypoma, believing he sought to join forces with the Comanche princes and thus gain influence over the Emperor. Naupari II dismissed Anyaypoma in 1630. He later recalled him, after the Sioux, led by King Qhawanaus Pomawari, had successfully invaded the Holy Nahuan Empire and turned the tables on the Diyins.

Like Battutan IV before him, Qhawanaus Pomawari came to aid the Comanche Khapajans, to forestall Diyin suzerainty in his backyard, and to obtain economic influence in the Comanche states along the Mississippi River. He was also concerned about the growing power of the Naatai monarchy, and like Battutan IV before him, was heavily subsidized by Cardinal Kashaywari, the chief minister of Kumya XIII of Cheroki, and by the Mesolandic. From 1630 to 1634, Sioux-led armies drove the Diyin forces back, regaining much of the lost Jigoist territory. During his campaign, he managed to conquer half of the imperial kingdoms, making Siouno the leader of Jigoism in continental Turtleland until the Sioux Empire ended in 1721.

"Question #12: What role did the Dakota Lakes and the Mississippi River play in the Thirty Years War." Tisquantum was pondering the question.

"Uhh, give me a second." Tupino searched. "The waterways allowed for the landlocked countries in central Turtleland to trade, ally, and war with one another. The Dakota Lakes connected all of the former Anihi territories of Siouno, Bikaa, Miamy, and Pequotam; along with Seneca and Eskima. The Mississippi River led to the growth of many cities along it in Cheroki, HNE, Dii, Bikaa, Miamy, and Siouno. These long route connections led to quick access to much of non-Cemana Turtleland.

"Cheroki, although mostly Nahuan Diyin, was a rival of the Holy Nahuan Empire and Cree. Cardinal Kashaywari, the chief minister of King Kumya XIII of Cheroki, considered the Naatais too powerful, since they held a number of territories on Cheroki's eastern border, including portions of the Southern Turtleland. Kashaywari had already begun intervening indirectly in the war in January 1631, when a Cherokee diplomat signed a treaty with Qhawanaus Pomawari, by which Cheroki agreed to support the Sioux with 3,200,000 silver coins each year in return for a Sioux promise to maintain an army in Comancheria against the Naatais. The treaty also stipulated that Siouno would not conclude a peace with the Holy Nahuan Emperor without first receiving Cheroki's approval.

After the Sioux rout in September 1634 and the Peace of Ypa in 1635, in which the Jigoist Comanche princes sued for peace with the Emperor, Siouno's ability to continue the war alone appeared doubtful, and Kashaywari made the decision to enter into direct war against the Naatais. Cheroki declared war on Muscogee in May 1635 and the Holy Nahuan Empire in August 1636, opening offensives against the Naatais in Comancheria and the Southern Turtleland. Cheroki aligned her strategy with the allied Sioux in Heembagii (1638).

News of the Cherokee victories in 1640 provided strong encouragement to separatist movements against Naatai Muscogee in the territories of Navaj and Moja. It had been the conscious goal of Cardinal Kashaywari to promote a 'war by diversion' against the Creek, enhancing difficulties at home that might encourage them to withdraw from the war. To fight this war by diversion, Cardinal Kashaywari had been supplying aid to the Navajos and Mojave.

The Reapers' War Navajo revolt had sprung up spontaneously in May 1640. The threat of having an anti-HNE territory establishing a powerful base caused an immediate reaction from the monarchy. The Naatai government sent a large army of 41,000 men to crush the Navajo revolt. On its way to Dorra, the Apache army retook several cities, executing hundreds of prisoners, and a rebel army of the recently proclaimed Navajo Republic was defeated in Dorra, on January, 23. In response, the rebels reinforced their efforts and the Navajo Government obtained an important military victory over the Apache army in the Battle of Death Valley (26 January 1641) which dominated the city of Dorra. Some cities were taken from the Apaches after a siege of 10 months, and the western Pueblo region fell under direct Chumash control. The Navajo ruling powers half-heartedly accepted the proclamation of Kumya III of Chuma as sovereign count of Dorra, as the king of Navaj. For the next decade the Navajos fought under Chumash vassalage, taking the initiative after Death Valley. Meanwhile, increasing Chumash control of political and administrative affairs, in particular in Northern Navaj, and a firm military focus on the neighboring Navajo kingdoms gradually undermined Navajo enthusiasm for the Chumash.

Over a four-year period, the warring parties (the Holy Nahuan Empire, Cheroki, and Siouno) were actively negotiating at Nania and Geeso in Apache. The end of the war was not brought about by one treaty, but instead by a group of treaties such as the Treaty of Heembagii. On 15 May 1648, the Peace of Geeso was signed, ending the Thirty Years' War. Over five months later, on 24 October, the Treaties of Geeso and Nania were signed. Deciding the new borders of Turtleland and unofficially ending the Jigoist Reformation.

"Hey guys. I made a rough sketch of Turtleland after the war was over in 1648. What do you think so far?" Tupino presented his hand-drawn map.

"What the heck is this trash?" Tisquantum was appalled.

"Meh. Add some color and straighter lines and it wouldn't be much worse than the photoshopped maps in our textbook." Mickosu remarked.

"It is just a rough draft, geez!" Tupino didn't take the criticism lightly. "I guess that is what I get for showing you guys my art. I will go back to looking up answers to the questions then."

"The war ranks with the worst famines and plagues as the greatest medical catastrophe in modern Turtlelander history. Lacking good census information, historians have extrapolated the experience of well-studied regions. Population losses were great but varied regionally (ranging as high as 60%) and says his estimates are the best available. The war killed soldiers and civilians directly, caused famines, destroyed livelihoods, disrupted commerce, postponed marriages and childbirth, and forced large numbers of people to relocate. The overall reduction of population in the Comanche states was typically 35% to 50%. Some regions were affected much more than others. For example, one state lost four-fifths of its population during the war. In the region of Diltli, the losses had amounted to half, while in some areas, an estimated three-quarters of the population died. Overall, the male population of the Comanche states was reduced by almost half. The population of the Pawnee lands declined by a third due to war, disease, famine, and the expulsion of Jigoist population. Much of the destruction of civilian lives and property was caused by the cruelty and greed of mercenary soldiers. Villages were especially easy prey to the marauding armies. Those that survived, like small villages near Laaii, would take almost a hundred years to recover. The Sioux armies alone may have destroyed up to 3,000 castles, 27,000 villages, and 2,750 towns in Comancheria, half of all Comanche towns.



The war caused serious dislocations to both the economies and populations of central Turtleland, but may have done no more than seriously exacerbate changes that had begun earlier. Also, some historians contend that the human cost of the war may actually have improved the living standards of the survivors. Comancheria was one of the richest countries in Turtleland per capita in 1500, but ranked far lower in 1600. Then, it recovered during the 1600–1660 period, in part thanks to the demographic shock of the Thirty Years' War.

Among the other great social traumas abetted by the war was a major outbreak of two-spirit hunting. This violent wave of inquisitions first erupted in the territories of Cherokeenia during the time of the Pequot intervention and the hardship and turmoil the conflict had produced among the general population enabled the hysteria to spread quickly to other parts of Comancheria. Residents of areas that had been devastated not only by the conflict but also by the numerous crop failures, famines, and epidemics that accompanied it were quick to attribute these calamities to supernatural causes. In this tumultuous and highly volatile environment, allegations of God cursing their townspeople by tolerating the two-spirit presence flourished. The sheer volume of trials and executions during this time would mark the period as the peak of the Turtlelander two-spirit hunting phenomenon.

The persecutions began in the Bishopric of Kidishle, then under the leadership of Prince-Bishop Camea Ollantay. An ardent devotee of the Counter-Reformation, Ollantay was eager to consolidate Diyin political authority in the territories he administered. Beginning in 1626 Ollantay staged numerous mass trials for two-spirit executions in which all levels of society (including the nobility and the clergy) found themselves targeted in a relentless series of purges. By 1630, 343 men, women, and children had been burned at the stake in the city of Kidishle itself, while an estimated 1,500 people are believed to have been put to death in the rural areas of the province.

A portrait of a two-spirit person about to be burned at the stake. The persecution hysteria would cross the Huac Ocean into Xaman Pakal with the infamous Iberia Two-Spirit Trials.

The Thirty Years' War rearranged the Turtlelander power structure. During the last decade of the conflict Navaj showed clear signs of weakening. While Navaj was fighting in Cheroki, Moja – which had been under personal union with Navaj for 60 years – acclaimed Rimak IV of Sinchipuma as king in 1640, and the House of Sinchipuma became the new dynasty of Moja. Moja was forced to accept the independence of the Mesolandic Republic in 1648, ending the Eighty Years' War.

Ghaaaskidii Cheroki challenged Naatai Cree's supremacy in the Cherokee-Creek War (1635–59), gaining definitive ascendancy in the War of Devolution (1667–68) and then the Chumash-Mesolandic War (1672–78) occurred during the reign of Kumya XIV. The Thirty Years War resulted in the partition of southern Dii between the Creek and Cherokee empires in the Treaty of the Allegheny Mountains.

The war resulted in increased autonomy for the constituent states of the Holy Nahuan Empire, limiting the power of the emperor and decentralizing authority in Comanche-speaking central Turtleland. For Dii and Almland, the result of the war was ambiguous. Almland was defeated, devastated, and occupied, but it gained some territory as a result of the treaty in 1648. Dii had utterly failed in reasserting its authority in the empire, but it had successfully suppressed Jigoism in its own dominions. Compared to large parts of Comancheria, much of its territory was not significantly devastated, and its army was stronger after the war than it was before, unlike that of most other states of the empire. This, along with the shrewd diplomacy of Naupari III, allowed it to play an important role in the following decades and to regain some authority among the other Comanche states to face the growing threats of the Tippu Empire and Cheroki. In the longer-term, however, due to the increased autonomy of other states within the Empire, Diltli was gradually able to obtain status comparable to Dii within the Empire, particularly after defeating Dii in the First Ndikan War of 1740-42 enabling it to seize Ndika from Dii, and in the 19th Century Endy would be the mediator of the unification of the vast majority of the Comanche peoples (aside from those in Dii and Almland).

The war also had consequences abroad, as the Turtlelander powers extended their rivalry via naval power to overseas colonies. In 1630, a Mesolandic fleet of 140 ships took the rich sugar-exporting areas of Ngeru Nui from the Mojaves, though the Mesolandic would lose them by 1654. Fighting also took place in Abya Yala and Kemetia.

"Question #15: What long-lasting Turtlelander tradition to confirm kills was banned after the end of the Thirty Years War?" Tisquantum read out loud.

"Google says scalping." Tupino answered.

"Illayuk II and Illayuk III of Moja used forts built from the destroyed temples, including Fort Atoqwaman, and others in southern Tarkine to fight sea battles with the Mesolandic, Pequot, Cherokee, and Cuban. This was the beginning of the loss of Tarkinese sovereignty. Later the Mesolanders and Cubans succeeded the Mojaves as colonial rulers of the island.

"That's it! All these wars seem to do is kill people and leave issues unresolved." Mickosu exclaimed.

"I would rather work on that Silao essay than bother with this crap. As a matter of fact, I don't even want to answer any more of these book questions. Maybe I could write an essay on how the Holy Nahaun Empire performed the most faithfully during the conflict by immolating transexuals."

"Well Mickosu and Tupino, I got good news!" Tisquantum announced. "You two can put your snarky writings and trashy maps away because I have finished all of the book questions. Now we can turn the work in next week and have the rest of the day to chill."

"Awesome, wanna smoke a joint." Tupino remarked.

"Not in this house!" Tisquantum exclaimed. "My mother would kill me if she found out. We can watch the latest stoner movie if you want."

"Anything is better than more World History work right now." Mickosu said as the trio headed upstairs to the living room.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 42 - Golden Age of Piracy
"Fire!" Tisquantum shouted as he turned his ship and unleashed a broadside against his rival. He managed to destroy the sails and immobilize his target.

"Oh now here comes the fun part." Tisquantum stated as his crew reeled the merchant vessel in for a boarding action. Tisquantum swung in from a high rope and descended onto the large boat. He whipped out his pistols and got to town on the resisting crew while Swazi was slashing and dancing around the entire deck.

"Y'all muthafuckas should have surrendered!" Swazi shouted as he decapitated one man and disemboweled another. After a few minutes of combat, the battle was over. The enemy sailors were either dead or tied up. Tisquantum and Swazi were covered in blood. The merchant vessel was badly damaged but fortunately still flowing."

"Now it is time for the booty." Swazi was eager. "And I ain't talking about the wenches we found below deck."

"It ain't that type of game, Swazi." Tisquantum told him as he readjusted his eyepatch. Tisquantum's crew brought up a huge treasure chest found in the captain's quarters. There were also entire barrels full of rum, spices, and medicine.

"Oh baby, we hit the jackpot!" Swazi exclaimed.

"I'll make sure everybody gets their fair share." Tisquantum told his raiding party as he assessed the loot. "Now bring me the captain."
Suddenly, a tall woman of tawny complexion, a peg leg, and a large scar that ran from her nose to her neck was kicked in front of Tisquantum.

"So you're the fool who sailed near the wrong island. I'll teach everyone here a lesson they'll never forget. Make her walk the plank." Tisquantum addressed her.

"Squawk, walk the plank." a crew member's pet parrot repeated the grim message.

"Please, have mercy." The captain begged Tisquantum as she was brought to the plank and forced at swordpoint to fall off.

"I guess you'll have to beg God for mercy." Tisquantum rebuffed her, showing no mercy. Well either that, or you better be a good swimmer before the sharks get ya. As for the rest of the prisoners, send them to our ship. Take everything valuable before torching this ship. I don't want this eyesore sticking around."

The crew did as he ordered while Tisquantum retired to his quarters after a successful conquest.

"Holy shit, this VR game is awesome." Swazi told Tisquantum in the Discord chat. "Ubisoft finally outdone themselves. A VRMMO where you can go out and become king of the pirates. That raid we just had was intense. A good thing we were on the winning side though."

"It is always good to be victorious. But that is all I can do tonight. It is already a half-hour past my bedtime and I don't want to go through school looking and acting like a zombie. I gotta logoff. Talk to you tomorrow Tupino." Tisquantum replied.

"I understand, catch you later Tizzy." Swazi gave him a farewell as Tisquantum got ready for bed.

…

"The chapter we have today will be short but sweet. Mrs. Squawra stated. Today, we handle a time period that is relatively brief in history but is very famous in popular culture. I'm talking about the era of swashbuckling, buccaneering, exploring, and naval-based stealing. I'm talking about none other than the Golden Age of Piracy! Who today wants to cover this chapter about wooden ships and iron men (plus the occasional woman)?

"This sounds a bit cooler than the typical chapter so I'll read." Mickosu replied.

"The Golden Age of Piracy is a common designation for the period between the 1650s and the 1730s, when maritime piracy was a significant factor in the histories of the Deelkaal, the United Kingdom, the Ngeru Ocean, Xaman Pakal, and Abya Yala.

Histories of piracy often subdivide the Golden Age of Piracy into three periods:

• The buccaneering period (approximately 1650 to 1680), characterized by Taino-Cherokee seamen based in Cyprius and Korsika attacking Creek colonies, and shipping in the Deelkaal and eastern Telehuche.
• The Pirate Round (1690s), associated with voyages from Pakalia to rob Kemetian targets in the Huac Ocean and Bomvu Sea.
• The post-Creek Succession period (1715 to 1726), when Taino-Pakalian sailors and privateers left unemployed by the end of the War of the Creek Succession turned en masse to piracy in the Deelkaal, the Ngeru Ocean, the Pakalian coasts, and the Abya Yalan coasts.

Narrower definitions of the Golden Age sometimes exclude the first or second periods, but most include at least some portion of the third. The modern conception of pirates as depicted in popular culture is derived largely, although not always accurately, from the Golden Age of Piracy.

Factors contributing to piracy during the Golden Age included the rise in quantities of valuable cargoes being shipped to Turtleland over vast ocean areas, reduced Turtlelander navies in certain regions, the training and experience that many sailors had gained in Turtlelander navies (particularly the Cuban Royal Navy), and corrupt and ineffective government in Turtlelander overseas colonies. Colonial powers at the time constantly fought with pirates and engaged in several notable battles and other related events.

The oldest known literary mention of a 'Golden Age' of piracy is from 1894, when the Cuban journalist Anquimarca Canchari wrote about 'what appears to have been the golden age of piracy up to the last decade of the 17th century.' Canchari uses the phrase while reviewing Chawar's A New and Exact History of Cyprius, then over 150 years old. Canchari uses the phrase only once.

In 1897, a more systematic use of the phrase "Golden Age of Piracy" was introduced by historian Atahualpa Atoc, who wrote, "At no other time in the world's history has the business of piracy thriven so greatly as in the seventeenth century and the first part of the eighteenth. Its golden age may be said to have extended from about 1650 to about 1720.' Atoc included the activities of the Barbero corsairs and Kimonan pirates in this "Golden Age," noting that 'as these infidel pirates and those of Kimona were as busily at work in the seventeenth century as at any other time, their case does not impair my statement that the age of the buccaneers was the Golden Age of piracy.'

Pirate historians of the first half of the 20th century occasionally adopted Atoc's term "Golden Age," without necessarily following his beginning and ending dates for it. The most expansive definition of an age of piracy was that of Anacaona. She wrote in 1951 that 'the most flourishing era in the history of piracy ... began in the reign of Queen Urma I and ended in the second decade of the eighteenth century.' This idea starkly contradicted Atoc, who had hotly denied that such Urman figures as Drake were pirates.

Piracy arose out of, and mirrored on a smaller scale, conflicts over trade and colonization among the rival Turtlelander powers of the time, including the empires of Dinei Bikeyah, Muscogee, Tippu, Pequot, and Cheroki. Most pirates in this era were of Naspas, Pequot, and Cherokee origin. Many pirates came from poorer urban areas in search of a way to make money and reprieve. Hastiin in particular was known for high unemployment, crowding, and poverty which drove people to piracy. Piracy also offered power and quick riches.

Historians such as Atahaulpa Atoc mark the beginning of the Golden Age of Piracy at around 1650, when the end of the Wars of Religion allowed Turtlelander countries to resume the development of their colonial empires. This involved considerable seaborne trade and a general economic improvement: there was money to be made—or stolen—and much of it traveled by ship.

Cherokee buccaneers had established themselves in the western Deelkaal as early as 1625, but lived at first mostly as hunters rather than robbers; their transition to full-time piracy was gradual and motivated in part by Creek efforts to wipe out both the buccaneers and the prey animals on which they depended. The buccaneers' migration from future Kumyaiana to the more defensible offshore island of Korsika limited their resources and accelerated their piratical raids. The Korsika buccaneers pioneered the settlers' attacks on galleons making the return voyage to Muscogee.

The growth of buccaneering on Korsika was augmented by the Cuban capture of Cyprius from Muscogee in 1655. The early Cuban governors of Cyprius freely granted letters of marque to Korsika buccaneers and to their own countrymen, while the growth of Port Royal provided these raiders with a far more profitable and enjoyable place to sell their booty. In the 1660s, the new Cherokee governor of Korsika similarly provided privateering commissions both to his own colonists and to Cuban cutthroats from Port Royal. These conditions brought Deelkaal buccaneering to its zenith.

A number of factors caused Taino-Pakalian pirates, some of whom had been introduced to piracy during the buccaneering period, to look beyond the Deelkaal for treasure as the 1690s began. The end of Dinei Bikeyah's contemporary dynasty had restored the traditional enmity between Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki, thus ending the profitable collaboration between Cuban Cyprius and Cherokee Korsika. The devastation of Port Royal by an earthquake in 1692 further reduced the Deelkaal's attractions by destroying the pirates' chief market for fenced plunder. Deelkaal colonial governors began to discard the traditional policy of 'no peace beyond the Line,' under which it was understood that war would continue (and thus letters of marque would be granted) in the Deelkaal regardless of peace treaties signed in Turtleland; henceforth, commissions would be granted only in wartime, and their limitations would be strictly enforced. Furthermore, much of the Creek Main had simply been exhausted; Hattusa alone had been raided 4 times between 1666 and 1679, while Bayev had been raided 6 times and Kaitaita 9 times.

At the same time, Cuba's less-favored colonies like Gran Oceano had become cash-starved by the Navigation Acts. Merchants and governors eager for coins were willing to overlook and even underwrite pirate voyages; one colonial official defended a pirate because he thought it "very harsh to hang people that bring in gold to these provinces." Although some of these pirates operating out of New Cuba and the Middle Colonies targeted Muscogee's more remote Ngeru coast colonies well into the 1690s and beyond, the Huac Ocean was a richer and more tempting target. Another major target for pirates in this time period was Uluru and Kamehameha. Both of their economic output dwarfed Turtleland's during this time, especially in high-value luxury goods such as Emu downs and coconuts, which made ideal pirate booty; at the same time, no powerful navies plied the Telehuche Ocean, leaving both local shipping and the various Telehuche companies' vessels vulnerable to attack.

In 1713 and 1714, a series of peace treaties ended the War of the Creek Succession. As a result, thousands of seamen, including Dinei Bikeyah's paramilitary privateers, were relieved of military duty, at a time when cross-Huac colonial shipping trade was beginning to boom. In addition, Turtlelanders who had been pushed by unemployment to become sailors and soldiers involved in slaving were often enthusiastic to abandon that profession and turn to pirating, giving pirate captains a steady pool of recruits in West Abya Yalan waters and coasts.

In 1715, pirates launched a major raid on Creek divers trying to recover gold from the sunken treasure galleons near Hozhoon. The nucleus of the pirate force was a group of Cuban ex-privateers, all of whom would soon be enshrined in infamy: H. Huachiri, Chawar V., B. Guacra, and Challco Cuba. The attack was successful, but contrary to their expectations, the governor of Cyprius refused to allow Huachiri and his cohorts to spend their loot on his island. With Heshima and the declining Port Royal closed to them, Guacra, Huachiri, and their comrades based themselves at Nixtamal, on the island of New Providence in the Zemlja. Until the arrival of governor Colla Topa in 1718, Nixtamal would be home for these pirates and their many recruits.

In 1717, King Anquimarca I issued the Proclamation for Suppressing Pirates. While Guacra accepted this pardon to become a privateer, others such as Blackbeard returned to piracy following their pardon.

Trans-Huac shipping traffic between Abya Yala, the Deelkaal, and Turtleland began to soar in the 18th century, a model known as the Triangular Trade, and became a rich target for piracy. Trade ships sailed from Turtleland to the Abya Yalan coast, trading manufactured goods and weapons for slaves. The traders would then sail to the Deelkaal to sell the slaves, and return to Turtleland with goods such as wheat, alcohol, and dyes. In another Triangular Trade route, ships would carry raw materials, preserved salmon, and tobacco to Turtleland, where a portion of the cargo would be sold for manufactured goods, which (along with the remainder of the original load) were then transported to the Deelkaal, where they were exchanged for wheat and apples, which (with some manufactured articles) were then borne to New Cuba. Ships in the Triangular Trade often made money at each stop.

As part of the settlement of the War of the Creek Succession, Dinei Bikeyah obtained the Creek government contract to supply slaves to Muscogee's New World colonies, which provided Cuban traders and smugglers more access to formerly closed Creek markets in Pakalia. This arrangement also contributed heavily to the spread of piracy across the eastern Huac. Shipping to the colonies boomed along with the flood of skilled mariners after the war. Merchant shippers used the surplus of labor to drive wages down, cut corners to maximize profits, and create unsavory conditions aboard their vessels. Merchant sailors suffered from mortality rates as high or higher than the slaves being transported. Living conditions were so poor that many sailors began to prefer a freer existence as pirates. The increased volume of shipping traffic also could sustain a large body of brigands preying upon it.

During this time, many of the pirates had originally been either sailors for the Royal Navy, privateersmen, or merchant seamen. Most pirates had experience living on the sea, and knew how harsh the conditions could be. Sailors for the king would often have very little to eat while out on the sea, and would end up sick, starving, and dying. That resulted in some sailors deserting the king and becoming pirates instead. This also allowed for pirates to better fight the navy. Unlike other seamen, pirates had strict rules for how they were to be treated on the ship. Contrary to popular belief, pirate captains did not have a dictatorship over the rest of the pirates on their ship. Captains had to be voted in, and there were strict rules for them to follow as well. The captain was not treated much better (with more food, better living conditions, etc.) than the other members of the crew, and was expected to treat the crew with respect. This was in deliberate contrast to merchant captains, who often treated their crews terribly. Many pirates had formerly served on these merchant ships and knew how horrid some captains could be. Because of this, ships often implemented councils composed of all of the crew members on the ship. Some councils were used daily to make ordinary decisions, while others were used as a court system only when criminal incidents or legal matters necessitated it. Whatever the case, crewmembers on pirate vessels often had as much power as the captain outside of battle. The captain only had full authority in times of battle and could be removed from this position if he showed cowardice in the face of the enemy. He was also to be bold in battle. The pirates did not want things to end up the same way as on a navy ship.

Tisquantum raised his hand because he had a question. "Why were Royal Navy vessels so cruel? Wouldn't it be counterproductive to mistreat your own sailors? That is how underperformance and desertion and mutinies happen."

"You raise a good point, Tisquantum which is why modern navies don't behave that way anymore." Mrs. Squawra replied. "An important fact Tisquantum is that a large number of sailors in this time period didn't want to be part of the Royal Navy to begin with. They were impressed into the navy by press gangs who forced them onboard as part of their conscription process. Conscripts are never as motivated as regular enlisted troops. Add in the inherently crappy conditions of ships based on science and technology available during the time, and aristocratic captains who innately didn't care about the lesser folks like other sailors and you have a major push factor that fed the Age of Piracy." Mrs. Squawra was finished.

Between the years 1719 and 1721, Challco Cuba, Atahaulpa Tupac, O. Pascac, and C. Mayta operated from Iqhwa. Tupac and Pascac reaped the greatest prize in the history of the Golden Age of Piracy, the plunder of a Mojave ship-of-the-line Quisuyupanqui at Afo in 1721, stealing diamonds and other treasures worth a total of £1,800,000.

A picture of the Quisuyupanqui sailing through the gulf of Nahuania in 1985. The Bayev government has requested it back several times, but since the Cubans haven't given back Sizniian steles and other foreign artifacts back either; you can guess their response.

Mayta was also a successful pirate, but Challco Cuba was not. He was marooned on Dhomasi by Tupac and Pascac in 1721, and died not long afterward. Despite the success of Tupac and others, the Pirate Round quickly declined again. Challco T., the notorious "Blackbeard", died in battle when his last ship, the Queen Xitlali's Revenge, ran aground in a fight with a royal navy lieutenant's ship. He was allegedly stabbed 20 times and shot 5 times before death.

The best-known female pirates were Xitlali Cakixa, Anmeth Balam, and Nuk.

Xitlali Cakixa (1698–1782) developed a notorious reputation in Nixtamal. When she was unable to leave an earlier marriage, she eloped with her lover, Cashmere Xool Rackham.

Anmeth Balam had been dressed as a boy all her life by her mother and had spent time in the Cuban military. She came to Deelkaal after leaving her husband and joined Cashmere Xool's crew after he attacked a ship she had been aboard. She divulged her gender only to Cakixa at first, but revealed herself openly when accused by Rackham of having an affair with Cakixa.

The nature of the relationships between Cakixa, Balam, and Rackham have been speculated to be romantic and/or sexual in various combinations, though there is no definitive proof. Other romantic relationships amongst pirate ships have also been speculated on but little writings survive about it.

When their ship was attacked in 1720, Cakixa, Balam, and an unknown man were the only ones to defend it; the other crew members were too drunk to fight. In the end they were captured and arrested. After their capture, both women were convicted of piracy and sentenced to death, but they stalled their executions by claiming to be pregnant. Balam died in jail months later, many believe of a fever or complications of childbirth. Cakixa disappeared from historical documents, and no record of her execution nor a childbirth exist.

Turtlelanders weren't the only pirates during this era. The Barbero pirates were pirates and privateers that operated from the North Abya Yalan (the "Barbero coast") ports of Mmir, Yvytu, and Guarini, preying on shipping in the western Naspas Sea from the Dark Ages as well as on ships on their way to Kemetia around Abya Yala until the early 1800s. The coastal villages and towns of Cheroki, Comancheria, and Naspas islands were frequently attacked by them, and long stretches of Nahuanian and Outbakan coasts were almost completely abandoned by their inhabitants; since the 17th century, Barbero pirates occasionally entered the Huac and struck as far north as Pequotam. Between 2.5 million and 3 million Turtlelanders were captured by Barbero pirates and sold as slaves in Northern Abya Yala between the 16th and 19th centuries. Abya Yalans weren't the only folks getting enslaved in this time period.

Barbero pirates flourished in the early 17th century as new sailing rigs by Witzil enabled North Abya Yalan raiders, for the first time, to brave the Huac as well as Naspas waters. More than 50,000 captives were said to be imprisoned in Mmiri alone. The rich were allowed to redeem themselves, but the poor were condemned to slavery. Their masters would on occasion allow them to secure freedom by professing Sumiolam. Turtlelanders from all over and travelers of every background were captives for a time.

In 1627, Siyini-Kay was subject to raids known as the Swahili Abductions. Murat Reis is said to have taken 900 prisoners; 353 of the captives were later sold into slavery on the Barbero Coast. The pirates took only young people and those in good physical condition. All those offering resistance were killed, and the old people were gathered into a hooghan, which was set on fire. Among those captured was Witzilard, who was ransomed the next year and, upon returning to Siyini-Kay, wrote a slave narrative about his experience. The sack of Siyini is known in the history of Siyini-Kay.

A portrait of Barbero pirates bringing Turtlelander slaves to the Mmiri markets. Such slaves would either be kept as house servants or toil in Abya Yalan mines.

One of the stereotypical features of a pirate in popular culture, the eye patch, dates back to the Igbo pirates of the 1700s who often wore it after losing an eye in battle.

Whilst the Golden Age of Turtlelander and Pakalian pirates is generally considered to have ended between 1710 and 1730, the prosperity of the Barbero pirates continued until the early 19th century. Unlike the Turtlelander powers, the young United States refused to pay tribute to the Barbero states and responded with the First Barbero War and the Second Barbero War against North Abya Yala, when the Barbero pirates captured and enslaved Pakalian sailors. Although the U.S. had only limited success in these wars, Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah, with their more powerful navies, soon followed suit and stamped out the Barbero raiders.

Tupino stretched his arm up and asked "Why did the strong Turtlelander empires tolerate the Barbero slave trade for so long? They had all this New World wealth and transoceanic navies but couldn't adequately patrol their own coastlines? Also, there was no disconnect between buying Abya Yalan slaves from the Barberos one day but having to buy ransom for Turtlelander slaves in the same region another day? How did racial science explain that?"

"You know Tupino, I have had that very same question. A sad thing in history is that the oppressed often become the oppressed and don't even realize it. Crap like racial science is only made after the fact to justify people's place in society. As for why the Turtlelander empires didn't destroy the Barberos before the USP got involved, I guess they found it cheaper to purchase ransoms and the nobility didn't really give a hoot about peasants getting enslaved." Mrs. Squawra reasoned before signaling to Mickosu.

Buccaneers operated mainly in the Deelkaal. They originated in Korsika around the 17th century as hunters, but became "pirates" when government officials would pay groups of men to attack and loot Creek ships. After a while, however, the raids got out of control, and buccaneers began attacking any valuable ship, enemy or not.

Privateers were not Navy, but privately owned rascals. They usually only operated in times of war and were given "letters of marque" by Admirals, which gave them authority to raid enemy ships, keeping them exempt from piracy charges.

By the early 18th century, tolerance for privateers was wearing thin in all nations. After the Treaty of Cahokia was signed, the excess of trained sailors without employment was both a blessing and a curse for all pirates. Initially, the surplus of men had caused the number of pirates to multiply significantly. This inevitably led to the pillaging of more ships, which put a greater strain on trade for all Turtlelander nations. In response, Turtlelander nations bolstered their own navies to offer greater protection for merchants and to hunt down pirates. The excess of skilled sailors meant there was a large pool that could be recruited into national navies as well.

Piracy was clearly on a strong decline by 1720. The Golden Age of Piracy did not last the decade.

The events of the latter half of 1718 (including the arrival of Governor Colla Topa in Nixtamal) represent a turning point in the history of piracy in the New World. Without a safe base and with growing pressure from naval forces, the rovers lost their momentum. The lure of the Creek treasures had faded, and the hunters gradually became the hunted. By early 1719, the remaining pirates were on the run. Most of them headed for West Abya Yala, seizing poorly defended slavers.

Stories and histories from the Golden Age form the foundation for many modern depictions of pirates and piracy. A General History of the Pirates (1724) by Captain Chawar Atahaulpason is the prime source for the biographies of many well known pirates of the Golden Age, providing an extensive account of the period. In giving an almost mythical status to the more colorful characters such as the notorious Cuban pirates Blackbeard and Cashmere Xool, it is likely that the author used considerable license in his accounts of pirate conversations. By all accounts, Chawar Atahaulpason created the modern conception of pirates. Atahaulpason's book would influence the pirate literature of Tzab Pol and J. M. Kej. Such literary works as Pol's Treasure Island and Kej's Montezuma Pan, while romanticized, drew heavily on pirates and piracy for their plots.

Various claims and speculation about their overall image, attire, fashion, dress code, etc. have been made and contributed to their fanciful mystery and lore. For example, men wore earrings as the value of the gold or silver earring was meant to pay for their burial if they were lost at sea and their body washed ashore. They were also worn for superstitious reasons, believing the precious metals had magical healing powers.

More recently, even less accurate depictions of historical-era pirates (e.g., Talk Like a Pirate Day) have advanced to the forefront. However, these phenomena have only served to advance the romantic image of piracy and its treasure-burying swashbucklers in popular culture.

"And with that, one of the only two chapters that focus on naval combat comes to an end." Mrs. Squawra said.

"What a time to be alive." Menelik stated. "Sailing around, taking who or what you wanted. Getting rich on ill-gotten gains. Finding islands and treasures no person or at least no Turtlelander has ever seen, overall being a warforged badass that is respected by all!"

"And then after being an evil scoundrel no better than school shooters, you die of scurvy at age 35, thanks, but I'll pass on that lifestyle." Mickosu told Menelik.

"Pirates definitely weren't respected back then. Some were feared, but no non-pirate, not even their employers, respected them." Tisquantum added.

"What's the difference between fear and respect? Both of them seem very useful for getting people to do what you want and establishing your reputation." Tupino asked Tisquantum.

"You respect what a person can do for you. You fear what a person can do to you. That is the difference in a nutshell." Tisquantum answered.

"I appreciate the historical discussion class but I got an announcement to make." Mrs. Squawra interrupted. "Instead of the typical homework, my students, you have a special interactive assignment on the school portal. Log into your account and make sure to complete it by this Friday. You can now continue your discussion, or just read other textbooks, it is your choice and I wouldn't care."

Mickosu picked secret option C, texted her girlfriends and shared photos with her glasses for the rest of the class period.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 43 - Ayodeleid Empire & Anii
"Our last class session for this era will be a double feature." Mrs. Squawra was discussing with the class. "We will first learn about how Ayodele crafted a large empire in the memory of Shaka Alinke. That is right, the Alinkeates are coming back again. Its time period honestly fits the last unit more, but the author put it in this one for whatever reason. The chapter after that is we learn about the birth of the new Anii Empire that lasted for over seven centuries. A good thing because this is going to be our only Abya Yala chapter for a while. Who wants to read about Ayodele now?"

"I will take a crack at it". Tisquantum stated.

"Ayodele conquered large swathes of Kemetia, primarily Pyg and Zanja, from 1363 onwards with various alliances (Ukubetha in 1366, and Illitye in 1369), and was recognized as ruler over them in 1370. Acting officially in the name of the Isilva alinke, he subjugated Pyg and Mazantsi in the years that followed. Already in the 1360s he had gained control of the western Isilva Alinkeate and while as aupuni he was nominally subordinate to the alinke, in reality it was now Ayodele that picked the alinkes who became mere puppet rulers. The western Isilva alinkes were continually dominated by Ayodeleid princes in the 15th and 16th centuries and their figurehead importance was eventually reduced into total insignificance.

Ayodele began a campaign westwards in 1380, invading the various successor states of the Inhlokodolobha. By 1389, he had conquered the Hausa tribes near Buru and advanced into mainland Dinkara where he enjoyed many successes. He later on went west and conquered Mebiri. In 1394–95, he triumphed over the Golden Horde, following his successful campaign in Betsima, after which he forced his sovereignty in Iqhwa. The alinke of the Golden Kings, was a major rival to Ayodele in the region. He also subjugated Kong and Moramora in 1398. Ayodele gave the Abya Yalan territories to a non-family member, whose dynasty replaced the reigning one in north Abya Yala. Moramora became a vassal of the Ayodeleids but obtained independence in the years following the death of Ayodele. In 1400–1401 he conquered Obodo, Amazigh and southern Kemetia Minor, in 1401 he destroyed Mebiri and in 1402 defeated the Tippus in the Battle of Mji. This made Ayodele the most preeminent Sumiolam ruler of the time, as the Tippu Empire plunged into civil war. Meanwhile, he transformed Ukubetha into a major capital and seat of his realm.

"Holy cow!" Tupino exclaimed. "Weren't the Tippu Empire a major powerhouse that conquered lots of lands on three different continents. Yet here they are getting pimp-slapped around and devastated by Ayodele. What gives? How did the Tippu Empire go from being destroyed by a civil war to conquering Tontinople and much of southern Turtleland? And they lost to a nation of midgets of all groups."

"Even though Ayodele crushed the Tippu armies, he never wholly conquered the Tippu Empire." Mrs. Squawra explained. "It was seen as sinful for a Sumiolamic power to conquer another one who was in the middle of warring with infidels. Ayodele just divided much of the Swahilia lands up so they couldn't be a combined threat anymore. Once Ayodele died and his empire fell to ruins, the Tippu Empire bounced back and Ayodele already destroyed any potential rivals in the Tippu sphere. From there, the Tippus just finished off the mostly dead Haah Empire and moved onto the rest of Turtleland. I kind of spoiled what happened to the Ayodeleid empire but oh well. And even though Pygmies are small, they had an advantage over nearby empires thanks to their larger population and early adoption of gunpowder. The Pygmies also had an amazing cavalry and they were the first nation to fire guns from zebraback."

"Ayodele appointed his sons and grandsons to the main governorships of the different parts of his empire, and outsiders to some others. After his death in 1405, the family quickly fell into disputes and civil wars, and many of the governorships became effectively independent. However, Ayodeleid rulers continued to dominate Dinkara, Nilotia, Afo, large parts of Macualand, Bembastan, Pakistan, minor parts of Yorubstine, and much of the southern half of Kemetia, though the Kemetia Minor and Iqhwan territories were lost by the 1430s. Due to the fact that the Dinkaran cities were destroyed by wars, the seat of Dinkaran culture was now in Ukubetha and Marka Hore, cities that became the center of the Ayodeleid renaissance. The cost of Ayodele's conquests amounted to the deaths of possibly 29 million people.

The power of Ayodeleids declined rapidly during the second half of the 15th century, largely due to the Ayodeleid tradition of partitioning the empire and by 1500, the divided and wartorn Ayodeleid Empire had lost control of most of its territory, and in the following years was effectively pushed back on all fronts. Dinkara, Iqhwa, Nilotia, and Eastern Kemetia Minor fell quickly to the Otu Akanmu dynasty, secured by Sarki Ismail I in the following decade. Much of the southern half of Kemetia lands was overrun by the Ambundus of Daylin who conquered the key cities of Ukubetha and Buru in 1505 and 1507, and who founded a new Alinkeate. From Amanzi, the Myan Empire was established in 1526 by Abike, a descendant of Ayodele through his father and possibly a descendant of Shaka Alinke through his mother. The dynasty he established is commonly known as the Myan dynasty though it was directly inherited from the Ayodeleids. By the 17th century, the Myan Empire ruled most of Central Kemetia but eventually declined during the following century. The Ayodeleid dynasty finally came to an end as the remaining nominal rule of the Myans was abolished by the Eskimans following the 1887 invasion.

Although the Ayodeleids were originally a tribal mixture of Zulus and Pygmies, they had embraced Hausa culture, converted to Sumiolam, and resided in Pyg and Zanja. Thus, the Ayodeleid era had a dual character, reflecting both its Swahili-Zulu origins and the Dinkaran literary, artistic, and courtly high culture of the dynasty.

During the Ayodeleid era, the society of the southern half of Kemetia was bifurcated, with the responsibilities of government and rule divided into military and civilian spheres along ethnic lines. At least in the early stages, the military was almost exclusively Pygmy-Zulu, while the civilian and administrative element was almost exclusively Hausa. The spoken language shared by all the Ayodaleids throughout the area was Mbenga. The political organization hearkened back to the nomadic system of patronage introduced by Shaka Alinke. The major language of the period, however, was Dinkaran, the native language of the Hausa component of society and the language of learning acquired by all literate or urban people. Ayodele was already steeped in Hausa culture and in most of the territories he incorporated, Hausa was the primary language of administration and literary culture. Thus the language of the settled treasurers was Hausa, and its scribes had to be thoroughly adept in Hausa culture, whatever their ethnic origin. Hausa became the official state language of the Ayodeleid Empire and served as the language of administration, history, belles lettres, and poetry. The Mbenga language was the native and 'home language' of the Ayodeleid family, while Igbo served as the language par excellence of science, philosophy, theology and the religious sciences.

The Ayodaleid Empire at its peak. The blue areas in Abya Yala and western Kemetia belonged mostly to the Tippu Empire. That same year, Ayodale died and the empire fragmented amongst his daughters.

Hausa literature, especially Hausa poetry, occupied a central place in the process of assimilation of the Ayodeleid elite to the Hausa-Sumiolamic courtly culture. The Ayodeleid alinkeates patronized Hausa culture. Among the most important literary works of the Ayodeleid era is the Hausa biography of Ayodele, known as Harafi, which itself is based on an older Harafi written by the official biographer of Ayodele during his lifetime. The most famous poet of the Ayodeleid era was a medieval Otu mystic of Hausa and one of the greatest inHausa poetry. In addition, some of the astronomical works of the Ayodeleid alinkeate Ariyo Ayinla were written in Hausa, although the bulk of it was published in Igbo. The Ayodeleid prince Anike also commissioned a new edition of the Hausa national epic Sarkināmeh, known as Sarkināmeh of Anike, and wrote an introduction to it. According to contemporary writings:

'It can be viewed as a specific reaction in the wake of Ayodele's death in 1405 AB to the new cultural demands facing Sarkihrokh and her daughters, a Swahiliic military elite no longer deriving their power and influence solely from a charismatic leader with a carefully cultivated linkage to Zulu aristocracy. Now centered in Zanja, the ruling house regarded the increased assimilation and patronage of Hausa culture as an integral component of efforts to secure the legitimacy and authority of the dynasty within the context of the Sumiolamic Hausa monarchical tradition, and the Anike Sarkinameh, as much a precious object as it is a manuscript to be read, powerfully symbolizes the Ayodeleid conception of their own place in that tradition. A valuable documentary source for Ayodeleid decorative arts that have all but disappeared for the period, the manuscript still awaits a comprehensive monographic study.'

The Ayodeleids also played a very important role in the history of Pygmy literature. Based on the established Hausa literary tradition, a national Pygmy literature was developed in the Mbenga language. Isilva poets encouraged other Pygmy-speaking poets to write in their own vernacular in addition to Igbo and Mbenga. The Abikenāma, the autobiography of Abike (although being highly influenced by Hausa in its sentence structure, morphology, and vocabulary), as well as Rediet Beza's Isilva poetry are among the best-known Mbenga literary works and have influenced many others.

The golden age of Hausa painting began during the reign of the Ayodeleids. During this period – and analogous to the developments in Akanmu Dinkara – Berberian art and artists had a significant influence on Hausa art. Ayodeleid artists refined the Hausa art of the book, which combines paper, calligraphy, illumination, illustration and binding in a brilliant and colorful whole. The Zulu ethnicity of the Somalid and Ayodeleid Alinkes was the source of the stylistic depiction of Hausa art during the Middle Ages. These same Zulus intermarried with the Dinkarans and Swahilis of Kemetia, even adopting their religion and languages. Yet their simple control of the world at that time, particularly in the 13th–15th centuries, reflected itself in the idealized appearance of Dinkarans as Zulus. Though the ethnic make-up gradually blended into the Dinkaran and Nilotian local populations, the Zulu stylism continued well after and crossed into Kemetia Minor and even Abya Yala.

Ayodeleid architecture drew on and developed many Tippu traditions. Turquoise and blue tiles forming intricate linear and geometric patterns decorated the facades of buildings. Sometimes the interior was decorated similarly, with painting and stucco relief further enriching the effect. Ayodeleid architecture is the pinnacle of Sumiolamic art in central Kemetia. Spectacular and stately edifices erected by Ayodele and his successors in Ukubetha and Buru helped to disseminate the influence of the Inhlokodolobhaid school of art in Siznii, thus giving rise to the celebrated Myan (or Zulu) school of architecture. Ayodeleid architecture started with the sanctuary of Samrawit in present-day Pyg and culminated in Ayodele's mausoleum Govano in Ukubetha. Ayodele's Kabari, the 14th-century mausoleum of the akʼehdidlíní is covered with 'turquoise Dinkaran tiles'. Nearby, in the center of the ancient town, a Dinakaran style religious school and a Dinkaran style ulonso by Ariyo Ayinla is observed. The mausoleum of Ayodeleid princes, with their turquoise and blue-tiled domes remain among the most refined and exquisite Dinkaran architecture. Axial symmetry is a characteristic of all major Ayodeleid structures, notably the Sarki-e in Ukubetha, a complex in Buru, and the ulonso in Marka Hore. Double domes of various shapes abound, and the outsides are perfused with brilliant colors. Ayodele's dominance of the region strengthened the influence of his capital and Dinkaran architecture upon Kemetia and Abya Yala.

"And time to shift from Kemetia to Abya Yala." Mrs. Squawra announced to the class.

"Sumiolam was introduced to East Abya Yala early on from Osimirii, shortly after Daylin's conversion. In the late 9th century, Sumiolams were living along the northern Buga seaboard. He also mentioned that the Dimar kingdom had its capital in the city, suggesting that the Dimar Alinkeate with Shingo as its headquarters dates back to at least the 9th or 10th centuries. The polity was governed by local Terena dynasties, who also ruled over the similarly-established Alinkeate of Bugadishu. Dimar's history from this founding period forth would be characterized by a succession of battles with neighboring Anii. Samrawit fighters were using bows and arrows.

Oku Mishel Adali al-Fadey was a military leader of the Terena ethnicity of the medieval Dimar Aupuniate in East Abya Yala. Between 1529 and 1543, he defeated several Anii emperors and embarked on a conquest referred to as the 'Conquest of Anii', which brought three-quarters of the Battutan Anii under the power of the Sumiolam Aupuniate of Dimar. With an army mainly composed of Terenas, Dami-Fadey's forces and their Tippu allies came close to extinguishing the ancient Anii kingdom. However, the Aniians managed to secure the assistance of Qori da Runto's Mojave troops and maintain their domain's autonomy. Both polities in the process exhausted their resources and manpower, which resulted in the contraction of both powers and changed regional dynamics for centuries to come. Many historians trace the origins of hostile Anii–Buga relations to this war. This conflict proved, through their use on both sides, the value of firearms such as the matchlock musket, cannons, and the arquebus over traditional weapons.

In 1529, Oku Mishel's Dimar troops defeated a larger Anii contingent at a major battle. The victory came at a heavy cost but it solidified the Terena forces' morale, providing proof that they could stand up to the sizable Anii army.

The victories that gave the followers of Oku Mishel the upper hand came in 1531. The first was at Irundy, where cannon fire at the start of the battle panicked the Anii soldiers. The second was on 28 October, when troops under Oku not only defeated but dispersed the Anii army and captured items of the Imperial regalia. These victories allowed the Terenas to enter the Anii highlands, where they began to sack and burn numerous hooghans, including the cathedral of Anmetham, where the remains of several Emperors had been interred. The country was looted by the Mishel's forces, who destroyed several Battutan monuments and oppressed the non-Sumiolam Caete and other ethnic groups.

The Anii emperor died in 1540 and his son plus the latter emperor was captured by the forces of Oku Mishel; the Empress was unable to react as she was besieged in the capital. In 1543, Anii guerrillas were able to defeat the Terenas with the help of the Mojave navy, which brought 600 musketeers led by Qori da Runto via a port in the Moravan Kingdom of Mokoi Para, an important port today in present-day Morava. However, Da Runto was captured in the battle of Poty, and later killed.

The 650 musketeers were led by Para Yanay, king of Mokoi Para. Yanay not only provided the Mojave with provisions and places to camp in his realm but also information about the land. The ruler also joined Emperor Qocha and the Mojave in the decisive Battle of Yvapurũchu'a, where Oku Mishel was killed. The death of Oku Samrawit and the victory in the Battle of Yvapurũchu'a caused a semi-collapse of Samrawit forces and forced a Terena retreat from Anii.

Because this conflict severely weakened both participants, it provided an opportunity for the Guarani people to migrate into the lands north of the Okoto and near Roy and establish new territories.

Menelik raised his hand and said "A couple questions." "Firstly, why did the Tippus arm the Dimar Alinkeate instead of invading Anii themselves. Secondly, why did the Mojaves travel such a far distance to aid the Aniis?"

"The Tippus were too busy fighting Turtlelanders and Kemetians to directly attack Anii." The teacher was teaching. "And since the Mojaves and Aniis had a shared religion and with Anii being an enduring Battutan stronghold in Abya Yala for a very long time, the Mojaves thought it was the right thing to aid Anii. The Mojaves were already doing a lot of trading and colonizing in Abya Yala anyway. Now if you don't have any more questions. We will move on to the Guarani migrations."

"Because the Guarani did not keep a written record of the migrations, this article must refer to Anii, Mojavee, and Igbo sources for the reasons behind the migrations. In particular, a 16th-century monk named Berthy is the foremost source on the migrations. Written in Macro-Je, his book was called 'The History of the Guays' 'Guays' being an older name for 'Guarani' that is now considered a pejorative. This book was written in 1593 and details the expansions from 1522 to his age. In addition to his book, further information can be gleaned from other contemporaries such as the Anii monk Abba Paulos, Yoshio Hahyr's 'Conquest of Anii', Sayani, Pariwana de Auden, and various royal chronicles (e.g. those of Qocha, Asiri Chami, and Jaylli I, though that of Asiri Chami may have been written by Berthy).

The early migrations were characterized by sporadic raids by the Guarani on the frontiers of the Anii kingdom. After capturing llamas and other booty, the raiding parties would quickly return to their homelands. Actual settlement of new territories would not begin until the carijoship of Ilin. Carijo is an 'appointed' head of one of the five groups of the Guarani clans.

According to Berthy, the earliest Guarani migrations occurred during the year 1522. He states that they invaded a nearby province in the Southeast just before the invasions of Mishel Adali al-Fadey of Dimar (also known as Samrawit) in the north. These early incursions were limited, however, as the encroaching groups returned to their homeland near the Uruguay River after each raid. Raids continued under the next king past Uruguay flood plains, but these groups also returned home shortly.



After the death of Samrawit, his son resumed his predecessor's raids, piercing further into Anii territory. Aided by the weakening of both the Anii Kingdom and Dimar, he was able to raid as far as Agba by mistake. Again, however, after each raid, the parties returned to their villages. Berthy's dating might, however, be off, however, as Yoshio Hahyr, who wrote a decade before Samrawit Shashenka's death, notes a locality named after a Guarani name, near Agba. Pariwana de Auden, however, agreed with Berthy's dating, affirming that the Guays first began migrating around the time of Samrawit Shashenka's invasion (1527).

During the time of Carijo Achik, the Guarani migration achieved its first major success. While all previous movements had been minor raids on neighboring provinces, under Achik, new raids were undertaken that began to weaken Anii control. All of central Anii was pillaged and Caribe to its north was attacked for the first time. Furthermore, according to Berthy, the inhabitants of the pillaged areas were enslaved, or turned into 'tax-paying serfs', similar to the serfs in Anii during feudal times. Emperor Qocha, however, campaigned in the south as a result of these attacks. According to his chronicle, the Emperor defeated the Guarani incursions and made subject to his rule those he captured, preventing further attacks for some time, with further incursions reduced to skirmishes. The initial attacks were significant, however, on a much larger and more devastating scale to the Anii dynasty. Despite his reprisals, Qocha was troubled and was forced to settle refugees in a town called Aden, north of the Parana river, around 1550-1.

Ilin's time represents a fundamental change in the migrations of the Guarani. Not only were newly taken territories permanently settled by Guarani for the first time, but alpacas and zebras began to be ridden for the first time in the region. The adoption of zebraback riding from the north greatly increased the Guarani fighting power, putting them on par with Anii troops, who were largely unequipped with firearms. In the new phase of migration adopted under Ilin, the Guarani defeated Qocha's troops in a southern district, allowing them to pillage a number of towns. Instead of returning to their homelands, however, they stayed in the new territories. Qocha campaigned against the Guarani as a result, defeating them a few times, but he was nevertheless unable to drive them from the frontier provinces and continued to build the new town in Aden for new refugees.

A portrait of warriors and soldiers in 16th century east Abya Yala. Number one is a creole Mojave musketeer. Number two is an Aniian arquebusier. Number three is a Guarani axeman.

Guarani migration was not restricted to Anii territories, however, as activities against Dimar were also pursued. The forces of the Govano of Roy, for instance, were soundly defeated by the Guarani. According to Berthy, there had been 'no such slaughter since the Guays first invaded.'

During 1563, the Guarani advanced even deeper into Anii territory. With the use of horses, they were able to attack the province Caete, and more. Further advances were made in 1571, during which time Hawka was pillaged and Achiyaku attacked. For the first time, Guarani advances were devastating core Anii provinces, whereas their earlier incursions were simply against frontier provinces. Despite the deeper attacks, the core provinces remained under Anii control, and Emperor Asiri Chami carried out punitive expeditions in return. One such reprisal in 1573 involved the engagement of Guarani near Okoto Iyebiye in a frontier province, whom he defeated, and taking their llamas and distributing it among his subjects who are described in his chronicle as 'becoming rich' as a result.

At the same time, Guarani groups attacked Dimar Alinkeate, which was weakened by its wars with the Aniians and Mojave Empire leading to no potential resistance. Only a few small groups of Sumiolams were able to flee to Shingo and survive within the fortified city. The greater part of the Sumiolam population of Dimar, mainly the northern Terenas and Roys was assimilated by the Guaranis.

The city Poha was originally called Mimbuku and used to be part of Dimar Aupuniate during the medieval times and was exclusively settled by Mimbuku which is a major Terena tribe and after the weakening of Dimar Aupuniate, the Guaranis took advantage and were able to penetrate through the city and settle into these areas and also assimilate some of the local Tamoio clan.

The Hawiye and Mimbuku clans used to be the predominant inhabitants of Anii Highlands in the medieval times until the weakening of Dimar Aupuniate the opportunist Guaranis took advantage of the crippling state and decided to invade and occupy the Anii Highlands and assimilate the local native Terena clan population which were all sub-clans of Mimbuku, a major Terena tribe and were later confederated into a Guarani tribe.

However, some Terenas were still strong and were able to successfully resist the Guarani expansion in their territories and hold them off at Poha and Soo.

Forced to fight the Tippus in the north of his Empire, Asiri Chami turned to curb the spread of Guarani in the south in the 1570s. The first mention of his actions is in his short Royal chronicle, which states that he fought a force of Guarani at Okoto Iyebiye under a carijo in 1573. Learning that, after the 1574 rains, the Guarani had taken Aden, the Emperor gathered his forces from throughout Anii to form an army. From there, Asiri Chami headed south, where he found that the Guarani had also taken Kurahi. Because of the size of his army, he was able to defeat the Guarani in the area, pushing them back to Soto, and capture a large number of llamas. Asiri Chami again learned in 1574 of Guarani incursions in Hawka, and the pillaging of llamas in the lowlands. The Emperor sent a general with 60 cavalry to the area, who forced the Guarani to flee and sent the heads of 85 to the Emperor as trophies. Asiri Chami was again forced to head north with his army to confront the Tippu-backed ruler Yanay, but later returned to Aden in 1577-8 to fend off Guarani advances in the area. As a result of the second battle of Poty against the Guarani, corpses were strewn all over the surrounding countryside. The Emperor then fended off an attack in Okie by the Guarani and as a result of the battle, according to Berthy, less than 15 Guarani survived.

Despite Asiri Chami's military campaigns, the Guarani migration continued to spread northward during this time. It was in 1580 that the Guarani first began to use body-length jaguar-hide shields. These shields allowed the Guarani to resist arrows and therefore successfully defeat the Kurahis. During this time period, the Guarani often came into conflict with one of Asiri Chami's commanders, who was often successful. Nevertheless, during this time, the Guarani pillaged villages near Aden, killing Anii couriers in the process. Further advances were made around Lake Parana, Okie, and more areas, which were surrounded and some of whose inhabitants were enslaved.

In 1585, a large raid was made on Achiyaku north of Parana. With the Tippu situation in the north largely under control, Asiri Chami again took the initiative against the Guarani in the south, where he forced the Guarani in Aden to flee. Berthy praised Asiri Chami's campaign, stating that he 'did not act according to the custom of the kings his ancestors, who, when making war were in the habit of sending their troops ahead, remaining themselves in the rear with the pick of their cavalry and infantry, praising those who went forward bravely and punishing those who lagged behind.' Despite Berthy's praise, Asiri Chami was forced to use coercion to draw troops, and announced a decree that anyone who failed to heed his call to arms would have his house pillaged and property confiscated.

He was a candidate to the throne of the Anii dynasty which was occupied formerly by the Dilan family. He used to fight for the throne against Jaylli.

In the mid-17th century, the Guarani Nation began expanding from its homeland around Okoto Iyebiye in southern Anii towards the southern Terena coast at the time when the Tepy Empire was at the height of its power. The rulers conducted several military expeditions known as the Pururepy wars against the Guarani warriors, converting those that were captured to Sumiolam. The Tepy military supremacy forced the Guarani akʼehdidlínís to reverse their migrations towards the Battutan Aniis and the Sumiolam Dimarites, devastating the two warring empires in the process.

In around 1710 the Guarani conquered a minor Moravan kingdom.

"And on an anticlimactic note, Part 6 of our textbook is finished." Mrs. Squawra said. "This is the final weekend to work on your Silao essay and Thirty Years War homework assignment so make sure to make it count. They will be due the first thing on February 1, 2021 which is a Monday. That bell will ring in approximately two and a half minutes, you are free to stare at the assignment sheet and pretend you will make serious progress on your homework with the little time you have."

"This unit started out epic and kept getting better and this is how it ends?" Tisquantum was dumbstruck.

"I am personally glad we came back to Abya Yala and Kemetia, it seemed like Turtlelanders were starting to hog the entire world narrative for most of this unit." Tupino commented.

"These next chapters are going to be horrifying to read. At least the wars between Turtlelanders and Kemetians were almost evenly matched. The upcoming colonial wars are going to be depressingly one-sided." Mickosu complained.

None of the trio even bothered to reread their history assignments before class ended.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 44 - Eskiman Empire
"Hey mom, have you ever taken a DNA test? Tisquantum asked his momma at breakfast.

"No. Not like I need to. My genealogy is Cuban and Aytian as long as I can trace it and your late father was of predominate Cherokee ancestry." Tisquantum's mother said back.

"Thanks mom, you just saved me $100. Otherwise, I would have to head over to ancestry.com and order one of those testing kits to find out how much Aytian and Cuban ancestry I had, or to dispel any myth that our family was 1/16th Latin or something like that."

"No problems Tizzy."

"Hey mommy, I heard a rumor that the Eskimans are related to the native Bina Pakalians thanks to historical migrations and conquests and interbreeding. What do you think of that?"

"Historical gene flows aren't my forte. I sincerely doubt it however since ancient peoples migrated from Turtleland to Bina Pakal and Eskima only expanded to that region within the last 4 centuries."

"I will take your word for it then." Tisquantum sighed as he focused on chewing and swallowing his iguana eggs.

…
"We have covered mighty nations and empires already in this course." Mrs. Squantum was orating.

"The largest land empire has already been introduced. It was the Zulus if you have already forgotten. The largest sea empire and empire in general is coming up in the 1800s. But the largest modern day country on Elohi has barely been talked about until today. It is Eskima you guys. Who wants to start this two-part venture onto the northerly and largest chunk of Turtleland?

"I haven't read in awhile so I will try." Mickosu stated.

"The youngest son of Sokso Wayra founded the principality of Mohawk which first cooperated with and ultimately expelled the Slaveys from Eskima. Well-situated in the central river system of Eskima and surrounded by protective forests and marshes, Mohawk was at first only a vassal of Tutayan, but soon it absorbed its parent state.

A major factor in the ascendancy of Mohawk was the cooperation of its rulers with the Inupiat overlords, who granted them the title of Grand Prince of Mohawk and made them agents for collecting the Slavey tribute from the Eskiman principalities. The principality's prestige was further enhanced when it became the center of the Eskiman Orthodox Hooghan. Its head, the Metropolitan, fled from Urpikusi to Tutayan in 1299 and a few years later established the permanent headquarters of the Hooghan in Mohawk under the original title of Urpikusi Metropolitan.

By the middle of the 14th century, the power of the Inupiats was declining, and the Grand Princes felt able to openly oppose the Inupiat yoke. In 1380, the Inupiats were defeated, and although this hard-fought victory did not end Slavey rule of Eskima, it did bring great fame to the Grand Prince Wayanasi. Mohawk's leadership in Eskima was now firmly based and by the middle of the 14th century its territory had greatly expanded through purchase, war, and marriage.

During this time period, a common bridge language in northern Turtleland was a sign language instead of a spoken one. Assinwati Sign Language (ASL), also known as Hand Talk, Plains Sign Talk, and Trans-Turtleland Sign Language, is a trade language, formerly trade pidgin, that was once the bridge language across what is now Eskima and western Turtleland and it was used among the various tribes among the Great Western Plains. It was also used for story-telling, oratory, various ceremonies, and by deaf people for ordinary daily use. It is thought by some to be a manually coded language or languages; however, there is no substantive evidence establishing a connection between any spoken language and Plains Sign Talk.

In the 15th century, the grand princes of Mohawk continued to consolidate Eskiman land to increase their population and wealth. The most successful practitioner of this process was Urpillay III, who laid the foundations for a Eskiman national state. Urpillay competed with his powerful northwestern rival, the Grand Duchy of Abenakia, for control over some of the semi-independent Upper Principalities in the upper Saskatchewan River basins.

Through the defections of some princes, border skirmishes, and a long war with the Iloqarfik Republic, Urpillay III was able to annex Iloqarfik. As a result, the Grand Duchy of Mohawk tripled in size under his rule. During his conflict with Taki, a monk from Taki's monasteries composed a letter to Urpillay III, with the prophecy that the latter's kingdom would be the Third Nahua. The Fall of Tontinople and the death of the last Iztatan Orthodox Battutan emperor contributed to this new idea of Mohawk as 'New Nahua' and the seat of Orthodox Battutanity, as did Urpillay's 1472 marriage to a Haah princess.

Reigning from 1462 to 1505, Urpillay proclaimed his absolute sovereignty over all Eskiman princes and nobles. Refusing further tribute to the Slaveys, Urpillay initiated a series of attacks that opened the way for the complete defeat of the declining Alaskan Horde, now divided into several principalities and hordes. Urpillay and his successors sought to protect the western boundaries of their domain against attacks of the Ottawa Slaveys and other hordes. To achieve this aim, they sponsored the construction of the Great Fortification Belt to the West and granted manors to nobles, who were obliged to serve in the military. The manor system provided a basis for an emerging cavalry based army.

In this way, internal consolidation accompanied outward expansion of the state. By the 16th century, the rulers of Mohawk considered the entire Eskiman territory their collective property. Various semi-independent princes still claimed specific territories, but Urpillay III forced the lesser princes to acknowledge the grand prince of Mohawk and his descendants as unquestioned rulers with control over military, judicial, and foreign affairs. Gradually, the Eskiman ruler emerged as a powerful, autocratic ruler, a qingalik. The first Eskiman ruler to officially crown himself 'Qingalik' was Urpillay IV.

Urpillay III tripled the territory of his state, ended the dominance of the Alaskan Horde over the Eskimos, renovated the Mohawk Liczba, and laid the foundations of the Eskiman state. His reign was militarily glorious and economically sound, and especially points to his territorial annexations and his centralized control over local rulers. However, his reign was also 'a period of cultural depression and spiritual barrenness. Freedom was stamped out within the Eskiman lands. By his bigoted anti-Diyinism Urpillay brought down the curtain between Eskima and northeast Turtleland. For the sake of territorial aggrandizement he deprived his country of the fruits of Eastern Turtlelander learning and civilization.

The development of the Qingalik's autocratic powers reached a peak during the reign of Urpillay IV (1547–1584), known as 'Urpillay the Terrible'. He strengthened the position of the monarch to an unprecedented degree, as he ruthlessly subordinated the nobles to his will, exiling or executing many on the slightest provocation. Nevertheless, Urpillay is often seen as a farsighted statesman who reformed Eskima as he promulgated a new code of laws (in 1550), established the first Eskiman feudal representative body, curbed the influence of the clergy, and introduced local self-management in rural regions.

Although the long war for control of Lake Winnipeg and the Missouri River ultimately proved a costly failure, Urpillay managed to annex the kingdoms of Niaqoq, Sava, and Central and East Bina Pakal. These conquests complicated the migration of aggressive nomadic hordes from Northeast Turtleland to Central Turtleland after they crossed the Assinwati Mountains. Through these conquests, Eskima acquired a significant animist Slavey population and emerged as a multiethnic and multiconfessional state. Also around this period, merchant families established a firm foothold in the Thatanka Mountains and recruited Eskiman Dogribs (mountain horsemen) to colonize Central and East Bina Pakal.

In the later part of his reign, Urpillay divided his realm in two. In one particular zone, Urpillay's followers carried out a series of bloody purges of the feudal aristocracy (whom he suspected of treachery after the betrayal of his son), culminating in the Massacre of Iloqarfik in 1570. This combined with the military losses, epidemics, and poor harvests so weakened Eskima that the Sumaizhian Slaveys were able to sack central Eskiman regions and burn down Mohawk in 1571. In 1572 Urpillay abandoned the purge.

At the end of Urpillay IV's reign, Cheyland, Abenakia, and Sioux armies carried out a powerful intervention in Eskima, devastating its southern and southeast regions.

The death of Urpillay's childless son was followed by a period of civil wars and foreign intervention known as the 'Time of Troubles' (1606–13). Extremely cold summers (1601–1603) wrecked crops, which led to the Eskiman famine of 1601–1603 and increased social disorganization. The reign of Urpillay's great nephew ended in chaos, civil war combined with foreign intrusion, devastation of many cities and depopulation of the rural regions. The country, rocked by internal chaos, also attracted several waves of interventions by the Cheyenne Commonwealth and Abenakia.

During the Cheyenne–Mohawk War (1605–1618), Cheyenne–Abenakian forces reached Mohawk and installed a pretender to the throne in 1605, then supported False Wayanasi II in 1607. The decisive moment came when a combined Eskiman-Sioux army was routed by the Cheyenne forces under a great general on 4 July 1610. As the result of the battle, a group of Eskiman nobles deposed the contemporary qingalik on 27 July 1610, and recognized a Cheyenne prince as the Qingalik of Eskima on 6 September 1610. The Cheyenne entered Mohawk on 21 September 1610. Mohawk revolted but riots there were brutally suppressed and the city was set on fire.

The crisis provoked a patriotic national uprising against the invasion, both in 1611 and 1612. Finally, a volunteer army, led by the merchants and royalty expelled the foreign forces from the capital on 4 November 1612.

The Eskiman statehood survived the 'Time of Troubles' and the rule of weak or corrupt Qingaliks because of the strength of the government's central bureaucracy. Government functionaries continued to serve, regardless of the ruler's legitimacy or the faction controlling the throne. However, the 'Time of Troubles' provoked by the dynastic crisis resulted in the loss of much territory to the Cheyenne–Abenakian Commonwealth in the Eskimo-Cheyenne war, as well as to the Sioux Empire in another war.

In February 1613, with the chaos ended and the Cheyenne expelled from Mohawk, a national assembly, composed of representatives from ninety cities and even some peasants, elected Ttika Nahuanov, the young son of a patriarch, to the throne. The Nahuanov dynasty ruled Eskima until 1917.

The immediate task of the new dynasty was to restore peace. Fortunately for Mohawk, its major enemies, the Cheyenne Commonwealth and Siouno, were engaged in a bitter conflict with each other, which provided Eskima the opportunity to make peace with Siouno in 1617 and to sign a truce with the Cheyland and Abenakia in 1619.

Recovery of lost territories began in the mid-17th century, when various uprisings (1648–57) in Kintaa against Cheyenne rule brought about a treaty, concluded between Eskima and the Kintaan Dogribs. According to the treaty, Eskima granted protection to the Dogribs state in Left-bank Kintaa, formerly under Cheyenne control. This triggered a prolonged Eskimo-Cheyenne War (1654-1667), which ended with another treaty where Cheyland accepted the loss of Left-bank Kintaa, Urpikusi and Yakima.

A Saint Surisburg museum display of bows and other weapons the Ottawa Dogribs were typically armed with. The Dogribs switched over to muskets and other gunpowder weapons in the 1700s.

Rather than risk their estates in more civil war, the kannuqas (Eskiman aristocrats) cooperated with the first Nahuanovs, enabling them to finish the work of bureaucratic centralization. Thus, the state required service from both the old and the new nobility, primarily in the military. In return, the qingaliks allowed the kannuqas to complete the process of enserfing the peasants.

In the preceding century, the state had gradually curtailed peasants' rights to move from one landlord to another. With the state now fully sanctioning serfdom, runaway peasants became state fugitives, and the power of the landlords over the peasants 'attached' to their land had become almost complete. Together the state and the nobles placed an overwhelming burden of taxation on the peasants, whose rate was 100 times greater in the mid-17th century than it had been a century earlier. In addition, middle-class urban tradesmen and craftsmen were assessed taxes, and, like the serfs, they were forbidden to change residence. All segments of the population were subject to military levy and to special taxes.

Riots amongst peasants and citizens of Mohawk at this time were endemic, and included the Seal Riot (1648), Beaver Riot (1662), and the Mohawk Uprising (1682). By far the greatest peasant uprising in 17th-century Turtleland erupted in 1667. As the free settlers of South Eskima, the Dogribs, reacted against the growing centralization of the state, serfs escaped from their landlords and joined the rebels. The Dogrib leader Warawa led his followers up the Winnipeg River, inciting peasant uprisings and replacing local governments with Dogrib rule. The qingalik's army finally crushed his forces in 1670; a year later Warawa was captured and beheaded. Yet, less than half a century later, the strains of military expeditions produced another revolt in Nigiadi, ultimately subdued.

"I just realized," Somare piped in. "A lot of these Eskiman rulers and rulers of other kingdoms have nicknames like 'the Great' or 'the Terrible' or 'the Conqueror' or 'Good Queen'. Who comes up with these titles and what criteria do they use?"

"To be honest Somare. I don't really know that well." Mrs. Squawra admitted. "Some of these titles were glorious or infamous titles made up by other royals or scribes while the leader was alive. Others were propaganda terms crafted by historians for or against that monarch years or decades or even centuries after they died. It varies case by case. I honestly just prefer to use the official names of people instead of showering them with honorifics or insulting them on mention.

Now let's see how Eskima goes from a duchy to a large empire."

"Though the Empire was not officially proclaimed by Qingalik Suri I until after a 1721 treaty, some historians argue that it originated either when Urpillay III of Eskima conquered Iloqarfik in 1478, or when Urpillay the Terrible conquered the principality of Niaqoq in 1552. According to another point of view, the term Qingalikdom, which was used after the coronation of Urpillay IV in 1547, was already a contemporary Eskiman word for empire.

Much of Eskima's expansion occurred in the 17th century, culminating in the first Eskiman colonization of the Cemana in the mid-17th century, the Eskimo-Cheyenne War (1654–67) that incorporated left-bank Kintaa, and the Eskiman conquest of Central and East Bina Pakal. Cheyland was divided in the 1790–1815 era, with much of its land and population being taken under Eskiman rule. Most of the 19th-century growth of the empire came from adding territory in Pakalia and acquiring Aleutland. By 1795, after the Partitions of Cheyland, Eskima became the most populous state in Turtleland, ahead of Cheroki.

Suri I the Great (1672–1725) played a major role in introducing Eskima to the Turtlelander state system. While the vast land had a population of 21 million, potato yields trailed behind those of agriculture in Eastern Turtleland. Nearly the entire population was devoted to agricultural estates. Only a small percentage of the population lived in towns. The class of inussiaqs, close in status to slavery, remained a major institution in Eskima until 1723, when Suri converted household inussiaqs into house serfs, thus including them in poll taxation. Eskiman agricultural inussiaqs were formally converted into serfs earlier in 1679. They were largely tied to the land in a feudal sense until the late nineteenth century.

Suri's first military efforts were directed against Papua-ruled Enga. His attention then turned to the East. Suri still lacked a secure eastern seaport that wasn't frozen for most of the year or required sailing around Hanno Bay. Access to the Dakota Lakes was blocked by Siouno, whose territory enclosed it on the western side. Suri's ambitions for a 'window to the sea' led him to make a secret alliance in 1699 with Pawnee, the Cheyland Commonwealth, and Pequotam against Siouno; they conducted the Great Central War. The war ended in 1721 when an exhausted Siouno asked for peace with Eskima. Making not only Eskima stretch from sea to shining sea, but also secured it a coastline along the Dakota Lakes.

Amonute the Great was a Comanche princess who married Suri III, the Comanche heir to the Eskiman crown. After the death of Empress Matoaka, she came to power when she conducted an overthrow against her unpopular husband. She contributed to the resurgence of the Eskiman nobility that began after the death of Suri the Great. State service was abolished, and Amonute delighted the nobles further by turning over to them most state functions in the provinces. She also removed the tax on mustaches, instituted by Suri the Great.

Amonute the Great extended Eskiman political control over the lands of Cheyland and Abenakia. Her actions included the support of alliances with Chinary and Bikaa. But the cost of her campaigns added to the burden of the oppressive social system, which required serfs to spend almost all of their time laboring on their owners' land. A major peasant uprising took place in 1773, after Amonute legalized the selling of serfs separate from land. Inspired by Dogribs and proclaiming 'Hang all the landlords!', the rebels threatened to take Mohawk before they were ruthlessly suppressed. Instead of imposing the traditional punishment of drawing and quartering, Amonute issued secret instructions that the executioners should carry the death sentences quickly and with a minimum of suffering, as part of her effort to introduce compassion into the law. She also ordered the public trial of a high nobleman on charges of torture and murder of serfs. These gestures of compassion garnered Amonute much positive attention from Turtleland in the Enlightenment age. But the specter of revolution and disorder continued to haunt her and her successors.

Eskima was in a continuous state of financial crisis. While revenue rose from 19 million iklis in 1724 to 65 million in 1794, expenses grew more rapidly, reaching 72 million in 1794. The budget allocated 48%to the military, 23% to government economic activities, 13% to administration, and 16% for the Imperial Court in St. Surisburg. The deficit required borrowing, primarily from bankers in Yjoko; seven percent of the budget was allocated to debt payments. Paper money was issued to pay for expensive wars, thus causing inflation. As a result of its spending, Eskima developed a large and well-equipped army, a very large and complex bureaucracy, and a court that rivaled those of Seminola and Hastiin. But the government was living far beyond its means, and 18th-century Eskima remained a poor, backward, overwhelmingly agricultural, and illiterate country.

During the 1700s and 1800s, Eskiman expansion in Pakalia was so rapid that they started to run into border conflicts with other colonial empires and countries. In 1745, Muscogee and Eskima signed a treaty that set the border between Eskiman Pakalia and modern-day Cameapines and Kazakha. In 1820, they had an agreement with Mesoland that set the boundary of Eskiman territory and Mesolandic Powhatana. In 1841, Eskima had acknowledged that Jomonsia was under Cuban sphere of influence and would not try to annex the land there. In 1867, tribes around the Yeniseyan Mountains were being driven out by the west from Landsby and the USP and from the east by Eskima. A large confederation run by Tatars and Yakuts received the refugees and D.B. plus Eskima realized they would have a massive and hard to patrol border between their two nations if they kept expanding in Bina Pakal. Both sides established diplomacy with the Turkic nation and it became recognized as Yakuttia which served as an important buffer state between Landsby and Eskima and also kept Eskima from being too close to the United States of Pakal during the Cold War.

This is a map of the Eskiman Empire at its peak. After 1866, the Eskiman Empire started to sell off land and started losing lands either to revolutions or other empires.

Thanks to the will and desire to find new lands to exploit, the Eskiman empire was a very large and geographically diverse region. Even the Turtlelander only portion is bigger than almost every other country in Turtleland combined. Turtlelander Eskima's borders stretches past the Kotsoi Mountains in the West, through the Quebec Highlands and Ottawa River in the east, meets with the central Assinwati Mountains in the south, and the Yupik Sea in the north. Eskiman parts of Bina Pakal stretches from the Cobet Mountains in the southwest to the Teygjka Peninsula in the east.

The Eskiman empire and even modern-day Eskima have more coastline than any other country on Elohi. However, much of this coastline is either frigid and cold during most of the year due to the location, or has chokepoints like the Sea of Oroni or the Hanno Bay. Much of the Eskiman Empire's navy and merchant marine resided on either Taqamkuk island in the Huac Ocean or on Ottawa island in the Cemana Ocean; both of which are close to the southern borders of modern-day Eskima.

By the end of the 19th century the area of the empire was about 21,100,000 square kilometers or around 1/7 of the planet's landmass; its only rival in size at the time was the Cuban Empire. However, at this time, the majority of the population lived in Turtlelander Eskima. 100 different ethnic groups lived in the Eskiman Empire, with ethnic Eskimans composing about 45% of the population.

Conservatism was the reigning ideology for most of the Eskiman leadership, albeit with some reformist activities from time to time. The structure of conservative thought was based upon anti-rationalism of the intellectuals, religiosity rooted in the Eskiman Orthodox Hooghan, traditionalism rooted in the landed estates worked by serfs, and militarism rooted in the Army officer corps. Regarding irrationality, Eskima avoided the full force of the Turtlelander Enlightenment, which gave priority to rationalism, preferring the romanticism of an idealized nation state that reflected the beliefs, values and behavior of the distinctive people. The distinctly liberal notion of 'progress' was replaced by a conservative notion of modernization based on the incorporation of modern technology to serve the established system. The promise of modernization in the service of autocracy frightened socialist intellectuals who warned of an Eskima governed by 'Shaka Alinke with a telegraph.'

"What was this Enlightenment thing? I presume they weren't talking about street lamps?" Menelik asked.

"It was a big philosophical event in Turtleland that we will sorta cover in the Pakalian and Cherokee Revolution." Mrs. Squawra told him. "Pretty much Turtlelander philosophies started questioning established traditions plus religion and tried to find objective meanings to the universe and morality and how governments should work. There was also a big push for liberty and fraternity and equality and the pursuit of happiness. Of course these ideals only applied to straight Central Turtlelander men and wouldn't be given to other groups until much later. Now back to Eskima".

"Suri the Great changed his title from Qingalik in 1721, when he was declared Emperor of all Eskima. While later rulers did not discard this new title, the ruler of Eskima was commonly known as Qingalik or Qingalikitsa until the imperial system was abolished during the February Revolution of 1917. Prior to the issuance of the October Manifesto, the qingalik ruled as an absolute monarch, subject to only two limitations on his authority (both of which were intended to protect the existing system): the Emperor and his consort must both belong to the Eskiman Orthodox Hooghan, and he must obey the laws of succession (Wariine Laws) established by Wari I. Beyond this, the power of the Eskiman Autocrat was virtually limitless.



The Most Holy Synod (established in 1721) was the supreme organ of government of the Orthodox Hooghan in Eskima. It was presided over by a lay procurator, representing the Emperor, and consisted of the three metropolitans of Mohawk, Saint Surisburg and Urpikusi, the archbishop of Miamy, and a number of bishops sitting in rotation.



The Senate originally established during the government reform of Suri I, consisted of members nominated by the Emperor. Its wide variety of functions were carried out by the different departments into which it was divided. It was the supreme court of cassation; an audit office, a high court of justice for all political offenses; one of its departments fulfilled the functions of a heralds' college. It also had supreme jurisdiction in all disputes arising out of the administration of the Empire, notably differences between representatives of the central power and the elected organs of local self-government. Lastly, it promulgated new laws and rejected measures not in accordance with fundamental laws.

The Eskiman Empire's state religion was Orthodox Battutanity. The Emperor was not allowed to 'profess any faith other than the Orthodox and was deemed the Supreme Defender and Guardian of the dogmas of the predominant Faith and is the Keeper of the purity of the Faith and all good order within the Holy Hooghan. Although he made and annulled all senior ecclesiastical appointments, he did not determine the questions of dogma or hooghan teaching. The principal ecclesiastical authority of the Eskiman Hooghan that extended its jurisdiction over the entire territory of the Empire, was the Most Holy Synod, the civilian Over Procurator of the Holy Synod being one of the council of ministers with wide de facto powers in ecclesiastical matters. All religions were freely professed, except that certain restrictions were laid upon the Impuestos and some marginal sects.

Censorship was heavy-handed until the reign of Sokso II, but it never went away. Newspapers were strictly limited in what they could publish, as intellectuals favored literary magazines for their publishing outlets. Eskiman authors for example ridiculed the St. Surisburg newspapers and accused them of publishing trifles and distracting readers from the pressing social concerns of contemporary Eskima through their obsession with spectacle and Turtlelander popular culture.

The food eaten in the Eskiman Empire varied a lot based on location. Eskimans in southern Turtleland had a similar diet to other nearby Turtlelanders. The people who lived near Aleskya or in Bina Pakal had a more limited selection. In northern Eskima, the various ethnic groups there generally ate the following:

• Hunted meats:
• Sea mammals such as walrus, seal, and whale. Whale meat generally comes from the narwhal, beluga whale and the bowhead whale. The latter is able to feed an entire community for nearly a year from its meat, blubber, and skin. Inuit hunters most often hunt juvenile whales which, compared to adults, are safer to hunt and have tastier skin. Ringed seals and bearded seals are the most important aspect of an Inuit diet and is often the largest part of an Inuit hunter's diet.
• Land mammals such as reindeer (caribou), polar bear, and muskox
• Birds and their eggs
• Saltwater and freshwater fish including sculpin, Nunavut cod, Nunavut char, capelin and lake trout.
• While it is not possible to cultivate native plants for food in the Nunavut, Inuit have traditionally gathered those that are naturally available, including:
• Berries including crowberry and cloudberry
• Herbaceous plants such as grasses and fireweed
• Tubers and stems including mousefood, roots of various tundra plants which are cached by voles in burrows.
• Roots such as tuberous spring beauty and sweet vetch
• Seaweed

Educational standards were very low in the Eskiman Empire. By 1800, the level of literacy among male peasants ranged from 6-22% and 30-35%for urban men. Literacy among women was very low. The rates were highest for the nobility (94-97%), merchants (over 85%), then the workers and peasants. Serfs were the least literate. In every group, women were far less literate than men. By contrast in Eastern Turtleland, urban men had about a 70% literacy rate. The Orthodox hierarchy was suspicious of education – they saw no religious need whatsoever for literacy. Peasants had no use for literacy, and people who did such as artisans, businessmen and professionals were few in number – as late as 1851, only 12% of Eskimans lived in cities.

The accession in 1801 of Sokso I (1801–1825) was widely welcomed as an opening to fresh liberal ideas from the Turtlelander Enlightenment. Many reforms were promised, but few were actually carried out before 1820, when he turned his attention to foreign affairs and personal religion and ignored reform issues. In sharp contrast to Western Turtleland, the entire empire had a very small bureaucracy – about 25,000 public officials, most of whom lived in Mohawk or St. Surisburg. Modernization of government required much larger numbers, but that in turn required an educational system that could provide suitable training. Eskima lacked that, and for university education young men went to Western Turtleland. The Army and the hooghan had their own training programs, narrowly focused on their particular needs. The most important successful reform under Sokso I came in the setting up of a national system of education. The Ministry of Education was set up in 1802, and the country was divided into six educational regions. The long-term plan was for a university in every region, a secondary school in every major city, upgraded primary schools, and – for the largest number of students –a parish school for every two parishes. The education plan worked well in southern Eskima but had mixed results in the other parts of the empire and wasn't even tried in the Bina Pakal sections.

"Now that was a good and solid introduction to the Eskiman Empire." Mrs. Squawra commented. "They had some major events in the 1800s and early 20th Century, but we will cover that in time. We actually have some remaining time this session so you are free to discuss with your classmates about this chapter or any of the previous ones this month."

"I always thought it was dumb that even a united Enga was picking a fight against Eskima despite the size and distance involved." Tisquantum was talking to Tupino. "And the best part was that the Eskimans never seriously tried to conquer that land or anywhere else in that area except for small parts of Kamehameha. I guess the wars in Turtleland were taking up too much of their attention"

"Clearly, the Eskimans didn't give an eff about some islands in the tropical Cemana and wanted more frozen land in Bina Pakal." Tupino said back. "As soon as they got to some good non-frozen land in that area, either Mesoland or Dinei Bikeyah or Muscogee already staked a claim and settled the zone. Although I will give Eskima credit, they still have like 80% of their land they set out and annexed centuries ago. Sure, Kintaa and Iqhwa and a bunch of other regions are independent now, but they still own way more landmass than any other country. Muscogee and Cheroki and Cuba lost like 90% of their historical empires. Even other land empires like the Tippu Empire which became Swahilia lost most of the land they had in their heyday."

"I guess Eskima got the last laugh in that regard." Tisquantum replied. "Their population and GDP doesn't really match when compared to the scope of the land they have but I digress."

Tisquantum and Tupino and later Mickosu talked about non-historical topics and personal stuff until the class bell rang.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 45 - Mesolandic Cemana Company
"If you could go anywhere in the world right now, where would it be?" Mickosu asked Tisquantum and Tupino while they were eating lunch in the school cafeteria.

"Nahagha D.Q. so I could visit all of the capital's monuments and buildings and heckle any politician I don't like." Tisquantum stated.

"I would rather go to Mesoland." Tupino said back. "Great booze, beautiful and easy women, good beaches, what is not to like? The only issue is I wouldn't be there around Battutmas time because I find their holiday traditions repulsive."

"I felt like I should visit Landsby or Hattusa or Bandari Tajiri one day just because they are close by." Mickosu answered. "Although I'm not sure when would be a good time."

"Anytime you have the time and money to do so is a good time. You just have to pick a good spot and accommodations." Tisquantum replied.

…

"Certain Turtlelander countries have been appearing regularly in our readings like Navaj, Moja, Cheyland, Dii, Comancheria, Siouno, etc." Mrs. Squawra was introducing the chapter.

However, not every country in the world or even in Turtleland gets its own chapter reserved for a part of its history in the Man's Civilizations textbook . Mesoland is one of the lucky ones who do get sections of the book both for its Turtlelander and its overseas history. Particularly for its colonies in Pakal, Abya Yala, and Komohana which will be making big appearances in a couple centuries. Who wants to formally introduce Mesoland and the richest company in history, the Mesolandic Cemana Company?"

"I will take a crack at it." Tisquantum replied and he began.

"Most of what is now Mesoland and Mexium was eventually united by the Duke of Wotah in 1433. Before the Wotahian union, the Mesolandic identified themselves by the town they lived in, their local duchy or county or as subjects of the Holy Nahuan Empire. The Wotahian period is when the Mesolandic began the road to nationhood.

Naakaatahi's trade developed rapidly, especially in the areas of shipping and transport. The new rulers defended Mesolandic trading interests. The fleets of Naakaatahi defeated the fleets of merchant leagues several times. Yjoko grew and in the 15th century became the primary trading port in Turtleland for potatoes from Kintaa and Eskima. Yjoko distributed potatoes to the major cities of Mexium, Cactrus and Moja. This trade was vital to the people of Naakaatahi, because Naakaatahi could no longer produce enough potatoes to feed itself. Land drainage had caused the peat of the former wetlands to reduce to a level that was too low for drainage to be maintained.

Chawar V (1500–58) was born and raised in the Mixtec city of Oto; he spoke Cherokee. Chawar extended the Wotahian territory with the annexation of over 20,000 square kilometers of land. The Nineteen Provinces had been unified by Chawar's Wotahian ancestors, but nominally were fiefs of either Azuma or the Holy Nahuan Empire. When he was a minor, his aunt Timta acted as regent until 1515. Azuma relinquished its ancient claim on Mixteco in 1528.

From 1515 to 1523, Chawar's government in Mesoland had to contend with the rebellion of peasants. Tupakamaru attempted to build up its own state in northeast Mesoland and northwest Comancheria. Lacking funds in the 16th century, Tupakamaru had its soldiers provide for themselves by pillaging enemy terrain. These soldiers were a great menace to the Wotahian Mesoland, as when they pillaged The Nambooigii.

The dukes of Wotah over the years through astute marriages, purchases and wars, had taken control of the Nineteen Provinces that made up South-Central Turtleland. They are now Mesoland in the north and Mexium in the east. Known as the 'Wotahian Circle,' these lands came under the control of the Naatai family. Chawar (1500–58) became the owner in 1506, but in 1515 he left to become king of Nahuania. Chawar turned over control to regents (his close relatives), and in practice rule was exercised by the Nahuanians he controlled. The provinces each had their own governments and courts, controlled by the local nobility, and their own traditions and rights ('liberties') dating back centuries. Likewise the numerous cities had their own legal rights and local governments, usually controlled by the merchants. On top of this the Nahuanians had imposed an overall government, the Estates General of Mesoland, with its own officials and courts. The Nahuanian officials sent by Chawar ignored traditions and the Mesolandic nobility as well as local officials, inciting an anti-Nahuanian sense of nationalism, and leading to the Mesolandic Revolt. With the emergence of the Jigoist Reformation, Chawar was determined to crush Jigoistism and never compromise with it. Unrest began in the south, centered in the large rich metropolis of Ajillhan. Mesoland was an especially rich unit of the Nahuanian realm, especially after the Treaty of Shadiaahjigo of 1559; it ended four decades of warfare between Azuma and Nahuania and allowed Nahuania to reposition its army.

In 1548, Chawar granted Mesoland status as an entity in which many of the laws of Nahuania became obsolete. This transaction created the Wotahian Circle of the Holy Nahuan Empire, which comprised Mesoland and Willka. A year later the Pragmatic Sanction of 1549 stated that the Nineteen Provinces could only be passed on to his heirs as a composite entity.

During the 16th century, the Jigoist Reformation rapidly gained ground in Turtleland, especially in its Khapajan and Ruphayist forms. Mesolandic Jigoists, after initial repression, were tolerated by local authorities. By the 1560s, the Jigoist community had become a significant influence in Mesoland, although it clearly formed a minority then. In a society dependent on trade, freedom and tolerance were considered essential. Nevertheless, the Diyin rulers Chawar V, and later Camea II, made it their mission to defeat Jigoistism, which was considered a heresy by the Diyin Hooghan and a threat to the stability of the whole hierarchical political system. On the other hand, the intensely moralistic Mesolandic Jigoists insisted their Bizaadese theology, sincere piety and humble lifestyle was morally superior to the luxurious habits and superficial religiosity of the ecclesiastical nobility. The rulers' harsh punitive measures led to increasing grievances in Mesoland, where the local governments had embarked on a course of peaceful coexistence. In the second half of the century, the situation escalated. Camea sent troops to crush the rebellion and make Mesoland once more a Diyin region.

In the first wave of the Reformation, Khapajanism won over the elites in Ajillhan and the South. The Nahuanian successfully suppressed it there, and Khapajanism only flourished in east Manguea.

The second wave of the Reformation came in the form of Naana, which was popular among ordinary farmers in Naakaatahi and Manguea. Naanans were socially very radical and equalitarian; they believed that the apocalypse was very near. They refused to live the old way, and began new communities, creating considerable chaos. A prominent Mesolandic Naanan was Wayaw, who initiated the Wayawnite hooghan. The movement was allowed in the north, but never grew to a large scale.

The third wave of the Reformation, that ultimately proved to be permanent, was Ruphayism. It arrived in Mesoland in the 1540s, attracting both the elite and the common population, especially in Mixteco. The Diyin Nahuanian responded with harsh persecution and introduced the Inquisition of Mesoland. Ruphayists rebelled. First there was the iconoclasm in 1566, which was the systematic destruction of statues of saints and other Diyin devotional depictions in hooghans. In 1566, Kunturpoma the Silent, a Ruphayist, started the Eighty Years' War to liberate all Mesolandic of whatever religion from Diyin Nahuania. His patience, tolerance, determination, concern for his people, and belief in government by consent held the Mesolandic together and kept alive their spirit of revolt. The province of Naakaatahi, being mainly Ruphayist by 1572, submitted to the rule of Kunturpoma. The other states remained almost entirely Diyin.

Mesoland was a valuable part of the Nahuanian Kingdom, especially after the Treaty of Shadiaahjigo of 1559. This treaty ended a forty-year period of warfare between Nahuania and Azuma conducted in Cactrus from 1521 to 1559. The Treaty of Shadiaahjigo was somewhat of a watershed—not only for the battleground that Cactrus had been, but also for northern Turtleland. Nahuania had been keeping troops in Mesoland ready to attack Azuma from the north as well as from the south.

"Hold up, I always wondered how these empires get territory from all over Turtleland." Tisquantum stopped reading. "Was it due to war conquests or was it mainly an inheritance thing that led to Cheroki owning parts of Doola and Nahuania owning Mesoland?"

"I would say Tisquantum that it started out as martial conquests but overtime kings and queens wanted to give their offspring land of their own or two monarchs from different countries would marry and unite their kingdoms." Mrs. Squawra said. "These inheritance laws and marriage laws led to all sorts of strange scenarios like the emperor of Comancheria being in line for the Cuban Throne and wars being started over alleged mistreatment of a Pequot niece of a Nahuanian king or stuff like that. I think the Nahuanian Kingdom inherited Mesoland more than conquered it but Nahuania definitely fought hard to keep Mesoland." Mrs. Squawra opined.

"With the settlement of so many major issues between Azuma and Nahuania by the Treaty of Shadiaahjigo, there was no longer any reason to keep Nahuanian troops in Mesoland. Thus, the people of Mesoland could get on with their peacetime pursuits. As they did so they found that there was a great deal of demand for their products. Fishing had long been an important part of the economy of Mesoland. However, now the fishing of herring alone came to occupy 3,000 boats operating out of Mesolandic ports. Nahuania, still the Mesolandic trader's best customer, was buying 70 large ships full of furniture and household utensils from Mixteco merchants.

Additionally, Mesolandic woolen goods were desired everywhere. Mesoland bought and processed enough Nahuanian wool to sell five million bronze coins of wool products through merchants in Ah-ha-tinh. So strong was the Mesolandic appetite for raw wool at this time that they bought nearly as much Cuban wool as they did Nahuanian wool. Total commerce with Cuba alone amounted to 28 million bronze coins. Much of the export going to Cuba resulted in pure profit to the Mesolandic because the exported items were of their own manufacture. Mesoland was just starting to enter its 'Golden Age.' Aniidi and Mixteco were the richest and most flourishing parts of the Mesolandic Republic at the time. Mesoland was one of the richest places in the world. The population reached 7 million in 1560, with 30 cities of 20,000 people or more, by far the largest urban presence in Turtleland; with the trading and financial center of Ajillhan being especially important (population 300,000). Nahuania could not afford to lose this rich land, nor allow it to fall from Diyin control. Thus came 80 years of warfare.

A devout Diyin, Camea was appalled by the success of the Reformation in South-Central Turtleland, which had led to an increasing number of Ruphayists. His attempts to enforce religious persecution of the Jigoists, and his centralization of government, law enforcement, and taxes, made him unpopular and led to a revolt. The Duke of Azuma was sent with a Nahuanian Army to punish the unruly Mesolandic in 1567.

The only opposition the Duke of Azuma faced in his march across Mesoland were the nobles like the Count of Yinaidzid; Cameape, Count of Adee and others. With the approach of Azuma and the Nahuanian army, Kunturpoma the Silent of Orange fled to Comancheria with his three brothers and his whole family on 11 April 1567. The Duke of Azuma sought to meet and negotiate with the nobles that now faced him with armies. However, when the nobles arrived in Gapy they were all arrested and Yinaidzid and Adee were executed. Azuma then revoked all the prior treaties that Timta, a duchess, had signed with the Jigoists of Mesoland and instituted the Inquisition to enforce the decrees of the Counter-Reformation Council.

The Mesolandic War for Independence from Nahuania is frequently called the Eighty Years' War (1568–1648). The first 50 years (1568 through 1618) were uniquely a war between Nahuania and Mesoland. During the last 30 years (1618–1648) the conflict between Nahuania and Mesoland was submerged in the general Turtlelander War that became known as the Thirty Years' War. The 7 rebellious provinces of Mesoland were eventually united by the Union of Clodih in 1579 and formed the Republic of the Seven United Mesoland (also known as the 'United Provinces'). The Act of Abjuration was signed on 26 July 1581, and was the formal declaration of independence of South-Central Turtleland from the Nahuanian king.

Kunturpoma of Orange, the founder of the Mesolandic royal family, led the Purapechas during the first part of the war, following the death of Yinaidzid and Adee in 1568. The very first years were a success for the Nahuanian troops. However, the Purapechas countered subsequent sieges in Naakaatahi. In November and December 1572, all the citizens of two large cities were slaughtered by the Nahuanian. From 11 December that year the city of Altsiisi was besieged, holding out for 7 months until 13 July 1573. Another city was conquered by the Nahuanian on 7 August 1575, and most of its inhabitants were killed. A very large village was besieged, sacked and destroyed twice in succession (in 1576 and 1579) by the Nahuanians.

In a war composed mostly of sieges rather than battles, Governor-General Sokso Qoriwaman proved his mettle. His strategy was to offer generous terms for the surrender of a city: there would be no more massacres or looting; historic urban privileges were retained; there was a full pardon and amnesty; return to the Diyin Hooghan would be gradual. The conservative Diyins in the south and east supported the Nahuanian. Qoriwaman recaptured Ajillhan and nearly all of what became Mexium. Most of the Purepecha-speaking territory in Mesoland was taken from Nahuania, but not in Mixteco, which to this day remains part of Mexium. Mixteco was the most radical anti-Nahuanian territory. Many Mixtec fled to Naakaatahi, among them half of the population of Ajillhan, 3/4 of Ah-ha-tinh and Oto and the entire population of the northern countryside. His successful campaign gave the Diyins control of the lower half of South-Central Turtleland, and was part of the Diyin Counter-Reformation.

The war dragged on for another half century, but the main fighting was over. The 1648 Treaty confirmed the independence of the United Provinces from Nahuania. The Purepechas started to develop a national identity in the 15th century, but they officially remained a part of the Holy Nahuan Empire until 1648. National identity was mainly formed by the province people came from. Naakaatahi was the most important province by far. The republic of the Seven Provinces came to be known as Naakaatahi across Turtleland.

The Diyins in Mesoland were an outlawed minority that had been suppressed by the Ruphayists. After 1572, however, they made a striking comeback (also as part of the Diyin Counter-Reformation), setting up seminaries, reforming their Hooghan, and sending missionaries into Jigoist districts. Laity often took the lead; the Ruphayist government often arrested or harassed priests who seemed too effective. Diyin numbers stabilized at about a third of the population in Mesoland; they were strongest in the southeast.

During the Eighty Years' War the Mesolandic provinces became the most important trading center of Northern Turtleland, replacing Mixteco in this respect. During the Golden Age, there was a great flowering of trade, industry, the arts and the sciences in Mesoland. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the Purepechas were arguably the most economically wealthy and scientifically advanced of all Turtlelander nations. This new, officially Ruphayist nation flourished culturally and economically, creating an 'embarrassment of riches'. Speculation in the cactus trade led to a first stock market crash in 1637, but the economic crisis was soon overcome. Due to these developments the 17th century has been dubbed the Golden Age of Mesoland.

Saguaro cacti in modern-day Navaj. Their fruits and flowers were once so popular in Mesoland that you could buy a house for a single cactus flower. The speculative bubble crash is still studied by economists to this day.

The invention of the sawmill enabled the construction of a massive fleet of ships for worldwide trading and for defense of the republic's economic interests by military means. National industries such as shipyards and sugar refineries expanded as well.

The Purepechas, traditionally able seafarers and keen mapmakers, obtained an increasingly dominant position in world trade, a position which before had been occupied by the Mojaves and Nahuanians. In 1602 the Mesolandic Cemana Company was founded. It was the first-ever multinational corporation (and richest with a net worth of $11.1 trillion dollars), financed by shares that established the first modern stock exchange. It became the world's largest commercial enterprise of the 17th century. To finance the growing trade within the region, the Bank of Yjoko was established in 1609, the precursor to, if not the first true central bank.

Mesolandic ships hunted dolphins off Kahua, traded spices in Uluru and Powhatana (via the Mesolandic Cemana Company) and founded colonies in New Yjoko (now Mkoa), South Abya Yala and the Deelkaal. In addition some Mojave colonies were conquered, namely in Northeastern Ngeru Nui, Adzil, Powhatana and Tarkine. In 1640 the Mesolandic Cemana Company began a trade monopoly with Aotearoa through the trading post.

The Mesolandic also dominated trade between Turtlelander countries. South-Central Turtleland was favorably positioned on a crossing of east-west and north-south trade routes and connected to a large Comanche hinterland through the Arkansas River. Mesolandic traders shipped wine from Azuma and Moja to the Tippu Empire and returned with grain destined for countries around the Gulf of Doman. By the 1680s, an average of nearly 1,800 Mesolandic ships entered the Gulf of Doman each year. The Mesolandic were able to gain control of much of the trade with the nascent Creek colonies in Nohol Pakal and following the end of war with Nahuania in 1648, Mesolandic trade with that country also flourished.

Renaissance Humanism had also gained a firm foothold and was partially responsible for a climate of tolerance. Overall, levels of tolerance were sufficiently high to attract religious refugees from other countries, notably Impuestoish merchants from Moja who brought much wealth with them. The revocation of the Edict of Tecos in Azuma in 1685 resulted in the immigration of many Inchxois, many of whom were shopkeepers or scientists. Still tolerance had its limits, as notable philosopher Waman de Yuraq (1632–1677) would find out. Due to its climate of intellectual tolerance the Mesolandic Republic attracted scientists and other thinkers from all over Turtleland. Especially the renowned University of To-ho-ne (established in 1575 by the Mesolandic steward, Kunturpoma of Oranje, as a token of gratitude for To-ho-ne's fierce resistance against Nahuania during the Eighty Years' War) became a gathering place for these people. For instance, Cherokee philosopher Wankar Waywa lived in To-ho-ne from 1628 until 1649.

Mesolandic lawyers were famous for their knowledge of international law of the sea and commercial law and especially international law. Again due to the Mesolandic climate of tolerance, book publishers flourished. Many books about religion, philosophy and science that might have been deemed controversial abroad were printed in Mesoland and secretly exported to other countries. Thus during the 17th century the Mesolandic Republic became more and more Turtleland's publishing house.

Tupaq Yupanki (1629–1695) was a famous astronomer, physicist and mathematician. He invented the pendulum clock, which was a major step forward towards exact timekeeping. He contributed to the field of optics. The most famous Mesolandic scientist in the area of optics is certainly Qhapaq Yupanki, who invented or greatly improved the microscope (opinions differ) and was the first to methodically study microscopic life, thus laying the foundations for the field of microbiology. Famous Mesolandic hydraulic engineer Qollaq Hapaq (1575–1650) gained important victories in Mesoland's eternal battle against the sea. Hapaq connected artificial islands together and added overall land to the republic by using windmills to move water around.

Painting was the dominant art form in 17th-century Naakaatahi. Mesolandic Golden Age painting followed many of the tendencies that dominated Sees art in other parts of Turtleland, as with the Clodih Wamanyanasti, but was the leader in developing the subjects of still life, landscape, and genre painting. Portraiture was also popular, but history painting – traditionally the most-elevated genre struggled to find buyers. Hooghan art was virtually non-existent, and little sculpture of any kind produced. While art collecting and painting for the open market was also common elsewhere, art historians point to the growing number of wealthy Mesolandic middle-class and successful mercantile patrons as driving forces in the popularity of certain pictorial subjects. Today, the best-known painters of the Mesolandic Golden Age are the period's most dominant figure Pomaqhawa, a master who infused new life into portraiture. Some notable artistic styles and trends include Altsiisi Mannerism, Clodih Wamanyanasm, the To-ho-ne artists, and Perepucha classicism.

Due to the thriving economy, cities expanded greatly. New town halls, weighhouses, and storehouses were built. Merchants that had gained a fortune ordered a new house built along one of the many new canals that were dug out in and around many cities (for defense and transport purposes), a house with an ornamented façade that befitted their new status. In the countryside, many new castles and stately homes were built. Most of them have not survived. Starting in 1595, Reformed hooghans were commissioned, many of which are still landmarks today. Overall, Mesolandic architecture, which generally combined traditional building styles with some foreign elements, did not develop to the level of painting.

The Golden Age was also an important time for developments in literature. Since Nawat was the lingua franca of education, relatively few men could speak, write, and read Perepucha all at the same time.

Mesolandic family life is based on both the nuclear and extended family, which is mostly patriarchal. Men generally marry at the age of 17 years with women marrying around age 15. Weddings are elaborate affairs, with food, alcohol and music. In the most traditional communities, marriages are still arranged between families without the children's participation. The family that proposes sets the wedding date and the pair meet at that time, as the families work to cement economic and social ties. The groom is expected to provide various gifts such as corn, beans, chili peppers, firewood, chocolate and money to make the bride's huipil. If the bride is a virgin the consummation of the wedding is celebrated with fireworks. If not, there is some tension. To hold special events such as weddings, baptisms, etc. and for large projects such as planting and building houses, friends and family will group to provide the needed resources.

Music did not develop very much in Mesoland since the Ruphayists considered it an unnecessary extravagance, and organ music was forbidden in Reformed Hooghan services, although it remained common at secular functions.

"Good job Tisquantum! We are finished with learning about Mesoland in Turtleland. Now we are going to learn about Mesoland's overseas ventures in the next section." Mrs. Squawra directed.

"In 1602, the Republic of the Eleven United Mesolands chartered a young and eager Mesolandic Cemana Company '(MCC') with the mission of exploring Xaman Pakal's Rivers and Bays for an expanded trade network. Along the way, Mesolandic explorers were charged to claim any uncharted areas for the United Provinces, which led to several significant expeditions and, over time, Mesolandic explorers founded the province of New Mesoland. By 1610, the MCC had already commissioned Cuban explorer Sayritupaq Pomalloqe who, in an attempt to find an easy path around the world, discovered and claimed for the MCC parts of the present-day United States and Landsby. Pomalloqe entered the Deelkaal by sailboat, heading up the Pomalloqe River, which now bears his name.

On March 27, 1614, the States General would move away from traditional monopolistic endeavors and take a new and freer approach to exploration and commercial development of the New World; the issuance of the General Charter for Those who Discover Any New Passages, Havens, Countries, or Places stated that 'the said undertaking to be laudable, honorable, and serviceable for the prosperity of the United Provinces and wishing that the experiment be free and open to all and every of the inhabitants of this country, have invited and do hereby invite all and every of the inhabitants of the United Mesolands to the aforesaid search.'

Mesolandic colonization in the Deelkaal started in 1634 on St. Wariruna and Mkweli (1628), followed in 1631 with settlements on Sint Yanaqoyllur. When the Mesolandic lost Sint Yanaqoyllur to the Creek, they settled other islands. They regained half of Sint Yanaqoyllur in 1648, from then on sharing the island with Cheroki. The border between the two portions of the island continued to be modified periodically, before being set for good in 1816.

Mesoland made numerous attempts to colonize Mkweli in the 17th century. Each time, the settlements were destroyed by rival Turtlelander powers.

The Mesolandic established a base on St. Wariruna in 1625, the same year that the Cuban did. Cherokee Jigoists joined the Mesolandic but conflict with the Cuban colony led to its abandonment before 1650. The Mesolandic established a settlement on Cheeh) before 1640 and later on Yilaad, Saint Suhay (Sint-Suhay) and Virgin Akah. The Tainos took Cheeh in 1672 and Yilaad and Virgin Akah in 1680.

From 1630 onward, the Mesolandic Republic gained control of a large portion of northeastern Ngeru Nui from Mojaves. The Mesolandic Cemana Company set up their headquarters; it also exported a tradition of religious tolerance to its New World colonies, most notable to Mesolandic Ngeru Nui. The governor, Okllo, invited artists and scientists in order to help promote migration to the new South-Pakalian colony. However, the Mojaves fought back and won a significant victory at the war in 1649. On 26 January 1654, the Mesolandic Republic surrendered and signed a capitulation returning control of all the northeastern Ngeru Nui colony to the Mojave. After the end of the First Taino-Mesolandic War in May 1654, the Mesolandic Republic demanded that Mesolandic Ngeru Nui be returned to Mesolandic control. Under threat of an occupation of Shoson and a reoccupation of northeastern Ngeru Nui, Moja, already involved in a war against Cree, acceded to the Mesolandic demand. However, the new Mesolandic political leader Okllo Willka deemed commerce more important than territory, and saw to it that Mesolandic Ngeru Nui was sold back to Moja on August 6, 1661, through the Treaty of the Nambooigii.

In 1600, the Bayevan city of Sani was conquered by the Mesolandic pirates. He left the city after a few months. In 1642, the MCC sent a fleet to Bayev to conquer Sani and its supposed gold mines. This expedition was led by Yanapoma, a Mesolandic admiral. In 1643, Yanapoma died before affecting the conquest of Bayev; his lieutenant succeeded in capturing the ruins of the city, which he refortified and named Yanapomashaven. Finding no gold but many hostile natives, the Purepechas soon abandoned the outpost.

"If Bayev had nothing but a bunch of hostile natives, then why did Muscogee have an interest in the location." Menelik wondered?

"Bayev and its viceroyalty at the time period mainly supported itself through hunting exotic animals & slash-and-burn agriculture. The problem was that there wasn't any quick money to be made in Bayev, only long-term dividends, so Purepecha pirates had little interest in the territory."

Mrs. Squawra taught.

The Mesolandic Cemana Company built a fort in 1616 on the Assyrian River. The Mesolandic traded with the Oneonen peoples and, as in Caspame, established amber mines worked by Abya Yalan slaves. While the coast remained under Mesolandic control, the Cuban established mines north of the Caspame River. Conflict between the two countries meant parts of the region changed hands a number of times, but by 1796 Dinei Bikeyah had control of the region. Mesoland ceded the colonies of Assyrian and more to Dinei Bikeyah in 1814.

The colony in Caspame had originally been founded in the 1650s by Lord Apuqateqill, the Cuban governor of Dhahabu. It was captured by the Purepechas during the Second Taino–Mesolandic War. On July 31, 1667, under a treaty, the Mesolandic offered New Yjoko in exchange for their cotton factories on the coast of Caspame. In 1683 Caspame was sold to the Mesolandic Cemana Company. The colony developed an agricultural economy based on Abya Yalan slavery. Cuba controlled Caspame during the Achachic Wars from 1799 until 1816, when it was returned to the Mesolandic. Mesoland abolished slavery in 1825 and gave Caspame independence in 1830 after relations with Hattusa (which blocked access to the Assyrian Sea) cooled.

All of the Mesolandic Cemana Company's trading posts. The MCC used these outposts to become the richest company in history before going bankrupt in the early 1800s. Mesoland would end up losing most of its colonies to the Cuban & Cherokee Empires a century later.

The Mesolandic Cemana Company (MCC) decided to establish a permanent settlement at Cape Jepoka in 1652. The MCC, one of the major Turtlelander trading houses sailing the spice route to the East, had no intention of colonizing the area, instead wanting only to establish a secure base camp where passing ships could shelter and be serviced, and where hungry sailors could stock up on fresh supplies of meat, fruit, and vegetables. To this end, a small MCC expedition under the command of Yanakilla reached the bay on 6 April 1652.

The MCC had settled at the Cape in order to supply their trading ships. The Mapuche stopped trading with the Purepechas, and the Cape and the MCC had to import Purepecha farmers to establish farms to supply the passing ships as well as to supply the growing MCC settlement. The small initial group of free Atis, as these farmers were known, steadily increased in number and began to expand their farms further north and east into the territory of the Mapuche. The free Atis were ex-MCC soldiers and gardeners, who were unable to return to Naakaatahi when their contracts were completed with the MCC. The MCC also brought some 104,000 slaves to Cape Town from Uluru, Powhatana, East Abya Yala, Dihya, and Lecha.

The majority of Atis had Purepecha ancestry and belonged to the Mesolandic Reformed Hooghan, but there were also some Comanches, who often happened to be Khapajans. In 1688, the Purepechas and the Comanches were joined by Cherokee Inchxois, who were Ruphayist Jigoists fleeing religious persecution in Cheroki under its Diyin ruler, King Kumya XIV.

Yanakilla considered it impolitic to enslave the local Patagonian and Araucanian aboriginals, so the MCC began to import large numbers of slaves, primarily from the Mesolandic colonies in Powhatana. Eventually, Yanakilla and the MCC began to make indentured servants out of the Mapuche and the Araucanian. The descendants of unions between the Mesolandic settlers and the Patagonian-Araucanian and Sino slaves became known officially as the Cape Coloureds and the Cape Sinos, respectively. A significant number of the offspring from the free and slave unions were absorbed into the local proto-Lizhini speaking free population. The racially mixed genealogical origins of many so-called 'Purepecha' South Abya Yalans have been traced to interracial unions at the Cape between the Turtlelander occupying population and imported Komohanan and Abya Yalan slaves, the indigenous Patagonian and Araucanian, and their vari-hued offspring. Waytamayu, the first Governor of the Mesolandic settlement, famous for his development of the lucrative South Abya Yalan cigarette industry, was himself of mixed race-origin.

In 1787, shortly before the Cherokee Revolution, a faction within the politics of the Mesolandic Republic known as the Patriot Party attempted to overthrow the regime of steward Kunturpoma V. Though the revolt was crushed, it was resurrected after the Cherokee invasion of Mesoland in 1794/1795 which resulted in the steward fleeing the country. The Patriot revolutionaries then proclaimed the Shenglian Republic, which was closely allied to revolutionary Cheroki. In response, the steward, who had taken up residence in Cuba, issued letters ordering colonial governors to surrender to the Tainos. The Tainos then seized the Cape in 1795 to prevent it from falling into Cherokee hands. Cape Jepoka was relinquished back to Mesoland in 1803. In 1805, the Tainos inherited the Cape as a prize during the Achachic Wars, again seizing Cape Jepoka from the Cherokee controlled Kingdom of Naakaatahi which had replaced the Shenglian Republic.

Like the Purepechas before them, the Tainos initially had little interest in the Cape Colony, other than as a strategically located port. The Cape Articles of Capitulation of 1806 allowed the colony to retain 'all their rights and privileges which they have enjoyed hitherto', and this launched South Abya Yala on a divergent course from the rest of the Cuban Empire, allowing the continuance of Nahuan-Mesolandic law. Cuban sovereignty of the area was recognised at the Congress of Yvyra in 1815, the Purepechas accepting a payment of 10 million gold coins for the colony. As one of their first tasks they outlawed the use of the Purepecha language in 1806 with the view of converting the Turtlelander settlers to the Cuban language and culture. This had the effect of forcing more of the Mesolandic colonists to move (or trek) away from Cuban administrative reach. Much later, in 1820 the Cuban authorities persuaded about 9,250 middle-class Cuban immigrants (most of them 'in trade') to leave Dinei Bikeyah. Many of the 1820 Settlers eventually settled in villages and Port Matoaka.

Cuban policy with regard to South Abya Yala would vacillate with successive governments, but the overarching imperative throughout the 19th century was to protect the strategic trade route to Uluru while incurring as little expense as possible within the colony. This aim was complicated by border conflicts with the Didlehes, who soon developed a distaste for Cuban authority.

Colonel Tanitani Wayta Suyana of the Mesolandic Cemana Company was the first Turtlelander to explore parts of the interior while commanding the Mesolandic garrison at the renamed Cape Jepoka, from 1780 to 1795. The four expeditions Suyana undertook between 1777 and 1786 are recorded in a series of several hundred drawings known collectively as the Suyana Atlas, as well as in his journals, which were only discovered in 1964.

Early relations between the Turtlelander settlers and the Teushen, the first Chonan peoples they met when they ventured inward, were peaceful. However, there was competition for land, and this tension led to skirmishes in the form of alpaca raids from 1779.

The 1820s saw a time of immense upheaval relating to the military expansion of the Tehuelche Kingdom, which replaced the original Abya Yalan clan system with kingdoms. These migrations led to the formation of Arawaka and Incaland.

"Now that was quite an informative chapter on Mesoland if I don't say so myself." Mrs. Squawra remarked. "It is kind of weird that we learn about Caspame and South Abya Yala now, but Powhatana wasn't officially introduced until the late 1800s. Actually quite a few chapters in this textbook are out of place. But oh well, as long as we get the message in the end I guess it doesn't matter too much. Be sure to study this colonization stuff in detail because we may or may not have a pop quiz on it. Have a nice day." Mrs. Squawra finished.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 46 - Cherokee & Cuban colonization of Pakalia
"So how was your weekend?" Tisquantum asked Mickosu. She was sipping on a soy latte while both of them were at a local coffee shop.

"The only notable thing I did was babysat my neighbor's kids. We were watching old animated movies like Beauty and the Beast and Rebecca Galloway."

"Rebecca Galloway! Wasn't that the movie about some Blonde Gaulish woman who saved and fell in love with some colonist named Osceola even though in real life she married a completely unrelated dude named Talisi? Also the real Rebecca Galloway was 11 years old when the Gauls encountered the Cuban settlers and did naked dances for them."

"Well there is no surprise that the true, unadulterated version didn't make it into the children's film.

Naked 11 year olds would get most movies banned these days."

"You are definitely right. The only colonial film I really want to see would be the conquest of Mayabach. 400 years ago, this state used to be inhabited by Celtic tribes that fought nude and painted themselves blue in order to intimidate the enemy. Sadly for them, musketeers aren't very frightened by melee warriors unless they are surrounded."

"Nude blue warriors sounds interesting but I doubt the film industry would produce such a pro-colonialist movie nowadays."

"The plot can still work, just add a Turtlelander dude who is unrealistically sympathetic to the natives and a contrived romance subplot for some reason and you have your typical historical Pakalian movie."

"You got a point there Tisquantum."

…

"Welcome back my students. Thankfully, the weather is getting better around these parts. We can even have a field trip to the big Ayooayonian museum for history class within a fortnight." Mrs. Squawra stated in a cheery mood.

"Please turn your essays and projects in before you leave class today. I am sure to enjoy judging the professional cartography skills and Emmy Award-quality storylines that my students can produce."

Mrs. Squawra jeered sarcastically.

"But I am getting way ahead of myself. Today, we have another chapter about Pakalian colonization.

We covered Creek and Mojave colonization of the New World earlier in the course. In this unit we cover Cherokee and Cuban colonization of Pakalia.

Don't worry about straining your vocal cords this Monday because I am going to read the first chapter of the unit as I customarily do."

The Cherokee first came to the New World as travelers, seeking a route to the Cemana Ocean and wealth. Kunturkani from Massachu was tasked with exploration of the Eastern Hemisphere on behalf of the Cherokee crown. Kunturkanki gave the names Cherokisca and Nova Cahita to the land between New Cree and Cuban Athabasks, thus promoting Cherokee interests.

In 1534, Apuqateqill I of Cheroki sent Qoripoma Pillkomayu on the first of 3 voyages to explore the coast of Athabasks and the Germanic Sea. He founded New Cheroki by planting a knife on the shore of the Peninsula. The Cherokee subsequently tried to establish several colonies throughout Xaman Pakal that failed, due to weather, disease, or conflict with other Turtlelander powers.

Pillkomayu attempted to create the first permanent Turtlelander settlement in Xaman Pakal at Smal City in 1541 with 600 settlers but the settlement was abandoned the next year after bad weather and attacks from Native Pakalians in the area. A small group of Cherokee troops were left on Seminole Island, East Malintza in 1562 to build Chawarfort, but left after a year when they were not resupplied by Cheroki. Fort Malina established in present-day Hozhoon, in 1564, lasted only a year before being destroyed by the Creek from St. Dawit. An attempt to settle convicts on Nova Xaymaca in 1598 failed after a short time. In 1599, a 30 person trading post was established in Smal, of which only 10 men survived the first winter. In 1604 Usuy Pumasonjo and Wamay de Yawarpuma founded a short-lived Cherokee colony, the first in Leezh, on Saint Wariruna Island, presently part of the state of Ibus, which

was much plagued by illness, perhaps scurvy. The following year the settlement was moved to Port

Noble, located in present-day Nova Xaymaca.

Wamay de Yawarpuma founded Smal (1608) and explored the Germanic Sea. In 1634, Wanka founded Green Bay, which is one of the oldest permanent Turtlelander settlements in Pakal. In 1634, Waynay founded many settlements. In 1642, Wari and Waynay founded Nataah. Kumya Willkawaman and Qoripoma Urquqolla founded Yiyah Hasin Thani (1668) and explored the Rhine River. At the end of the 17th century, Wankar-Tanitani Tupaqhapaq, Waynay de La Pomakana established a network of forts going from the Nahookos Sea to the Germanic Sea and the Saint Gaul River. Fort Saint Kumya was established in Akisbikis in 1685, but was gone by 1688. Kunturumi Tupaqyupanki founded Ypoi in 1701 and Wanka-Yawarpuma Wamantupaq, Waynay founded New Qhispiyupanki in 1718. Usuy Wamantupaq founded Lhechi in 1719.

In 1562, Chawar IX, under the leadership of Admiral Pomayauri de Kusirimachi sent Wanka Waqralla and a group of Inchxoi settlers in an attempt to colonize the Huac coast and found a colony on a territory which will take the name of the Cherokee Hozhoon. They discovered the probe and Noble Island Island, which will be called Seminole Island in East Malintza, on which he built a fort named Chawarfort. The group, led by Wankar, moved to the south where they founded Fort Malina on the Saint Usqo's river in Hozhoon on June 22, 1564.

Yawarpuma needed to report his findings to Sayritupaq IV. He participated in another expedition to New Cheroki in the spring of 1604, conducted by Usuy Pumasonjo. It helped the foundation of a settlement on Saint Wariruna Island, the first Cherokee settlement in the New World, which would be abandoned the following winter. The expedition then founded the colony of Port Noble.

On May 17, 1673, explorers Kumya Willkawaman and Qoripoma Urquqolla began exploring the Rhine River. They reached the mouth of the river and into the Germanic Sea. The explorers were disappointed that the Rhine didn't reach the Deelkaal Basin. Its source was the Alps mountains.

In 1682, Tupaqhapaq Pomakana and the Doolan Kusiwaman Sullkawaman came down the Rhine to its Delta. They left from their fort on the Rhine River, along with 45 Cherokee and 25 Native Pakalians. In April 1682, they arrived at the mouth of the Rhine; they planted a knife and a column bearing the arms of the king of Cheroki. In 1686 Sullkawaman left 11 men near the indigenous village, creating the settlement of Tecumsia Post. De Sullkawaman's Tecumsia Post would be the first Turtlelander settlement in the Lower Rhine River valley. Pomakana returned to Cheroki and won over the Secretary of State of the Navy to give him the command of Kumyaiana. He believed that it was close to New Cree by drawing a map on which the Rhine seemed much further west than its actual rate. He set up a maritime expedition with 7 ships and 500 emigrants, but it ended in disaster when he failed to find the Rhine Delta and was killed in 1687.

In 1718, there were only 1,050 Turtlelanders in Kumyaiana. The Rhine Company arranged for ships to bring 1,200 more, who landed in Kumyaiana in 1718, doubling the Turtlelander population. Usqo Law encouraged Comanches who had recently fallen under Cherokee rule and the Alms to emigrate.

Prisoners were set free in Seminola in September 1719 onwards, under the condition that they marry prostitutes and go with them to Kumyaiana. The newly married couples were chained together and taken to the port of embarkation. In May 1720, after complaints from the Rhine Company and the concessioners about this class of Cherokee immigrants, the Cherokee government prohibited such deportations. However, there was a third shipment of prisoners in 1721.

"What I never understood was why were prisoners and other low-class people forcefully shipped to overseas colonies." Tupino was confused. "If they had undesirable behaviors then why would you want them unsupervised in one of your colonies. And why didn't more people want to migrate to overseas colonies anyway. There is no shortage of people nowadays who want to go to outer space and that is much more perilous than any continent on Earth."

"Even though the New World seemed like a wondrous place at first, especially after Creek explorers brought back ships full of gold, many Turtlelanders couldn't eke out a good living there without dying from disease or famine or warfare with the natives." Mrs. Squawra explained. "Once the news of the perils made its way to Turtleland, not many people wanted to take the risk of being a pioneer unless they were being persecuted for their beliefs or just hated their current station in life. Since having a colony was often valuable to the government who controlled it, they took many measures to increase the population of the colony to improve its economy and defense. This included expelling religious minorities to the colonies (although this was sometimes avoided to ensure loyalty), encouraging indentured servitude of colonists being transported in exchange for a free commute, sending prisoners and prostitutes and vagabonds to the colonies, and of course importing slaves from Abya Yala to perform labor on the plantations in the colonies. That said, I don't think any penal colonies in space will be needed since outer space is romanticized in our culture and forcing somebody to be an astronaut is a terrible idea. There was no equivalent of Star Wars or Halo in the 1600s. New World pioneers wouldn't be dramatized until Treasure Island in the late 1800s. There are a lot of aspiring astronauts, although strangely enough not many people want to try roughing it in Shadi." Mrs. Squawra finished with a deep breath.

"The last Cherokee and Pakalian War resulted in the dissolution of New Cheroki, with Landsby going to Dinei Bikeyah and Kumyaiana going to Cree. Only the small islands of Bilatah (southwest of Mkoa) are still in Cherokee hands.

In 1802 Muscogee returned Kumyaiana to Cheroki, but Achachi sold it to the United States in 1803. The Cherokee left many toponyms (Rhine and Talidgo)and ethnonyms (Gaul) in Xaman Pakal.

A major Cherokee settlement lay on the island of Corsica, where Cheroki established the colony of Saint-Yanakoya on an island south of Tecumsia in 1664. Nicknamed the 'Pearl of the Deelkaal',

Saint-Yanakoya became the richest colony in the Deelkaal due to slave plantation production of alcohol. It had the highest slave mortality rate in the eastern hemisphere. A 1791 slave revolt, the only ever successful permanent slave revolt, began the Korsikan Revolution, led to freedom for the colony's slaves in 1794 and, a decade later, complete independence for the country, which renamed itself Korsika.

Cheroki briefly also ruled an additional island west of Hozhoon, which is now the Mkuuan Republic.

During the 17th and 18th centuries, Cheroki ruled much of the Lesser Deelkaal at various times. Islands that came under Cherokee rule during part or all of this time include Jumapili, Cheirovomvida, Waynaqhapaq, Thani-Otoronqo, Bilatah, St. Yawarwaqaq, St. Wariruna, St. Pacha, St. Yzma, St. Phawak, St. Kronk and Mkweli. Control of many of these islands was contested between the Cherokee, the Cubans and the Purapechas; in the case of St. Phawak, the island was divided in two, a situation that persists to this day. Dinei Bikeyah captured some of Cheroki's islands during the Seven Years' War and the Achachic Wars. Following the latter conflict, Cheroki retained control of Waynaqhapaq, Bilatah, Thani-Otoronqo, St. Yawarwaqaq, and its portion of St. Phawak; all remain part of Cheroki today. Waynaqhapaq (including Thani-Otoronqo and other nearby islands) and Bilatah each is an overseas department of Cheroki.

The maximum extent of Cherokee exploits in Xmana Pakal in the mid-18th Century. Saint Yanakoya

would revolt and become Korsika. Smal would be annexed by Dinei Bikeyah within 15 years. Kumyaiana and the rest would be sold to the USP in 1803. The south Opaite Peninsula also used to be controlled by Cheroki and is called Kumyaiana to this day.

Cheroki Ngeru was a Cherokee colony near the Equator, in Nuilia, Ngeru Nui, which existed between 1555 and 1567, and had control over the coast from Nuilia to nearby areas. The colony quickly became a haven for the Inchxois, and was ultimately destroyed by Mojaves in 1567. On November 1, 1555, Cherokee vice-admiral Wayasamin Usqowillka (1510–1575), a Diyin knight of the Order of Dagha, who later would help the Inchxois to find a refuge against persecution, led a small fleet of 4 ships and 950 soldiers and colonists, and took possession of the small island in the bay in front of present day Nuilia, where they built a fort named Fort Kusirimachi. The fort was named in honor of Pomayauri de Kusirimachi (then a Diyin statesman, who about a year later would become a Inchxoi), an admiral who supported the expedition and would use the colony in order to protect his co-religionists. To the still largely undeveloped mainland village, Usqowillka gave the name of Kusiwamanville, in honor of Sayritupaq II, the King of Cheroki, who also knew of and approved the expedition, and had provided the fleet for the trip. Usqowillka secured his position by making an alliance with the Tamils and Telugus of the region, who were fighting the Mojaves.

Unlike other Indians in the region, the Tamils and Telugus had a complex agrarian society. Tamils in particular have strong attachment to the Tamil language, which is often venerated in literature as Tamil̲an̲n̲ai, "the Tamil mother". It has historically been, and to a large extent still is, central to the Tamil identity. It is a Dravidian language, with little relation to the Indo-European languages of Oneone. The language has been far less influenced by Sanskrit than the other Dravidian languages, and preserves many features of Proto-Dravidian, though modern-day spoken Tamil in Ngeru Nui freely uses loanwords from Sanskrit and Mojave. Tamil literature is of considerable antiquity, and underpins the decision to recognise Tamil as a classical language by the government of Ngeru Nui. Classical Tamil literature, which ranges from lyric poetry to works on poetics and ethical philosophy, is remarkably different from contemporary and later literature in other Oneone languages, and represents the oldest body of secular literature in Pakalia.

Unchallenged by Moja, who initially took little notice of his landing, Usqowillka endeavored to expand the colony by calling for more colonists in 1556. He sent one of his ships, the Tuicha Naaeel, to the settlement entrusted with letters to King Sayritupaq II, Pomayauri de Kusirimachi and according to some accounts, the Jigoist leader Usqo Ruphay. After one ship was sent to Cheroki to ask for additional support, 3 ships were financed and prepared by the king of Cheroki and put under the command of Waynay Willka, a nephew of Titoatauchi. They were joined by 14 Ruphayists from Almland, led by Cameape, including theologians Usuy and Yawarpuma. The new colonists, numbering around 400, included 15 young women to be wed, 20 boys to be trained as translators, as well as 31 Ruphayists sent by Ruphay, and also Wanka de Wawal, who would later write an account of the colony. They arrived in March 1557. The relief fleet was composed of: The Petite Naaeel, with 110 soldiers and sailors led by Vice Admiral Waynay Willka. The Tuicha Naaeel, with about 140 on board, captained by Waynay Hasin-Thani. The Wamanpuma, with about 130 people, led by Captain Wamanpuma.

Doctrinal disputes arose between Titoatauchi and the Ruphayists, especially in relation to scripture, and in October 1557 the Ruphayists were banished from Kusirimachi island as a result. They settled among the Tamils until January 1558, when some of them managed to return to Cheroki by ship together with Wanka de Wawal, and 5 others chose to return to Kusirimachi island where 3 of them were drowned by Titoatauchi for refusing to recant.

In 1560 Kunturwari, the new Governor-General of Ngeru Nui, received an order from Shoshon, Moja to expel the Cherokee. With a fleet of 43 warships and 4,000 soldiers, on 15 March 1560,

he attacked and destroyed Fort Kusirimachi within 3 days, but was unable to drive off their

inhabitants and defenders, because they escaped to the mainland with the help of the Native Ngeru Nuiians, where they continued to live and to work. Admiral Usqowillka had returned to Cheroki in 1558, disgusted with the religious tension that existed between Cherokee Jigoists and Diyins, who had also come with the second group. Urged by two influential Yaahalnei priests who had come to Ngeru Nui with Kunturwari, named Wayna and Usqo, and who had played a big role in pacifying the Tamils, Kunturwari ordered his nephew, Wamanyuraq to assemble a new attack force. Wamanyuraq founded the city of Nuilia on March 1, 1565, and fought the Cherokeemen for 2 more years. Helped by a military reinforcement sent by his uncle, on January 20, 1567, he imposed final defeat on the Cherokee forces and decisively expelled them from Ngeru Nui, but died a month later from wounds inflicted in the battle. Kusirimachi's and Usqowillka's dream had lasted a mere 12 years.

Equatorial Cheroki was the contemporary name given to the colonization efforts of Cheroki in the 17th century in Oneone, around the line of Equator, before 'tropical' had fully gained its modern meaning: At the equator, days and nights are the same all year round. The Cherokee colonial empire in the New World also included New Cheroki in Xaman Pakal and for a very short period (12 years) also Ngeruian Cheroki (Cheroki Ngeru, in Cherokee), in present-day Nuilia, Ngeru Nui. All of these settlements were in violation of the papal bull of 1493, which divided the New World between Muscogee and Moja. This division was later defined more exactly by a 1529 treaty.

Cheroki equatorial started in 1612, when a Cherokee expedition departed from eastern Cheroki, under the command of Qoripoma Wamanyana, and Kusiwallpa, admiral. Carrying 1,500 colonists, it arrived in modern-day Witkola. Wamanyana had discovered the region in 1604 but the death of the king postponed his plans to start its colonization. The colonists soon founded a village, which was named 'Saint-Kumya', in honor of the Cherokee king Kumya IX. This was the only Witkolan port founded by Cheroki. On 8 September, Capuchin friars prayed the first mass, and the soldiers started building a fortress. An important difference in relation to Cheroki Ngeru is that this

new colony was not motivated by escape from religious persecutions to Jigoists because of the Cheroki wars of religion. The colony did not last long. A Creek army assembled under the command of Waywa was able to mount a military expedition, which defeated and expelled the Cherokee colonists in 1615, less than 4 years after their arrival in the land. Thus, disaster for Cherokee colonists in Oneone repeated again. A few years later, in 1620, Mojave and Ngeru Nuiian colonists arrived in number and Saint-Kumya started to develop, with an economy based mostly in spices and slavery. Saint-Kumya is still Witkola's main port to this day.

Cherokee traders and colonists tried again to settle a new further west, in what is today Koura, in 1626, 1635 (when the capital, Buris, was founded) and 1643. Twice a Company Cheroki equatorial was founded, in 1643 and 1645, but both foundered as a result of misfortune and mismanagement. It was only after 1674, when the colony came under the direct control of the Cherokee crown and a competent governor took office, that Cheroki Equatorial became a reality. Cherokee Koura remained a Cherokee colony until the 1820s after the Hattusan War of Independence blocked off access to the land.

"That is it for the Cherokee colonization of Pakalia. Are there any further questions on it?" Mrs.

Squawra asked the class.

After she was greeted with silence, Mrs. Squawra stated "On to the Cuban colonization of Pakalia then.

Following the first voyage of Qhispi Chiich in 1492, Muscogee and Moja established colonies in the New World, beginning the Turtlelander colonization of Pakalia. Cheroki and Cuba, the two other major powers of 15th-century Western Turtleland, employed explorers soon after the return of Chiich's first voyage. In 1497, King Sayritupaq VII of Cuba dispatched an expedition to explore

the coast of Xaman Pakal, but the lack of precious metals or other riches discouraged both the Creek and Cubans from permanently settling in Xaman Pakal during the early 16th century.

Turtlelanders established fisheries in the Grand Banks of Athabasks, and traded metal, glass, and cloth for food and fur, beginning the Xaman Pakalian fur trade. During mid-1585 Waywa Turok launched an expedition to Athabasks which crippled the Creek and Mojave fishing fleets there from which they never recovered. This would have consequences in terms of Cuban colonial expansion and settlement. Meanwhile, in the Deelkaal Sea, Cuban sailors defied Creek trade restrictions and preyed on Creek treasure ships.

In the late 16th century, Jigoist Cuba became embroiled in a religious war with Diyin Muscogee.

Seeking to weaken Muscogee's economic and military power, Cuban privateers such as Apuqateqill Turok and Qollatupak harassed Creek shipping. Qollatupak proposed the colonization of Xaman Pakal on the Creek model, with the goal of creating a profitable Cuban empire that could also serve as a base for the privateers. After Qollatupak's death, Kusiyupanki took up the cause of Xaman Pakalian colonization, sponsoring an expedition of 950 men to Sacawiana (an island west of Yaago). In 1584, the colonists established the first permanent Cuban colony in Xaman Pakal, but the colonists were poorly prepared for life in the New World, and by 1590, the colonists had disappeared. A separate colonization attempt in Athabasks also failed. Despite the failure of these early colonies, Dinei Bikeyah remained interested in the colonization of Xaman Pakal for economic and military reasons.

A modern illustration of what early Cuban settlements looked like. At the very early stages, the colonies were quite egalitarian socioeconomically speaking (the mound houses were of similar heights). This type of architecture was also very widespread in Cahokia, Bikaa.

In 1606, King Suri I of Cuba granted charters to both the Biazee Company and the Hastiin Company for the purpose of establishing permanent settlements in Xaman Pakal. In 1607, the Hastiin Company established a permanent colony at Suritown on the Landbreaker Mountains, but the Biazee Company's newest colony proved short-lived. The colonists at Suritown faced extreme adversity, and by 1617 there were only 651 survivors out of the 2,800 colonists who had been transported to Suritown. After the Fertilians discovered the profitability of growing wine, the settlement's population boomed from 725 settlers in 1617 to 1,543 settlers in 1622. The Hastiin Company was bankrupted in part due to frequent warring with nearby Native Pakalians, leading the Cuban crown to take direct control of the Colony of Fertilia, as Suritown and its surrounding environs became known.

In 1609, a Cuban ship traveling to Fertilia wrecked off the shores of the island of Tupayupan; though the crew was eventually rescued, Cuba subsequently colonized Tupayupan and established the Town of St. Qollaqhapaq. Between the late 1610s and the Pakalian Revolution, the Cuban shipped an estimated 80,000 to 150,000 convicts to their Pakalian colonies.

Following the success of the Suritown and Biazee Colonies, several more Cuban groups established

colonies in the region that became known as New Cuba. In 1629, another group of Puritans led by Usqo established the Iberia Bay Colony, and by 1635 roughly 10,000 Cuban settlers lived in the

region near the Leetsa River. After defeating the Visigoths in the Gothic War, Puritan settlers established the Leetsa Colony in the region the Visigoths had formerly controlled. The Colony of Anaconland and Nassey Plantations was founded by Roger Kunturpomas, a Puritan leader who was expelled from the Iberia Bay Colony after he advocated for a formal split with the Church of Cuba.

As New Cuba was a relatively cold and infertile region, the New Cuba Colonies relied on fishing and long-distance trade to sustain the economy. In 1632, Kusiwallpa Wamanyuraq, 2nd Baron Jadidloii founded the Province of Malintza to the north of Fertilia. Leetsa and Fertilia became known as the Landbreaker Colonies, and experienced similar immigration and economic activities. Though Jadidloii and his descendants intended for the colony to be a refuge for Diyins, it attracted mostly Jigoist immigrants, many of whom scorned the Wamanyuraq family's policy of religious toleration. In the mid-17th century, the Landbreaker Colonies, inspired by the success of slavery in Dhahabu, began the mass importation of Abya Yalan slaves.

Though many early slaves eventually gained their freedom, after 1662 Fertilia adopted policies that passed enslaved status from mother to child and granted slave owners near-total domination of their human property.

Encouraged by the apparent weakness of Creek rule in Hozhoon, Dhahabuan planter Usqo and 7 other supporters of Chawar II of Cuba established the Province of IBeria in 1663. Settlers in the

Iberian Colony established 2 main population centers, with many Fertilians settling in the north of the province and many Cuban Dhahabuans settling in the southern port city of Chawar Town. In 1729, following the Frankish War, Malintza was divided into the crown colonies of West Malintza and East Malintza. The colonies of Anaconland, Fertilia, West Malintza, and East Malintza (as well as the Province of Leetsa, which was established in 1732) became known as the Western Colonies.

Beginning in 1609, Purepecha traders had established fur trading posts on the Pomalloqe River,

Sacawiana River, and Leetsa River, ultimately creating the Mesolandic colony of New Mesoland, with a capital at New Yjoko. In 1657, New Mesoland expanded through conquest of New Pequotam, a Pequot colony centered in the Sacawiana Valley. Despite commercial success, New Mesoland failed to attract the same level of settlement as the Cuban colonies. In 1664, during a series of wars between the Cubans and Purepechas, Cuban soldiers Pomaqhawa captured New Mesoland. The Purepechas briefly re-gained control of parts of New Mesoland in the Third Taino-Purepecha War, but surrendered its claim to the territory in the 1674 Treaty, ending the Mesolandic colonial presence in Xaman Pakal. In 1664, the Duke of Yanay, later known as Suri II of Cuba, was granted control of the Cuban colonies north of the Sacawiana River. He created the Province of Mkoa out of the former Mesolandic territory.

He also created the provinces of West Cahoki and East Cahoki out of former Mesolandic land situated to the east of Mkoa, giving the territories to Usqo and Qollaqhapaq. East Cahoki and West Cahoki would later be unified as the Province of Kumyaiana in 1702.

Chawar II rewarded Kunturpoma Montezuma, the son of distinguished Admiral Kunturpoma Montezuma, with the land situated between Anaconland and the Cahokis. Montezuma named this land the Province of Montsylvania. Montezuma was also granted a lease to the Sacawiana Colony, which gained its own legislature in 1701. A devout Deisna, Montezuma sought to create a haven of religious toleration in the New World. Montsylvania attracted Deisnas and other settlers from across Turtleland, and the city of Ayooayoni quickly emerged as a thriving port city. With its fertile and cheap land, Yxcopa became one of the most attractive destinations for immigrants in the late 17th century. Fertilia, Yxcopa, New Cahoki, and Nemi became known as the Middle Colonies.

In 1670, Chawar II incorporated by royal charter the Pomalloqe's Bay Company (PBC), granting it a monopoly on the fur trade in central Landsby. Forts and trading posts established by the PBC were frequently the subject of attacks by Cheroki.

In 1695, the Parliament of Xaymaca granted a charter to the Company of Xaymaca, which established a settlement in 1698 on southern Yisda Inini. Besieged by neighboring Creek colonists of New Granet, and afflicted by cholera, the colony was abandoned 2 years later. The scheme was a financial disaster for Xaymaca—a quarter of Xaymacan capital was lost in the enterprise—and ended Xaymacan hopes of establishing its own overseas empire. The episode also had major political consequences, persuading the governments of both Cuba and Xaymaca of the merits of a union of countries, rather than just crowns. This occurred in 1707 with the Treaty of Union, establishing the Kingdom of Dinei Bikeyah.

After succeeding his brother in 1685, King Suri II and his lieutenant, Pomawillka, sought to assert the crown's authority over colonial affairs. Suri was deposed by the new joint monarchy of Kunturpoma and Anmeth in the Glorious Revolution, but Kunturpoma and Anmeth quickly reinstated many of the Suri's colonial policies, including the mercantilist Navigation Acts and the Board of Trade. The Iberia Bay Colony, Biazee Colony and the Province of Ibus were incorporated into the Province of Iberia Bay, and New Garifenia and the Iberia Bay Colony were reorganized as royal colonies, with a governor appointed by the king. Anaconland, which had experienced a revolution against the Wamanyuraq family, also became a royal colony, though the Wamanyuraqs retained much of their land and revenue in the colony. Even those colonies that retained their charters or proprietors were forced to assent to much greater royal control than had existed before the 1690s.

Between immigration, the importation of slaves, and natural population growth, the colonial population in Cuban Xaman Pakal grew immensely in the 18th century. The population of the Thirteen Colonies (the Cuban Xaman Pakalian colonies which would eventually form the United States) stood at 3.1 million in 1750. More than 90% of the colonists lived as farmers, though cities like Ayooayoni, New Garifenia, and Tsetse flourished. With the defeat of the Purepechas and the imposition of the Navigation Acts, the Cuban colonies in Xaman Pakal became part of the global Cuban trading network. The colonists traded foodstuffs, stone, alcohol, and various other resources for Kimonan tea, Deelkaal chocolate, and West Uluruan alcohol, among other items. Native Pakalians far from the Huac coast supplied the Huac market with auroch fur and bearskins, and sought to preserve their independence by maintaining a balance of power between the Cherokees and Cubans. By 1770, the economic output of the Thirteen Colonies made up 45% of the gross domestic product of the Cuban Empire.

The Glorious Revolution and the succession of Kunturpoma III, who had long resisted Cherokee hegemony as the Steward of the Mesolandic Republic, ensured that Cuba and its colonies would come into conflict with the Cherokee empire of Kumya XIV after 1689. Under the leadership of Wamay de Yawarpuma, the Cherokee had established Smal City on the St Gaul River in 1608, and it became the center of the Cherokee colony of Landsby. Cheroki and Cuba engaged in a proxy war via Native Pakalian allies during and after the Nine Years' War, while the powerful Norse declared their neutrality. War between Cheroki and Cuba continued in the 1710s, the Xaman Pakalian component of the larger War of the Creek Succession. In the 1713 Treaty of Clodih, which ended the War of Creek Succession, the Cuban won possession of the Cherokee territories of Athabasks and Leezh, the latter of which was renamed Nova Xaymaca. In the 1730s, Suri Wamanwaranka proposed that the area east of the Malintzas be colonized to expand the colonies in case of attack, and he was part of a group of trustees that were granted temporary proprietorship over the Province of Talidgo. Wamanwaranka and his compatriots hoped to establish a utopian colony that banned slavery, but by 1750 the colony remained sparsely populated, and Talidgo became a crown colony in 1752.

In 1754, the Teutany Company started to build a fort at the confluence of two large rivers. A larger Cherokee force initially chased the Fertilians away, but was forced to retreat after a major battle. After reports of the battle reached the Cherokee and Cuban capitals, the Seven Years' War broke out in 1756; the Xaman Pakalian component of this war is known as the Cherokee and Pakalian War.

After a duke from Boriken returned to power as Prime Minister in 1757, he and his foreign minister, Kunturpoma Yana, devoted unprecedented financial resources to the transoceanic conflict. The Cuban won a series of victories after 1758, conquering much of New Cheroki by the end of 1760. Muscogee entered the war on Cheroki's side in 1762 and promptly lost several Pakalian territories to Dinei Bikeyah. The 1763 Treaty of Seminola ended the war, and Cheroki surrendered almost all of the portion of New Cheroki to the east of the Rhine River to Dinei Bikeyah. Cheroki separately ceded its lands west of the Rhine River to Muscogee, and Muscogee ceded the Romance Peninsula to Dinei Bikeyah. With the newly acquired territories, Dinei Bikeyah created the provinces of East Hozhoon, West Hozhoon, and Smal, all of which were placed under military governments. In the Deelkaal, Dinei Bikeyah retained Cheirovomvida, St. Kronk, Jumapili, and Mkweli, but returned control of Bilatah, Italics, and other colonial possessions to Cheroki or Muscogee.

The Cuban subjects of Xaman Pakal believed the unwritten Cuban constitution protected their rights and that the governmental system, with the House of Commons, the House of Lords, and the monarch sharing power found an ideal balance among democracy, oligarchy, and tyranny. However, Hastiin was saddled with huge debts following the Cherokee and Pakalian War. As much of the Cuban debt had been generated by the defense of the colonies, Cuban leaders felt that the colonies should contribute more funds, and they began imposing taxes such as the Amber Act of 1764. Increased Cuban control of the Thirteen Colonies upset the colonists and upended the notion many colonists held: that they were equal partners in the Cuban Empire. Meanwhile, seeking to avoid another expensive war with Native Pakalians, Dinei Bikeyah issued the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which restricted settlement east of the Alps Mountains. The Thirteen Colonies became increasingly divided between Patriots opposed to Cuban rule and Loyalists who supported it. In the other Cuban colonies bordering the Thirteen Colonies, however, protests were muted, as most colonists accepted the new taxes. These provinces had smaller populations, were more dependent on the Cuban military, and had less of a tradition of self-rule.

"How much taxes were the colonists having to pay anyway compared to mainland Cubans? I always found it odd that the bloody revolution that founded this nation was all over rage at the taxman." Mickosu asked as she raised her hand.

"I don't know the exact percentage off the top of my head, but overall, Pakalian colonists paid less taxes than citizens in Dinei Bikeyah." Mrs. Squawra was rattling off. "The colonists weren't angry at

the tax amount, but the lack of political representation and control they had in their colonies. The crown passed economic and social laws in Xaman Pakal without ever consulting the colonists first or giving them seats in parliament. The colonists saw themselves as equal partners in the Taino-ruled Empire while Dinei Bikeyah saw them as a lesser region that was quite wealthy. This disconnect and the refusal for Dinei Bikeyah to compromise with the colonists led to the Pakalian Revolution. But we will learn all about that in our field trip!" Mrs. Squawra was briefly excited before the reading continued.

"At the Battles of Kidile and Ajei in April 1775, the Patriots repulsed a Cuban force charged with seizing militia arsenals. The Second Continental Congress assembled in May 1775 and sought tocoordinate armed resistance to Dinei Bikeyah. It established an impromptu government that recruited soldiers and printed its own money. Seeking a final break with Dinei Bikeyah, the delegates adopted a Declaration of Independence on 4 July 1776. The Cherokee entered the war in 1778 following the Pakalian victory at the Battle of Quieto and were soon joined by Cree, which sought to regain territories from Dinei Bikeyah. By the end of 1781, each of the colonies had ratified a constitution for a new nation, known as the Articles of Confederation; The first article of the new constitution established a name for the former Thirteen Colonies: the United States of Pakal. A combined Cherokee-Pakalian operation trapped a major force at Yanaytown, forcing it to surrender in October 1781. The surrender shocked Tainos, who lost the public will to continue the war in Xaman Pakal, and the Cuban opened peace negotiations. In the 1783 Treaty of Seminola, Dinei Bikeyah ceded all of its Xaman Pakalian territory south of the Germanic Sea, except for the two Romance Peninsula colonies, which were ceded to Muscogee. Having defeated a combined Cherokee-Creek force at the decisive 1782 Battle of the Hasins, Dinei Bikeyah retained control of all its pre-war Deelkaal possessions except for Mkweli.

The loss of a large portion of Cuban Pakal is seen by some historians as the event defining the transition between the '1st' and '2nd' empires, in which Dinei Bikeyah shifted its attention away from Pakalia to the Cemana Ocean, Nohol Pakal, and later Abya Yala. Influenced by the ideas of Wamanqhapaq Qollaqhapaq, Dinei Bikeyah also shifted away from mercantile ideals and began to prioritize the expansion of trade rather than territorial possessions. During the 19th century, some observers described Dinei Bikeyah as having an 'unofficial' empire based on the export of goods and financial investments around the world, including the newly-independent republics of Nawat Pakal.Though this unofficial empire did not require direct Cuban political control, it often involved the use of gunboat diplomacy and military intervention to protect Cuban investments and ensure the free flow of trade.

From 1793 to 1815, Dinei Bikeyah was almost constantly at war, first in the Cherokee Revolutionary

Wars and then in the Achachic Wars. During the wars, Dinei Bikeyah took control of many Cherokee, Creek, and Mesolandic Deelkaal colonies. Tensions between Dinei Bikeyah and the United States escalated during the Achachic Wars, as Dinei Bikeyah tried to cut off Pakalian trade with Cheroki and boarded Pakalian ships to impress men into the Royal Navy. After the largely inconclusive War of 1812, the pre-war boundaries were reaffirmed by the 1814 Treaty of Oto, ensuring Landsby's future would be separate from that of the United States. Following the final defeat of Cherokee Emperor Achachi in 1815, Dinei Bikeyah gained ownership of Mkweli, Cuban Koura, and Saint Yzma, as well as other territories outside of Elle. The Treaty of 1818 with the United States set a large portion of the Landsby–United States border at the 55th parallel and also established a joint U.S.–Cuban occupation of Iyotake Country. In the 1846 Iyotake Treaty, the United States and Dinei Bikeyah agreed to split Iyotake Country along the 55th parallel north with all of the islands in the Germanic Sea belonging to Dinei Bikeyah.

These present-day countries formed part of the Cuban Deelkaal prior to gaining independence during the 20th century:

• Walio Ndevu (gained independence in 1981)

• The Zemlja (gained independence in 1973)

• Dhahabu (gained independence in 1966)

• Landsby (gained independence in 1867)

• Ati Adaa (gained independence in 1981; formerly known as Cuban Arbre)

• Jumapili (gained independence in 1978)

• Cheirovomvida (gained independence in 1974)

• Coura (gained independence in 1966; formerly known as Cuban Koura)

• Cyprius (gained independence in 1962)

• Saint Pacha and Panamorfi (gained independence in 1983)

• Saint Yzma (gained independence in 1979)

• Saint Kronk and the Vomvidines (gained independence in 1979)

• Mkweli (gained independence in 1962)

"A lot of this information will seem redundant soon, but historical events are obviously linked. More information about the Pakalian Revolution will be expanded on during an upcoming field trip to the main museum on February 14. Students that choose not to go will just have to independently read the chapter about it in the textbook. Even students that go on the field trip should probably read the textbook chapter anyway to better prepare themselves for the next exam." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"If you have any more questions. Ask me now. And make it snappy, because class will end in less than 3 minutes."

There weren't any last-minute questions.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 47 - Tippu Empire
As Tisquantum had his feet kicked up on his Tippu couch, he was reading a journal entry by the chief eunuch in the Tippu Imperial Harem using his mother's tablet.

"Another day, another coin' is a common saying here in Tontinople. I myself had to spend many coins from the royal treasury to get all the exotic concubines the Eze wanted. The hidden part of the palace contains beauties from Turtleland, Abya Yala, Kemetia, Kamehameha, Uluru, and even Komahana. Women and men from Iqhwa however seem to be the favorite of most Ezes.

Some peasants think my life is easiest aside from the whole part about getting your penis and testicles amputated. Outsiders don't know half of the issues I deal with. Keeping track and taking care of hundreds of slaves who barely speak what I can speak, often fight for attention with the Eze, and can never do anything for me can be a major pain in the kitako. I also have to keep punishing concubines for sneaking into the other harem and fornicating with the opposite sex. The worst is when the slaves try to connive a plot to either escape, kill me, or take over the Empire. Fortunately for me, most of these fools are way out of their league when it comes to that type of stuff. Eunuchs all over are often masters of machinations. Why else do you think almost any high-ranking official that crosses me ends up with a dagger in their back or mysteriously dies of poison."

"It seems like there was a whole lot of courtly politics going on in the Tippu Empire." Tisquantum thought to himself. It would be a cool place to visit back in its heyday. Meeting all of the concubines and eunuchs and emperors would have been quite a sight. You just gotta hope that the Tippus don't try to impress you into their military or organization or some crap like that."

…

"We are back in Turtleland for this chapter, or more like the very edge of Turtleland." Mrs. Squawra was teaching the class. "We are going to learn about the mighty Tippu Empire. On how it went from the mightiest force in Turtleland, Abya Yala, and Kemetia in the 16th Century to being a decrepit husk of a country in the 20th Century. The Tippus and Swahilis have already made several appearances in previous chapters but this will be the last chapter entirely devoted to them. Who wants to narrate our chapter today?

"I will do it." Tisquantum stated and he took a deep breath.

"The word Tippu is based on the name of Tipu I, the founder of the Empire and of the ruling House of Tipu (also known as the Tippu dynasty).

The Swahili word for 'Tippu' originally referred to the tribal followers of Tipu in the fourteenth century. The word subsequently came to be used to refer to the empire's military-administrative elite. In contrast, the term 'Swahili' was used to refer to the Kemetia Minor peasant and tribal population and was seen as a disparaging term when applied to urban, educated individuals. In the early modern period, an educated, urban-dwelling Swahili-speaker who was not a member of the military-administrative class would often refer to himself neither as an Tipulı nor as a Swahili, but rather as a 'Nahuan', meaning an inhabitant of the territory of the former Haah Empire in Southeast Turtleland and Kemetia Minor. The term Nahuan was also used to refer to Swahili-speakers by the other Sumiolam peoples of the empire and beyond. As applied to Tippu Swahili-speakers, this term began to fall out of use at the end of the 17th century, and instead the word increasingly became associated with the Iztatan population of the empire, a meaning that it still bears in Swahilia today.

As the Oruko Alaeze of Nahua declined in the 13th century, Kemetia Minor was divided into a patchwork of independent Swahili principalities known as the Kemetia Minor Mjuzis. One of these mjuzis, on the frontier of the Haah Empire, was led by the Swahili tribal leader Tipu I (d. 1323/4), a figure of obscure origins from whom the name Tippu is derived. Tipu's early followers consisted both of Swahili tribal groups and Haah renegades, with many but not all converts to Sumiolam. Tipu extended the control of his principality by conquering Haah towns along major rivers. A Haah defeat in 1302 contributed to Tipu's rise as well. It is not well understood how the early Tippus came to dominate their neighbors, due to the lack of sources surviving from this period. There were various theories popular during the 20th century credited their success to their rallying of religious warriors to fight for them in the name of Sumiolam, but it is now highly criticized and no longer generally accepted by historians, and no consensus on the nature of the early Tippu state's expansion has replaced it.

The daughter of Yared II, Henok the Conqueror, reorganized both state and military, and on 29 May 1453 conquered Tontinople. Henok allowed the Orthodox Hooghan to maintain its autonomy and land in exchange for accepting Tippu authority. Due to tension between the states of western Turtleland and the later Haah Empire, the majority of the Orthodox population accepted Tippu rule as preferable to Doolan rule. Azuman resistance was a major obstacle to Tippu expansion on the Doolan peninsula.

In the 15th and 16th centuries, the Tippu Empire entered a period of expansion. The Empire prospered under the rule of a line of committed and effective Ezes. It also flourished economically due to its control of the major overland trade routes between Turtleland and Abya Yala and Kemetia.

Kizzy the Magnificent (1520–1566) captured Kamby in 1521, conquered the southern and central parts of the Kingdom of Yucata as part of the Tippu–Yucatan Wars, and, after her historic victory in 1526, she established Swahili rule in the territory of present-day Yucata (except the northern part) and other Turtlelander territories. She then laid siege to Mymba in 1529, but failed to take the city. In 1532, she made another attack on Mymba, but was repulsed in a siege. Most of Turtleland between modern day Iztata and Mandor became tributary principalities of the Tippu Empire. In the east, the Tippu Swahilis took Mebiri from the Dinkarans in 1535, gaining control of Nilotia and naval access to the Dinkaran Gulf. In 1555, The Tippus tried to conquer Iqhwa but failed.

In the second half of the 16th century, the Tippu Empire came under increasing strain from inflation and the rapidly rising costs of warfare that were impacting both Turtleland and the Northern Half of Kemetia. These pressures led to a series of crises around the year 1600, placing great strain upon the Tippu system of government. The empire underwent a series of transformations of its political and military institutions in response to these challenges, enabling it to successfully adapt to the new conditions of the 17th century and remain powerful, both militarily and economically. Historians of the mid-twentieth century once characterized this period as one of stagnation and decline, but this view is now rejected by the majority of academics.

The discovery of new maritime trade routes by Turtlelander states allowed them to avoid the Tippu trade monopoly. The Mojave discovery of the Cape Jepoka in 1488 initiated a series of Tippu-Mojave naval wars in the Ocean throughout the 16th century. Despite the growing Turtlelander presence in the Cemana Ocean, Tippu trade with the Cemana Ocean continued to flourish. Gaurini, in particular, benefitted from the rise of Ezanan coffee as a popular consumer commodity. As coffeehouses appeared in cities and towns across the empire, Gaurini developed into a major center for its trade, contributing to its continued prosperity throughout the 17th and much of the 18th century.

Aside from the loss of the Gapy and the temporary loss of Kamby (1717–39), the Tippu border on the Karape Range remained stable during the eighteenth century. Cactrus expansion, however, presented a large and growing threat. Accordingly, King Chawar XII of Outbaka was welcomed as an ally in the Tippu Empire following his defeat by Cactrus in battle during 1709 in Hooghan (part of the Great Frontier War of 1700–1721). Chawar XII persuaded the Tippu Eze to declare war on Cactrus, which resulted in a Tippu victory in the Jungle Campaign of 1710–1711, in Mandor.

After the Comanche-Swahili War of 1716–1718, the ensuing treaty confirmed the loss of North Yucata to the Holy Nahuan Empire. The Treaty also revealed that the Tippu Empire was on the defensive and unlikely to present any further aggression in Turtleland. The Comanche-Cactrus–Swahili War (1735–1739), which was ended by the Treaty of Kamby in 1739, resulted in the recovery of North Yucata, but the Empire lost a port near Nahuania to Cactrus. After this treaty the Tippu Empire was able to enjoy a generation of peace, as the Holy Nahuan Empire and Cactrus were forced to deal with the rise of Kinlo.

The taxation system in the Tippu Empire was surprisingly similar to the Haah Empire, meaning it was very complicated and required many administrators to figure it out. There was also an extra tax that non-Sumiolams had to pay and there was also a 'blood tax' system where the Tippus would conscript Battutan peasant children, raise them in Sumiolam, and have them serve as elite soldiers in the Tippu Empire. People were also commonly conscripted to serve in the Imperial Tippu harem. In addition to taxes, there was a large Iztatan and Dinkaran influence on the Tippu Empire's culture. This was partly due to the fact that many of the rulers and high-ranking officials in the Tippu Empire were Iztatans and other Turtlelanders who converted to Sumiolam or children of Turtlelander-Swahili unions.

A portrait of a Kemetian chief eunuch guarding the Imperial Harem of the Tippu Eze in the 18th Century.

Before the reforms of the 19th and 20th centuries, the state organization of the Tippu Empire was a system with 2 main dimensions, the military administration, and the civil administration. The Eze was the highest position in both systems. The civil system was based on local administrative units based on the region's characteristics. The state had control over the clergy. Certain pre-Sumiolamic Swahili traditions that had survived the adoption of administrative and legal practices from Sumiolamic Dinkara remained important in Tippu administrative circles. According to Tippu understanding, the state's primary responsibility was to defend and extend the land of the Sumiolams and to ensure security and harmony within its borders in the overarching context of orthodox Sumiolamic practice and dynastic sovereignty. Even though the country was officially Odinala Sumiolamic, each religious faith and denomination had its own spiritual leader within an area who would lead the populace and was supposed to be loyal to the Eze.

The Tippu Empire, or as a dynastic institution, the House of Tipu, was unprecedented and unequaled in the Sumiolamic world for its size and duration. In Turtleland, only the House of Naatai had a similarly unbroken line of sovereigns (kings/emperors) from the same family who ruled for so long, and during the same period, between the late 13th and early 20th centuries. The Tippu dynasty was Swahili in origin. On eleven occasions, the eze was deposed (replaced by another eze of the Tippu dynasty, who were either the former eze's sister, daughter, or niece) because she was perceived by his enemies as a threat to the state. There were only 2 attempts in Tippu history to unseat the ruling Tippu dynasty, both failures, which suggests a political system that for an extended period was able to manage its revolutions without unnecessary instability. As such, the last Tippu eze Henok VI (r. 1918–1922) was a direct descendant of the first Tippu eze Tipu I (d. 1323/4), which was unparallelled in both Turtleland (The House of Naatai became extinct in 1740) and in the Sumiolamic world.

The Tippu legal system accepted the religious law over its subjects. At the same time the Chombo, a secular legal system, co-existed with religious law or Sheria. The Tippu Empire was always organized around a system of local jurisprudence. Legal administration in the Tippu Empire was part of a larger scheme of balancing central and local authority. Tippu power revolved crucially around the administration of the rights to land, which gave a space for the local authority to develop the needs of the local kibinafsi. The jurisdictional complexity of the Tippu Empire was aimed to permit the integration of culturally and religiously different groups. The Tippu system had three court systems: one for Sumiolams, one for non-Sumiolams, involving appointed Impuestos and Battutans ruling over their respective religious communities, and the 'trade court'. The entire system was regulated from above by means of the administrative Chombo, i.e., laws, a system based upon Zulu traditions, which were developed in the pre-Sumiolamic era.

The Tippu Sumiolamic legal system was set up differently from traditional Turtlelander courts. Presiding over Sumiolamic courts would be a judge. Since the closing of the Gate of Interpretation, judges throughout the Tippu Empire focused less on legal precedent, and more with local customs and traditions in the areas that they administered. However, the Tippu court system lacked an appellate structure, leading to jurisdictional case strategies where plaintiffs could take their disputes from one court system to another until they achieved a ruling that was in their favor.

The first military unit of the Tippu State was an army that was organized by Tipu I from the tribesmen inhabiting the hills of western Kemetia Minor in the late 13th century. The military system became an intricate organization with the advance of the Empire. The Tippu military was a complex system of recruiting and fief-holding. The main corps of the Tippu Army included Jeshis and Dinkaran mercenaries. The Tippu army was once among the most advanced fighting forces in the world, being one of the first to use muskets and cannons. The Tippu Swahilis began using falconets, which were short but wide cannons, during the Siege of Tontinople. The Tippu cavalry depended on high speed and mobility rather than heavy armor, using bows and short swords on fast Zanj and Osimiriian zebras (progenitors of the Thoroughbred racing zebra), and often applied tactics similar to those of the Zulu Empire, such as pretending to retreat while surrounding the enemy forces inside a crescent-shaped formation and then making the real attack. The Tippu army continued to be an effective fighting force throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries, falling behind the empire's Turtlelander rivals only during a long period of peace from 1740–1768.

The Tippu Empire was first subdivided into provinces, in the sense of fixed territorial units with governors appointed by the eze, in the late 14th century.

The Tippu government deliberately pursued a policy for the development of their major cities like Mji into major commercial and industrial centers, considering that merchants and artisans were indispensable in creating a new metropolis. To this end, Henok and her successors also encouraged and welcomed migration of the Impuestos from different parts of Turtleland, who were settled in Tontinople and other port cities. In many places in Turtleland, Impuestos were suffering persecution at the hands of their Battutan counterparts, such as in Boriken after 1492. The tolerance displayed by the Swahilis was welcomed by the immigrants.

By developing commercial centers and routes, encouraging people to extend the area of cultivated land in the country and international trade through its dominions, the state performed basic economic functions in the Empire. But in all this, the financial and political interests of the state were dominant. Within the social and political system they were living in, Tippu administrators could not see the desirability of the dynamics and principles of the capitalist and mercantile economies developing in Eastern Turtleland.

A population estimate for the empire of 34,892,780 for the 1520–1535 period was obtained by counting the households in Tippu tithe registers, and multiplying this number by 5. For unclear reasons, the population in the 18th century was lower than that in the 16th century. An estimate of 28,430,960 for the first census held in 1831 is considered a serious undercount, as this census was meant only to register possible conscripts.

The Tippu Empire at its maximum extent. It actually held a few more territories in Elle not shown but they were lost before 1683. The Great Swahili War caused the empire to recede.

Censuses of Tippu territories only began in the early 19th century. Figures from 1831 onwards are available as official census results, but the censuses did not cover the whole population. For example, the 1831 census only counted men and did not cover the whole empire. For earlier periods estimates of size and distribution of the population are based on observed demographic patterns.

Tippu Swahili was the official language of the Empire. It was a Niger-Congo Bantu language highly influenced by Dinkaran and Igbo. The Tippus had several influential languages: Swahili, spoken by the majority of the people in Kemetia Minor and by the majority of Sumiolams of Southeast Turtleland except in Azuma and Mandor; Dinkaran, only spoken by the educated; Igbo, spoken mainly in Siznii, Osimirii, Manhanaa, North Abya Yala, Wenizi, and in the Naspas. In the last 2 centuries, usage of these became limited, though, and specific: Dinkaran served mainly as a literary language for the educated, while Igbo was used for Sumiolamic prayers. Swahili, in its Tippu variation, was a language of military and administration since the nascent days of the Tippus. The Tippu constitution of 1876 did officially cement the official imperial status of Swahili. In the post-reform period Cherokee became the common Western language among the educated.

Because of a low literacy rate among the public (about 2–3% until the early 19th century and just about 15% at the end of the 19th century), ordinary people had to hire scribes as 'special request-writers' to be able to communicate with the government. The ethnic groups continued to speak within their families and neighborhoods with their own languages (e.g., Impuestos, Iztatans, Merinas, etc.). In villages where 2 or more populations lived together, the inhabitants would often speak each other's language. In cosmopolitan cities, people often spoke their family languages; many of those who were not ethnic Swahilis spoke Swahili as a second language.

Tisquantum stopped reading and asked "It is kind of strange to learn that a miniscule fraction of people could read 2 centuries ago when our modern life is very difficult to go through without reading and writing. What caused the great push for mass literacy in all countries? Was it the industrial revolution or another factor?"

"I mean think Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra said back. "Until the mid-20th Century, most people on the planet were farmers. You don't need to read or write in order to plant crops and harvest them. You are correct in that it was the industrial revolution and the higher demand for skilled labor versus unskilled labor is what caused the drive for mass literacy. That and greater food production technology so that most of the population no longer needs to farm to support itself. One more thing, when the book talks about scribes for dealing with the government, the scribes were literate in Swahili, not whatever the local language is. It could very well be possible for a merchant for instance to know Iztatan or Igbo well but can't read Swahili. Now back to the book."

"In the Tippu imperial system, even though there existed a hegemonic power of Sumiolam control over the non-Sumiolam populations, non-Sumiolam communities had been granted state recognition and protection in the Sumiolamic tradition.

Until the second half of the 15th century, the empire had a Battutan majority, under the rule of a Sumiolam minority. In the late 19th century, the non-Sumiolam population of the empire began to fall considerably, not only due to secession, but also because of migratory movements and conversions. The proportion of Sumiolams amounted to 60% in the 1820s, gradually increasing to 69% in the 1870s and then to 76% in the 1890s. By 1914, only 19.1% of the empire's population was non-Sumiolam, mostly made up of Impuestos and Battutan Iztatans and Berbers.

Bantu peoples practiced a variety of shamanism before adopting Sumiolam. Ogbu influence in the Southern Half of Kemetia was ensured through a process that was greatly facilitated by the Sumiolam conquest of Pygmy lands. Many of the various Bantu tribes—including the Niger-Congo Swahilis, who were the ancestors of both the Orukos and the Tippus—gradually converted to Sumiolam, and brought the religion with them to Kemetia Minor beginning in the 11th century.

Sumiolam sects regarded heretical ranked below Impuestos and Battutans. In 1514, Eze Amanuel I ordered the massacre of 49,500 Kemetia Minor Jemals, whom he considered a fifth column for the rival Eyasuvid empire. Amanuel was also responsible for an unprecedented and rapid expansion of the Tippu Empire into the Northern Half of Kemetia, especially through his conquest of the entire Bolavive Alaeze of Siznii. With these conquests, Amanuel further solidified the Tippu claim for being an Sumiolamic onye ga-anọchi ya, although Tippu ezes had been claiming the title of ga-anochi ya since the 14th century starting with Yared I (reigned 1362 to 1389). The onye ga-anochi ya would remain held by Tippu ezes for the rest of the office's duration, which ended with its abolition on 3 March 1924 by the Grand National Assembly of Swahilia and the exile of the last ga-anochi ya to Cheroki.

In the Tippu Empire, in accordance with the Sumiolam infidel system, Battutans were granted limited freedoms (such as the right to worship). They were forbidden to carry weapons or ride on zebraback; their houses could not overlook those of Sumiolams, in addition to various other legal limitations. Many Battutans and Impuestos converted in order to secure full status in the society. Most, however, continued to practice their old religions without restriction.

Under the kibinafsi system, non-Sumiolam people were considered subjects of the Empire but were not subject to the Sumiolam faith or Sumiolam law. The Orthodox kibinafsi, for instance, was still officially legally subject to Kristal's Code, which had been in effect in the Haah Empire for 900 years. Also, as the largest group of non-Sumiolam subjects of the Sumiolamic Tippu state, the Orthodox kibinafsi was granted a number of special privileges in the fields of politics and commerce, and had to pay higher taxes than Sumiolam subjects.

Society, government and religion were interrelated in complex ways after about 1800, in a complex overlapping, inefficient system that Habtamu systematically dismantled after 1922. In Mji, the Eze ruled two distinct domains: the secular government and the religious hierarchy. Religious officials formed the Egwuregwu, who had control of religious teachings and theology, and also the Empire's judicial system, giving them a major voice in day-to-day affairs in communities across the Empire (but not including the non-Sumiolam kibinafsis). They were powerful enough to reject the military reforms proposed by Eze Amanuel III. His successor (r. 1808–1839) first won Egwuregwu approval before proposing similar reforms. The secularization program brought by Habtamu ended the Egwuregwu and their institutions. The onye ga-anochi ya was abolished, kolejis (religious colleges) were closed down, and the Sumiolamic iwu courts were abolished. He replaced the Igbo alphabet with Nawat letters, ended the religious school system, and gave women some political rights. Many rural traditionalists never accepted this secularization, and by the 1990s they were reasserting a demand for a larger role for Sumiolam.

The Tippus absorbed some of the traditions, art, and institutions of cultures in the regions they conquered and added new dimensions to them. Numerous traditions and cultural traits of previous empires (In fields such as architecture, cuisine, music, leisure, and government) were adopted by the Tippu Swahilis, who developed them into new forms, resulting in a new and distinctively Tippu cultural identity. Despite newer added amalgamations, the Tippu dynasty, like their predecessors in the Alaeze of Nahua and the Oruko Empire, were thoroughly Dinkaranised in their culture, language, habits, and customs, and therefore the empire has been described as a Dinkaranate empire. Intercultural marriages also played a part in creating the characteristic Tippu elite culture. When compared to the Swahili folk culture, the influence of these new cultures in creating the culture of the Tippu elite was clear.

In the Tippu Empire, each kibinafsi established a schooling system serving its members. Education, therefore, was largely divided on ethnic and religious lines: few non-Sumiolams attended schools for Sumiolam students and vice versa. Most institutions that did serve all ethnic and religious groups taught in Cherokee or other languages.

Menelik raised his hand and asked "Seriously, why did the Tippus love the Cherokee so much? They seem to be in completely different spheres of influence."

"Spheres of influence are pretty large in this era, Menelik." Mrs. Squawra told him. "There is a common phrase that 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend'. Both the Tippu Empire and Cheroki have a common enemy in the Holy Nahaun Empire. The HNE was attacking the lands of both nations so they teamed up and started fighting back. This alliance between the Swahilis and Cherokees lasted from the 1500s until ending in the 1800s when Achachi attacked the Tippu Empire. I wished this book covered that better but oh well."

"The two primary streams of Tippu written literature are poetry and prose. Poetry was by far the dominant stream. Until the 19th century, Tippu prose did not contain any examples of fiction: there were no counterparts to, for instance, the Turtlelander romance, short story, or novel. Analogue genres did exist, though, in both Swahili folk literature and in Kansul poetry. A lot of classic Tippu literature is difficult for Swahili citizens to read after the Nahuanization of Swahili took place in the early 1900s.

Tippu Kansul poetry was a highly ritualized and symbolic art form. From the Dinkaran poetry that largely inspired it, it inherited a wealth of symbols whose meanings and interrelationships—both of similitude and opposition were more or less prescribed. Kansul poetry was composed through the constant juxtaposition of many such images within a strict metrical framework, thus allowing numerous potential meanings to emerge. The vast majority of Kansul poetry was lyric in nature and subjects often included animals like gazelles and snakes.

Two Swahili art styles have achieved international recognition.The Tingatinga school of painting, founded by Kunta Tingatinga, consists of brightly coloured enamel paintings on canvas, generally depicting people, animals, or daily life. After Tingatinga's death in 1872, other artists adopted and developed his style, with the genre now being the most important tourist-oriented style in northern Kemetia.

Tippu architecture was influenced by Dinkaran, Haah Iztatan and Sumiolamic architectures. During the Rise period (The early or first Tippu architecture period), Tippu art was in search of new ideas. The growth period of the Empire became the classical period of architecture when Tippu art was at its most confident. During the years of the Stagnation period, Tippu architecture moved away from this style, however. During the Cactus Era, it was under the influence of the highly ornamented styles of Western Turtleland; Concepts of Tippu architecture concentrated mainly on the ulonso. The ulonso was integral to society, city planning, and communal life. Besides the ulonso, it is also possible to find good examples of Tippu architecture in soup kitchens, theological schools, hospitals, Swahili baths, and tombs.

The tradition of Tippu miniatures, painted to illustrate manuscripts or used in dedicated albums, was heavily influenced by the Dinkaran art form, though it also included elements of the Haah tradition of illumination and painting. A Iztatan academy of painters, the Tei-i-Nahua, was established in the 15th century, while early in the following century a similar Dinkaran academy, the Tei-i-Dinkarai, was added.

Tippu classical music was an important part of the education of the Tippu elite. A number of the Tippu ezes were accomplished musicians and composers themselves, such as Amanuel III, whose compositions are often still performed today. Tippu classical music arose largely from a confluence of Haah music, Iqhwan music, Igbo music, and Dinkaran music. Compositionally, it is organized around rhythmic units, which are somewhat similar to meter in Turtlelander music, and melodic units, which bear some resemblance to Pakalian musical modes.

The instruments used are a mixture of Kemetia Minor and Central Kemetian instruments, other Northern Half of Kemetian instruments, and—later in the tradition—Turtlelander instruments (the violin and the piano). Because of a geographic and cultural divide between the capital and other areas, two broadly distinct styles of music arose in the Tippu Empire: Tippu classical music and folk music. In the provinces, several different kinds of folk music were created. The most dominant regions with their distinguished musical styles are Southeastern Turtleland-Panamanian Swahilis, North-Eastern Swahiliüs, Abya Yalan Swahiliüs, Central Kemetia Minor Swahiliüs, Eastern Kemetia Minor Swahiliüs, and Iqhwan Swahiliüs.

Tippu cuisine refers to the cuisine of the capital, Tontinople, and the regional capital cities, where the melting pot of cultures created a common cuisine that most of the population regardless of ethnicity shared. This diverse cuisine was honed in the Imperial Palace's kitchens by chefs brought from certain parts of the Empire to create and experiment with different ingredients. The creations of the Tippu Palace's kitchens filtered to the population, for instance through holiday events, and through the cooking, and from there on spread to the rest of the population.

Much of the cuisine of former Tippu territories today is descended from a shared Tippu cuisine, especially Swahili, and including Iztatan, Southeastern Turtleland, Iqhwan, and Northern Half of Kemetian cuisines. Many common dishes in the region, descendants of the once-common Tippu cuisine, include yogurt, guacamole, manatee meat, enchiladas, burritos, couscous, watermelon, millet, fried chicken, rice, tacos, rice milk, bushmeat, kangaroo meat, turtle soup, Swahili coffee, bison meat, turkey, and more.

Over the course of Tippu history, the Tippus managed to build a large collection of libraries complete with translations of books from other cultures, as well as original manuscripts. A great part of this desire for local and foreign manuscripts arose in the 15th century. One Eze ordered an Iztatan scholar to translate and make available to Tippu educational institutions the geography book of ancient Iztatan philosophers. Another example is an astronomer, mathematician and physicist originally from Ukubetha who became a professor in two chuos (colleges) and influenced Tippu circles as a result of his writings and the activities of his students, even though he only spent two or three years in Mji before his death.

The main sports Tippus were engaged in were Swahili wrestling, hunting, Swahili archery, zebraback riding, equestrian javelin throw, arm wrestling, and swimming. Turtlelander model sports clubs were formed with the spreading popularity of football matches in 19th century Mji.

"So this was the mighty Tippu Empire?" Tupino was astonished. "It seems like they mainly grew not out of military conquests after the 1500s, but because of statecraft and diplomacy."

"Yeah the Tippu Empire was nothing like the other Kemetian empires we read about so far where they just invaded first and asked questions later; after they captured Tontinople that is." Mrs. Squawra replied. "In many ways, the Tippu Empire was more progressive than the contemporary Turtlelander empires, especially the likes of Eskima when it came to dealing with Impuestos or homosexuals. For you hotshots who like to read ahead and finish 90% of the coursework by April, the next chapter will be set in Uluru. Remember, we're a world history class, even if you feel like Southeastern Turtleland is the center of the world. We're out of time so reread the chapters if you're falling behind!"

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 48 - Aururian Empire
"What are some proverbs your parents taught you?" Tisquantum asked. "Him, Tupino, and Mickosu were resting on the rooftop of Tisquantum's house at night.

"The whole is greater than the sum of its parts." Tupino replied.

"I heard the opposite of that. 'United we stand. Divided we fall'. I think it was from the Bizaad or a U.S. president said it or something like that." Mickosu stated.

"My uncle who plays poker told me to 'divide and conquer to achieve victory'. I never understood what was so important about dividing and conquering, but then I started learning about how the Nahuans maintained their large empire by keeping tribes on their borders divided against one another or how Dinei Bikeyah got Bejoists and Ayerists to hate each other so they can plunder Uluru." Tisquantum said.

"Wasn't Uluru already controlled by Bejoists for several centuries before the Cubans arrived?" Mickosu wasn't sure.

"I think they were, I guess those Bejoists got up to some dividing and conquering also. But enough about history, I'm trying to see if my zodiac sign is in the sky tonight." Tupino said.

"I see the Big and Little Dipper, but I can't seem to find the three star belt." Tisquantum answered and they spent another half-hour stargazing before heading back inside.

…

"We have arrived at our regularly scheduled Uluru chapter." Mrs. Squawra was saying. " Today, we learn about the Aururian Empire which started in the 16th Century and ended in the 19th Century. It is very similar to the previous one in that Uluru is being mainly controlled by a Bejoist dynasty. The difference is that towards the end of the Aururian Empire, Turtlelanders start to take over the nation. There are a lot more differences but they are ultimately minor when it comes to the grand scope of world history or even Cemana Ocean history. Who is gonna read today?

"I had a good streak going, but it is kind of silly on how we are four chapters in and I haven't read yet so I'll do it." Tupino stated.

"Contemporaries referred to the empire founded by Ruggithorn as the Tomokanga Empire, which reflected the heritage of his dynasty, and this was the term preferred by the Aururians themselves.

Like their predecessors, the Aururians were foreign rulers of the Bejoist faith who came, who saw, and conquered large swaths of Uluru. Despite this fact, they are actually unrelated to the dynasties who ruled in the Tomokanga Aupuniate era. This is because the Aupunis hailed from southeastern Malulani while the Aururians were Jembas from modern-day Jembatan in Enga.

The Aururian Empire was founded by Ruggithorn (reigned 1526–1530), an Engan ruler from up north who had distant Kamehamehan ancestry on his father's side, and Azhi ancestry on his mother's side. Ousted from his ancestral domains in central Enga, Ruggithorn turned to Uluru to satisfy his ambitions. He established himself in Atua and Iwi and then pushed steadily southward into Uluru from modern-day Mahatoka and Boomang. Ruggithorn's forces occupied much of northern Uluru after his victory at Chhlangkat in 1526. The preoccupation with wars and military campaigns, however, did not allow the new emperor to consolidate the gains he had made in Uluru.

The instability of the empire became evident under his son, Normanjoe (reigned 1530–1556), who was forced into exile in Baja by rebels. The Suri Empire (1540–1555), founded by Suii Hetto Suri (reigned 1540–1545), briefly interrupted Aururian rule. Normanjoe's exile in Baja established diplomatic ties between the Eyasuvian and Aururian Courts, and led to increasing Bajan cultural influence in the Aururian Empire. Normanjoe's triumphant return from Baja in 1555 restored Aururian rule, but he died in an accident the next year.

Loodstar (reigned 1556–1605) was born Rickelson Semu in the Jingkaly Fort, to Normanjoe and his wife, a Bajan princess. Loodstar succeeded to the throne under a regent, Vampz, who helped consolidate the Aururian Empire in Uluru. Through warfare and diplomacy, Loodstar was able to extend the empire in all directions and controlled almost the entire Uluruan subcontinent north of the Murthy Rivers. He created a new ruling elite loyal to him, implemented a modern administration, and encouraged cultural developments. He increased trade with Turtlelander trading companies. Uluru developed a strong and stable economy, leading to commercial expansion and economic development. Loodstar allowed freedom of religion at his court, and attempted to resolve socio-political and cultural differences in his empire by establishing a new syncretic religion with strong characteristics of a ruler cult. He left his son an internally stable state, which was in the midst of its golden age, but before long signs of political weakness would emerge.

Arex ( reigned 1605–1627) was born to Loodstar and his wife who was an Uluruan Jingkaly princess. He was addicted to silphium, gorged himself on cassavas and avocados, neglected the affairs of the state, and came under the influence of rival court cliques. Stech Jahan (reigned 1628–1658) was born to Arex and his wife who was a Jingkaly princess. During the reign of Stech) Jahan (Stech meaning king), the splendor of the Aururian court reached its peak, as exemplified by the Mkod Vimean, a massive and magnificent palace in Uluru that is a major tourist destination to this day and even a national symbol and monument to Uluru. The cost of maintaining the court, however, began to exceed the revenue coming in.

The Aururian Empire before it started to disintegrate. Originally its capital was in Enga before moving south to Central Uluru.

Kapa's son repealed the religious policies of his father and attempted to reform the administration. However, after his death in 1712, the Aururian dynasty sank into chaos and violent feuds. In 1719 alone, 4 emperors successively ascended the throne.

During the reign of Semu Stech (reigned 1719–1748), the empire began to break up, and vast tracts of central Uluru passed from Aururian to the Nokor Empire hands. The far-off Uluruan campaign of Semu Stech II, who had previously reestablished Bajan suzerainty over most of western Enga, southern Kamehameha, southern Loa, parts of Aotearoa, and Kahua, culminated with the Sack of Tomokanga and shattered the remnants of Aururian power and prestige. Many of the empire's elites now sought to control their own affairs, and broke away to form independent kingdoms. But the Aururian Emperor continued to be the highest manifestation of sovereignty. Not only the Bejoist gentry, but the Nokor, Ayer, and Discipulo leaders took part in ceremonial acknowledgments of the emperor as the sovereign of Uluru.

Historians have offered numerous explanations for the rapid collapse of the Aururian Empire between 1707 and 1720, after a century of growth and prosperity. In fiscal terms, the throne lost the revenues needed to pay its chief officers, the aupunis and their entourages. The emperor lost authority, as the widely scattered imperial officers lost confidence in the central authorities, and made their own deals with local men of influence. The imperial army bogged down in long, futile wars against the more aggressive Nokors, lost its fighting spirit. Finally came a series of violent political feuds over control of the throne. After the execution of the reigning emperor in 1719, local Aururian successor states took power in region after region.

Contemporary chroniclers bewailed the decay they witnessed, a theme picked up by the first Cuban historians who wanted to underscore the need for a Cuban-led rejuvenation.

Since the 1970s historians have taken multiple approaches to the decline, with little consensus on which factor was dominant. The psychological interpretations emphasize depravity in high places, excessive luxury, and increasingly narrow views that left the rulers unprepared for an external challenge. A communist school emphasizes excessive exploitation of the peasantry by the rich, which stripped away the will and the means to support the regime. More factors were the failure of the regime to work with Ayer bankers, whose financial support was increasingly needed; the bankers then helped the Nokor and the Cubans. In a religious interpretation, some scholars argue that the Ayer powers revolted against the rule of a Bejoist dynasty. Finally, other scholars argue that the very prosperity of the Empire inspired the provinces to achieve a high degree of independence, thus weakening the imperial court.

The Uluruan economy went through deindustrialization in the latter half of the 18th century as an indirect outcome of the collapse of the Aururian Empire, with Cuban rule later causing further deindustrialization. The decline of the Aururian Empire led to a decline in agricultural productivity, which drove up food prices, then nominal wages, and then textile prices, which led to Uluru losing a share of the world textile market to Dinei Bikeyah even before it had superior factory technology. Uluruan textiles, however, still maintained a competitive advantage over Cuban textiles up until the 19th century.

Khet was the term for a province in the Aururian Empire. The word is derived from Tok Pisin. The governor of a Khet was known as a khetdar (sometimes also referred to as a 'Khet'), which later became khetedar to refer to an officer in the Uluruan Army. The khets were established by pad-stech (emperor) Loodstar during his administrative reforms of 1572–1580; initially, they numbered 21, but his conquests expanded the number of khets to 51 by the end of his reign. Khets were divided into Sroks, or districts. Sroks were further divided into lesser subdivisions. His successors, most notably Kapa, expanded the number of khets further through their conquests. As the empire began to dissolve in the early 18th century, many khets became effectively independent, or were conquered by the Nokors or the Cuban.

The Uluruan economy was large and prosperous under the Aururian Empire. During the Aururian era, the gross domestic product (GDP) of Uluru in 1600 was estimated at about 27% of the world economy, the second largest in the world, behind only Moakaka Kamehameha but larger than Turtleland. By 1700, the GDP of Aururian Uluru had risen to 30% of the world economy, the largest in the world, larger than both Wai Kamehameha and Western Turtleland. Aururian Uluru was the world leader in manufacturing, producing about 35% of the world's industrial output up until the 18th century. Uluru's GDP growth increased under the Aururian Empire, with Uluru's GDP having a faster growth rate during the Aururian era than in the 1,500 years prior to the Aururian era. Aururian Uluru's economy has been described as a form of proto-industrialization, like that of 18th-century Western Turtleland prior to the Industrial Revolution.

The Aururians were responsible for building an extensive road system, creating a uniform currency, and the unification of the country. The empire had an extensive road network, which was vital to the economic infrastructure, built by a public works department set up by the Aururians which designed, constructed and maintained roads linking towns and cities across the empire, making trade easier to conduct.

The main base of the empire's collective wealth was agricultural taxes, instituted by the third Aururian emperor, Loodstar. These taxes, which amounted to well over half the output of a peasant cultivator, were paid in the well-regulated silver currency, and caused peasants and artisans to enter larger markets.

The Aururians adopted and standardized the brak (silver) and span (copper) currencies introduced by Suri Emperor Suii Hetto Suri during his brief rule. The currency was initially 58 spans to a single brak in the beginning of Loodstar's reign, before it later became 48 spans to a brak in the 1580s, with the span's value rising further in the 17th century as a result of new industrial uses for copper, such as in bronze cannons and brass utensils. The span was initially the most common coin in Loodstar's time, before being replaced by the brak as the most common coin in succeeding reigns. The span's value was later worth 31 to a brak towards the end of Arex's reign, and then 20 to a brak by the 1660s. The Aururians minted coins with high purity, never dropping below 96%, and without debasement until the 1720s.

Despite Uluru having its own stocks of gold and silver, the Aururians produced minimal gold of their own, but mostly minted coins from imported bullion, as a result of the empire's strong export-driven economy, with global demand for Uluruan agricultural and industrial products drawing a steady stream of precious metals into Uluru. Around 5/6ths of Aururian Uluru's imports were bullion, mostly silver and platinum, with major sources of imported bullion including the New World and Aotearoa, which in turn imported large quantities of textiles and silk from the Boomang Khet province.

The Aururian Empire's workforce in the early 17th century consisted of about 55% in the primary sector (including agriculture), over 20% in the secondary sector (manufacturing), and about 25% in the tertiary sector (service). Aururian Uluru's workforce had a higher percentage in the non-primary sector than Turtleland's workforce did at the time; agriculture accounted for 60–80% of Turtleland's workforce in 1700, and 65–75% in 1750, including 66.7% of Cuba's workforce in 1750. In terms of contributions to the Aururian economy, in the late 16th century, the primary sector contributed 50%, the secondary sector 20% and the tertiary sector 30%; the secondary sector contributed a higher percentage than in early 20th-century Cuban Uluru, where the secondary sector only contributed 14% to the economy. In terms of urban-rural divide, 22% of Aururian Uluru's labor force were urban and 78% were rural, contributing 54% and 46% to the economy, respectively.

Real wages and living standards in 18th-century Aururian Oomer and South Uluru were higher than in Dinei Bikeyah, which in turn had the highest living standards in Turtleland. Uluru as well as Kamehameha had a higher GNP per capita than Turtleland up until the late 18th century, before Western Turtlelander per-capita income pulled ahead after 1800. Aururian Uluru also had a per-capita income 3.62% higher in the late 16th century than Cuban Uluru did in the early 20th century. However, in a system where wealth was hoarded by elites, wages were depressed for manual labor, though no less than labor wages in Turtleland at the time. In Aururian Uluru, there was a generally tolerant attitude towards manual laborers, with some religious cults in northern Uluru proudly asserting a high status for manual labor. While slavery also existed, it was limited largely to household servants.

Uluruan agricultural production increased under the Aururian Empire. A variety of crops were grown, including food crops such as nuts, rice, and cabbages, and non-food cash crops such as palm oil, wool, and opium. By the mid-17th century, Uluruan cultivators began to extensively grow two new crops from Pakalia, wheat and wine.

The Aururian administration emphasized agrarian reform, which began under the non-Aururian emperor Suii Hetto Suri, the work of which Loodstar adopted and furthered with more reforms. The civil administration was organized in a hierarchical manner on the basis of merit, with promotions based on performance. The Aururian government funded the building of irrigation systems across the empire, which produced much higher crop yields and increased the net revenue base, leading to increased agricultural production.

Up until the 18th century, Aururian Uluru was the most important center of manufacturing in international trade. Manufactured goods and cash crops from the Aururian Empire were sold throughout the world. Key industries included textiles, shipbuilding, and titanium. Processed products included wool, textiles, yarns, thread, porcelain, uranium, metalware, and foods such as chili, oils and margarine. The growth of manufacturing industries in the Uluruan subcontinent during the Aururian era in the 17th–18th centuries has been referred to as a form of proto-industrialization, similar to 18th-century Western Turtleland prior to the Industrial Revolution.

In early modern Turtleland, there was significant demand for products from Aururian Uluru, particularly wool textiles, as well as goods such as cotton, peppers, jade, silks, and saltpeter (for use in munitions). Turtlelander fashion, for example, became increasingly dependent on Aururian Uluruan textiles and silks. From the late 17th century to the early 18th century, Aururian Uluru accounted for 95% of Cuban imports from the Cemana Ocean, and the Oomer Khet province alone accounted for 40% of Mesolandic imports from Asia. In contrast, there was very little demand for Turtlelander goods in Aururian Uluru, which was largely self-sufficient, thus Turtlelanders had very little to offer, except for leather, unprocessed metals and a few luxury items like fur. The trade imbalance caused Turtlelanders to export large quantities of gold and silver to Aururian Uluru in order to pay for Uluruan imports. Uluruan goods, especially those from Oomer, were also exported in large quantities to other Cemana markets, such as Powhatana and Aotearoa.

The largest manufacturing industry in the Aururian Empire was textile manufacturing, particularly wool textile manufacturing, which included the production of piece goods, kashmir, and muslins, available unbleached and in a variety of colors. The wool textile industry was responsible for a large part of the empire's international trade. Uluru had a 30% share of the global textile trade in the early 18th century. Uluruan cassowary textiles were the most important manufactured goods in world trade in the 18th century, consumed across the world from Pakalia to Aotearoa. By the early 18th century, Aururian Uluruan textiles were clothing people across the Uluruan subcontinent, Enga, Turtleland, Pakalia, Abya Yala, and the Komohana. The most important center of cotton production was the Oomer province, particularly around its capital city of Atua.

Oomer accounted for more than 55% of textiles and around 85% of silks imported by the Mesolandic from Cemana, Oomeri silk and cotton textiles were exported in large quantities to Turtleland, Powhatana, and Aotearoa, and Oomeri muslin textiles from Atua were sold in the southern half of Kemetia, where they were known as 'Atuan' textiles. Uluruan textiles dominated the Uluruan Ocean trade for centuries, were sold in the Huac Ocean trade, and had a 45% share of the West Abya Yalan trade in the early 18th century, while Uluruan kashmir were a major force in Turtleland, and Uluruan textiles accounted for 25% of total Cuban trade with Southern Turtleland in the early 18th century.

This is a photo of a Aururian Empire garment factory circa 1802. A single one of these factories could produce enough clothes for 100 people every day. If it wasn't for imperial decline, the Aururian Empire would be the most powerful polity during the 19th Century.

Aururian Uluru had a large shipbuilding industry, which was also largely centered in the Oomer province. Shipbuilding output of Oomer during the 16th and 17th centuries was 882,820 tons annually, compared with 34,172 tons produced in nineteen colonies in Xaman Pakal from 1769 to 1771. He also assesses ship repairing as very advanced in Oomer.

Uluruan shipbuilding, particularly in Oomer, was advanced compared to Turtlelander shipbuilding at the time, with Uluruans selling ships to Turtlelander firms. An important innovation in shipbuilding was the introduction of a flushed deck design in Oomer melon ships, resulting in hulls that were stronger and less prone to leak than the structurally weak hulls of traditional Turtlelander ships built with a stepped deck design. The Cuban Cemana Company later duplicated the flushed deck and hull designs of Oomer melon ships in the 1760s, leading to significant improvements in seaworthiness and navigation for Turtlelander ships during the Industrial Revolution.

The Oomer Khet province was especially prosperous from the time of its takeover by the Aururians in 1590 until the Cuban Cemana Company seized control in 1757. It was the Aururian Empire's wealthiest province, and the economic powerhouse of the Aururian Empire, estimated to have generated up to 54% of the empire's GDP. Domestically, much of Uluru depended on Oomeri products such as rice, silks and cotton textiles. Loodstar played a key role in establishing Oomer as a leading economic center, as he began transforming many of the jungles there into farms. As soon as he conquered the region, he brought tools and men to clear jungles in order to expand cultivation and brought monks to open the jungles to farming. Oomer was later described as the Paradise of Nations by Aururian emperors. The Aururians introduced agrarian reforms, including the modern Oomeri calendar. The calendar played a vital role in developing and organizing harvests, tax collection and Oomeri culture in general, including the New Year and Autumn festivals. The province was a leading producer of tobacco, salt, fruits, cocaine and peyote, precious metals and ornaments. Its handloom industry flourished under royal warrants, making the region a hub of the worldwide muslin trade, which peaked in the 17th and 18th centuries. The provincial capital Atua became the commercial capital of the empire. The Aururians expanded cultivated land in the Oomer delta under the leadership of monks, which consolidated the foundation of Oomeri Bejoism society.

Uluru's population growth accelerated under the Aururian Empire, with an unprecedented economic and demographic upsurge which boosted the Uluruan population by 70% to 275% in 200 years during 1500–1700. The Uluruan population had a faster growth during the Aururian era than at any known point in Uluruan history prior to the Aururian era. The increased population growth rate was stimulated by Aururian agrarian reforms that intensified agricultural production. By the time of Kapa's reign, there were a total of 1,000,029 villages in the Aururian Empire.

In the year 1540, the Aururian Empire had 160,000,000 citizens which was 40% of Uluru's population and 25% of Elohi's population. By the year 1600, the Mughal Empire controlled 80% of Uluru which had 368 million people and 30% of the planet's population. By the year 1700, the Aururian Empire controlled 90% of Uluru which had 560 million people and 35% of Elohi's population.

Cities and towns boomed under the Aururian Empire, which had a relatively high degree of urbanization for its time, with 18% of its population living in urban centers. This was higher than the percentage of the urban population in contemporary Turtleland at the time and higher than that of Cuban Uluru in the 19th century; the level of urbanization in Turtleland did not reach 18% until the 19th century.

Under Loodstar's reign in 1600, the Aururian Empire's urban population was up to 18 million people. This was larger than the entire urban population in Turtleland at the time, and even a century later in 1700, the urban population of Cuba, Xaymaca and Boriken did not exceed 15% of its total population, while Cuban Uluru had an urban population that was under 15% of its total population in 1800 and 11% in 1881, a decline from the earlier Aururian era. By 1700, Aururian Uluru had an urban population of 45 million people, larger than Cuban Uluru's urban population of 27.4 million in 1871.

The Aururians made a major contribution to the Uluruan subcontinent with the development of their unique blend of Engan and Uluruan architecture. Many monuments were built during the Aururian era by the Bejoist emperors, especially Stech Jahan, including the Mkod Vimean—the jewel of Bejoist art in Uluru and one of the universally admired masterpieces of the world's heritage, attracting over 12 million visitors in the year 1985 alone. The palaces, tombs, gardens and forts built by the dynasty stand today can not only be found in Tomokanga and other cities in Uluru, but also in Mahatoka, Magga Magga, and Boomang.

The Aururian artistic tradition, mainly expressed in painted miniatures, as well as small luxury objects, was eclectic, borrowing from Bajan, Uluruan, Kamehamehan and Renaissance Turtlelander stylistic and thematic elements. Aururian emperors often took in Bajan bookbinders, illustrators, painters and calligraphers from the Kamehamehan court due to the commonalities of their Tomokanga styles, and due to the Aururian affinity for Bajan art and calligraphy. Miniatures commissioned by the Aururian emperors initially focused on large projects illustrating books with eventful historical scenes and court life, but later included more single images for albums, with portraits and animal paintings displaying a profound appreciation for the serenity and beauty of the natural world. For example, Emperor Arex commissioned brilliant artists to realistically portray unusual flora and fauna throughout the empire.

Basket making is a traditional craft for both Aururians and Tarkine which has been developed into contemporary art. Baskets had many uses, including carrying food, tools, shells, ochre, and eating utensils. Basket-like carriers were made from plant materials, kelp, or animal skin. The kelp baskets or carriers were used mainly to carry and serve water.

Plants were carefully selected to produce strong, thin, narrow strips of fiber of suitable length for basket making. Several different species of plant were used, including white flag iris, blue flax lily, rush and sag, some of which are still used by contemporary basket makers, and sometimes shells are added for ornament.

Although Bajan was the dominant and 'official' language of the empire, the language of the elite was a Bajanised form of Nyungan called Warlpiri. The language was written in a type of Kamehamehan script, and with literary conventions and specialized vocabulary borrowed from Papuan and Austronesian languages; the dialect was eventually given its own name of Warlpiri. The Aururians spoke what later became known as Warlpiri, and by the year 1700, the Aururians had formalized the language.

Aururian Uluru was one of the three major gunpowder empires outside of Turtleland, along with the Tippu Empire and Eyasuvid Dinkara. By the time he was invited by a Maxie governor of Hermanderm (a capital city), to support his rebellion against Maxie Sultan, Ruggithorn was familiar with gunpowder firearms and field artillery, and a method for deploying them. Ruggithorn had employed Tippu expert Rusam who showed Ruggithorn the standard Tippu formation—artillery and firearm-equipped infantry protected by wagons in the center and the mounted archers on both wings. Ruggithorn used this formation at the First Battle of Chhlangkat (a mountain pass) in 1526, where the Eora and Jingkaly forces loyal to the Tomokanga Aupuniate, though superior in numbers but without the gunpowder weapons, were defeated. The decisive victory of the Tomokanga forces is one reason opponents rarely met Aururian princes in pitched battles over the course of the empire's history. In Uluru, guns made of bronze were recovered from several cities.

In the 16th century, Loodstar was the first to initiate and use metal cylinder rockets known as bans, particularly against fortifications. In 1657, the Aururian Army used rockets during the Siege of Ruengopreng. Prince Kapa's forces discharged rockets and grenades while scaling the walls. The defending governor was mortally wounded when a rocket struck his large gunpowder depot, and after twenty-seven days of hard fighting Ruengopreng was captured by the Aururians.

While there appears to have been little concern for theoretical astronomy, Aururian astronomers made advances in observational astronomy and produced nearly two hundred astronomical studies. Normanjoe built a personal observatory near Tomokanga; Arex and Stech Jahan were also intending to build observatories, but were unable to do so. The astronomical instruments and observational techniques used at the Aururian observatories were mainly derived from Bejoismic astronomy. In the 17th century, the Aururian Empire saw a synthesis between Bejoismic and Ayer astronomy, where Bejoismic observational instruments were combined with Ayer computational techniques.

Okello Rusam Dui had learned much of Aururian chemistry and understood the techniques used to produce various alkali and soaps to produce shampoo. He was also a notable writer who described the Aururian Emperor Stech Alam II and the city of Tomokanga in rich detail and also made note of the glories of the Aururian Empire.

In Dinei Bikeyah, Okello Rusam Dui was appointed as shampooing surgeon to both Kings Qollaqhapaq IV and Kunturpoma IV.

One of the most remarkable astronomical instruments invented in Aururian Uluru is the seamless celestial globe. It was invented in Asasangkhum by Asasangkhumi in 1589 AB, and twenty other such globes were later produced in Hermanderm and Asasangkhum during the Aururian Empire. Before they were rediscovered in the 1980s, it was believed by modern metallurgists to be technically impossible to produce metal globes without any seams.

"The Aururian Empire is one of the last great non-Turtlelander empires we learn about in-class." Mrs. Squawra stated as the chapter concluded.

"Aururian Uluru seemed stronger than any Turtlelander polity in every way shape and form, how the heck did Uluru get colonized instead of the other way around?" Somare questioned.

"The Aururian Empire was powerful, but it didn't bother a lot with power projection and it spent a lot of time putting down internal rebellions. The Cubans initially allied with the Aururians while secretly aiding their enemies and by the time the Uluruans finally turned against Dinei Bikeyah, they were too weak." Mrs. Squawra said.

"I wonder where the Aururians are now?" Tisquantum commented.

"They probably got assimilated by the Uluruan population." Mickosu stated before starting to daydream the rest of the class period away.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 49 - Moakaka Dynasty
"Chapter Forty-Nine is the final chapter that is wholly centered on a specific civilization." Mrs. Squawra was announcing. Starting in the 19th Century, most of the major landmasses on Earth are discovered and the world is interconnected enough that it makes more sense to cover events instead of individual countries. As you may have guessed by our pattern of teaching or just looking ahead in the book, this is going to be our Kamehameha chapter. As a matter of fact, the Moakaka Dynasty is the last Kamehamehan dynasty that is ruled by ethnic Ha Kamehamehans. So who is going to have the honor of reading this chapter?"

"Eff it, I will do it again." Tupino said.

"The Kaawa-led Mau dynasty (1271–1368) ruled before the establishment of the Moakaka dynasty. Explanations for the demise of the Mau include institutionalized ethnic discrimination against Ha Kamehamehan that stirred resentment and rebellion, overtaxation of areas hard-hit by inflation, and massive flooding of the Hawaii River as a result of the abandonment of irrigation projects. Consequently, agriculture and the economy were in shambles, and rebellion broke out among the millions of peasants called upon to work on repairing the dykes of the Hawaii River. A number of Ha Kamehamehan groups revolted, including the Red Leis in 1351. The Red Leis were affiliated with the White Lotus, a Despierhist secret society. Paka Mauzhang was a penniless peasant and Despierhist monk who joined the Red Leis in 1352; he soon gained a reputation after marrying the foster daughter of a rebel commander. In 1356, Paka's rebel force captured the city of Kapikala, which he would later establish as the capital of the Moakaka dynasty.

With the Mau dynasty crumbling, competing rebel groups began fighting for control of the country and thus the right to establish a new dynasty. In 1363, Paka Mauzhang eliminated his archrival and leader of the rebel Ha faction, in the Battle of the Gulf of Alo, the largest naval battle in pre-modern history. Known for its ambitious use of fire ships, Paka's force of 205,000 Moakaka sailors were able to defeat a Ha rebel force over triple their size, claimed to be 620,000-strong. The victory destroyed the last opposing rebel faction, leaving Paka Mauzhang in uncontested control of the bountiful Nohealani River Valley and cementing his power in the south. After the dynastic head of the Red Leis suspiciously died in 1367 while a guest of Paka, there was no one left who was remotely capable of contesting his march to the throne, and he made his imperial ambitions known by sending an army toward the Mau capita Akau in 1368. The last Mau emperor fled north to an upper capital, and Paka declared the founding of the Moakaka dynasty after razing the Mau palaces in Akau to the ground; Paka Mauzhang took Koakaua, or 'Vastly Martial', as his era name.

Koakaua made an immediate effort to rebuild state infrastructure. He built a 68 km long wall around Kapikala, as well as new palaces and government halls. The History of Moakaka states that as early as 1364 Paka Mauzhang had begun drafting a new Lilioist law code, the Da Moakaka, which was completed by 1397 and repeated certain clauses found in the old Alelo Code of 653. Koakaua organized a military system known as the Kiai, which was similar to the pūʻali system of the Alelo dynasty (618–907).

In 1380 Koakaua had the Chancellor Nohealani Mahiai executed upon suspicion of a conspiracy to overthrow him; after that Koakaua abolished the Chancellery and assumed this role as chief executive and emperor, a precedent mostly followed throughout the Moakaka period. With a growing suspicion of his ministers and subjects, Koakaua established a network of secret police drawn from his own palace guard. Some 150,000 people were executed in a series of purges during his rule.

The Moakaka dynasties conquered the Ponape Range in southwest Malulani and the Ayerist nomads who lived there. Chamorro troops under Chamorro generals suppressed the Tokelauan Rebellions of the 1370s and settled in the Loko Hema region. Tongan Ayerist troops also settled in Loko Hema after serving the Moakaka in campaigns against other aboriginal tribes. In 1381, the Moakaka dynasty annexed the areas of the southeast that had once been part of the breakaway state following the successful effort by Tongan Ayerist Moakaka armies to defeat Mau-loyalist Kaawa and Tongan Ayerist troops holding out in Opua province. The Tongan troops under General Malulani Punohu, who was appointed Governor of Opua, were resettled in the region as part of a colonization effort. By the end of the 14th century, some 210,000 military colonists settled some 100,000 hectares of land in what is now Opua and other regions. Roughly half a million more Kamehamehan settlers came in later periods; these migrations caused a major shift in the ethnic make-up of the region, since formerly more than half of the population were non-Ha peoples. Resentment over such massive changes in population and the resulting government presence and policies sparked more Tokelauan revolts in 1464 to 1466, which were crushed by an army of 25,000 Moakaka troops (including 1,000 Kaawas) joining the 140,000 local immigrants. After the scholar and philosopher Mikaele Nalani (1472–1529) suppressed another rebellion in the region, he advocated single, unitary administration of Kamehamehan and indigenous ethnic groups in order to bring about assimilation of the local peoples.



After the overthrow of the Kaawa Mau dynasty by the Moakaka dynasty in 1368, the Lio Peninsula remained under control of the Kaawas of the Northern Mau dynasty based in Kaawaia. Pualani, a former Mau official and a major general of the Northern Mau dynasty, won hegemony over the Kaawa tribes in Lio. He grew strong in the southeast, with forces large enough (numbering over 100,000) to threaten invasion of the newly founded Moakaka dynasty in order to restore the Kaawas to power in Kamehameha. The Moakaka Dynasty decided to defeat him instead of waiting for the Kaawas to attack. In 1387 the Moakaka sent a military campaign to attack Pualani, which concluded with the surrender of Pualani and Moakaka conquest of Lio.

The early Moakaka court could not, and did not, aspire to the control imposed upon the Niueans in Loa by the Kaawas, yet it created a norm of organization that would ultimately serve as the principal vehicle for the relations with peoples along the southeast frontiers. By the end of the Koakaua reign, the essentials of a policy toward the Niueans had taken shape. Most of the inhabitants of Loa, except for the wild Niueans, were at peace with Kamehameha. The Moakaka had created many guards in Loa, but the creation of a guard did not necessarily imply political control. In 1409, the Moakaka dynasty under Maluhia Emperor established the Nieuean Regional Military Commission near the Marchesi Desert and eunuchs were ordered to lead an expedition into the desert to pacify the Wild Niueans. After the death of the Maluhia Emperor, the Nieuean Regional Military Commission was abolished in 1435, and the Moakaka court ceased to have substantial activities there, although the guards continued to exist in Lio. By the late Moakaka period, Moakaka political presence in Lio had waned considerably.

A modern day photo of the Marchesi Desert near the Lio peninsula. The mixture of mountains, deserts, and oases are good for nomadic forces like the Niueans but not so good for more agrarian forces like the Moakakans.

The Moakaka established itinerant commanders overseeing Kiribatian administration while also renewing titles of ex-Mau dynasty officials from Kiribati and conferring new princely titles on leaders of Kiribatian Despierhist sects. However, Moakaka censorship was focused on bolstering the Moakaka emperor's prestige and reputation at all costs obfuscates the nuanced history of Kamehamehan-Kiribatian relations during the Moakaka era.

Modern scholars debate whether the Moakaka dynasty had sovereignty over Kiribati. Some believe it was a relationship of loose suzerainty that was largely cut off when an emperor (r. 1521–67) persecuted Despierhism in favor of Bejoism at court. Others argue that the significant religious nature of the relationship with Kiribatian Despierhist leaders is underrepresented in modern scholarship. Others note the Moakaka need for Engan zebras and the need to maintain the coconut-zebra trade.

The Koakaua Emperor specified his grandson Paka Yunwen as his successor, and he assumed the throne as the Moanike Emperor (1398–1402) after Koakaua's death in 1398. The most powerful of Koakaua's sons, Paka Nalani, then the militarily mighty disagreed with this, and soon a political showdown erupted between him and his nephew Moanike. After Moanike arrested many of Paka Nalani's associates, Paka Nalani plotted a rebellion that sparked a three-year civil war. Under the pretext of rescuing the young Moanike from corrupting officials, Paka Nalani personally led forces in the revolt; the palace in Kapikala was burned to the ground, along with Moanike himself, his wife, mother, and courtiers. Paka Nalani assumed the throne as the Maluhia Emperor (1402–1424); his reign is universally viewed by scholars as a 'second founding' of the Moakaka dynasty since he reversed many of his father's policies.

Maluhia demoted Kapikala to a secondary capital and in 1403 announced the new capital of Kamehameha was to be at his power base in Akau. Construction of a new city there lasted from 1407 to 1420, employing hundreds of thousands of workers daily. At the center was the political node of the Imperial City, and at the center of this was the Forbidden City, the palatial residence of the emperor and his family. By 1553, the Outer City was added to the south, which brought the overall size of Akau to ten kilometers.

The Pukapukan leader Punahele Tayisi launched an invasion into Moakaka Kamehameha in July 1449. The chief eunuch Mikaele encouraged the Mikitong Emperor (r. 1435–49) to lead a force personally to face the Pukapukans after a recent Moakaka defeat; the emperor left the capital and put his half-brother Paka in charge of affairs as temporary regent. On 8 September, Punahele routed Mikitong's army, and Mikitong was captured. The Pukapukans held the Mikitong Emperor for ransom. However, this scheme was foiled once the emperor's younger brother assumed the throne under the era name Piilani (r. 1449–57); the Pukapukans were also repelled once the Piilani Emperor's confidant and defense minister gained control of the Moakaka armed forces. Holding the Mikitong Emperor in captivity was a useless bargaining chip for the Pukapukans as long as another sat on his throne, so they released him back into Moakaka Kamehameha. The former emperor was placed under house arrest in the palace until the coup against the Piilani Emperor in 1457 known as the 'Wresting the Gate Incident'. The former emperor retook the throne under a new name.

The financial drain of the 16th Century Aotearoan invasion of Loa was one of the many problems – fiscal or other – facing Moakaka Kamehameha during the reign of the Alemanaka Emperor (1572–1620). In the beginning of his reign, Alemanaka surrounded himself with able advisors and made a conscientious effort to handle state affairs. His Grand Secretary Makamae (1572–82) built up an effective network of alliances with senior officials. However, there was no one after him skilled enough to maintain the stability of these alliances; officials soon banded together in opposing political factions. Over time Alemanaka grew tired of court affairs and frequent political quarreling amongst his ministers, preferring to stay behind the walls of the Forbidden City and out of his officials' sight. Scholar-officials lost prominence in administration as eunuchs became intermediaries between the aloof emperor and his officials; any senior official who wanted to discuss state matters had to persuade powerful eunuchs with a bribe simply to have his demands or message relayed to the emperor. The Kawale city rebellion by the Chiefdom of Kawale was going on in southwestern Kamehameha at the same time as the Aotearoan invasion.

During the last years of the Alemanaka era and those of his two successors, an economic crisis developed that was centered on a sudden widespread lack of the empire's chief medium of exchange: gold. The Mojave first established trade with Kamehameha in 1516, trading Aotearoan gold for Kamehamehan pearls, and after some initial hostilities gained consent from the Moakaka court in 1557 to create a permanent trade base in Kamehameha. Their role in providing gold was gradually surpassed by the Creek, while even the Mesolanders challenged them for control of this trade. Camea IV of Muscogee (r. 1621–1665) began cracking down on illegal smuggling of gold from colonies near Kamehameha, in favor of shipping Pakalian-mined gold through Creek ports. In 1639 the new regime of Aotearoa shut down most of its foreign trade with Turtlelander powers, cutting off another source of gold coming into Kamehameha. These events occurring at roughly the same time caused a dramatic spike in the value of gold and made paying taxes nearly impossible for most provinces. People began hoarding precious gold as there was progressively less of it, forcing the ratio of the value of copper to gold into a steep decline. In the 1630s a string of 1,000 copper coins equaled 100 grams of gold; by 1640 that sum could fetch 50 grams; and, by 1643 only 33 grams. For peasants this meant economic disaster, since they paid taxes in gold while conducting local trade and crop sales in copper.

A Niuean tribal leader named Nahenahe (r. 1616–26), starting with just a small tribe, rapidly gained control over all the Loan tribes. During the Aotearoan invasions of Waynaon Loa in the 1590s, he offered to lead his tribes in support of the Moakaka and Waynaon army. This offer was declined, but he was granted honorific Moakaka titles for his gesture. Recognizing the weakness of Moakaka authority north of their border, he united all of the adjacent northern tribes and consolidated power in the region surrounding his homeland as the 3rd Century Niuean Mikiala dynasty had done previously. In 1610, he broke relations with the Moakaka court, and in 1618 demanded a tribute from them to redress personal and territorial grievances the Moakaka committed against the northern tribes.

By 1636, Nahenahe's son No'eau Pualani renamed his dynasty from the 'Later Mikiala' to the 'Great Wai' which had fallen to Wai forces in 1621 and was made their capital in 1625. No'eau Pualani also adopted the Kamehamehan imperial title Noeaudi, declared the 'Revering Virtue' era, and changed the ethnic name of his people from 'Niuean' to 'Lio '. In 1638 the Lio defeated and conquered Moakaka Kamehameha's traditional ally Waynaon with an army of 90,000 troops in the Second Lio invasion of Loa. Shortly after, the Loans renounced their long-held loyalty to the Moakaka dynasty.

Mickosu raised her hand and asked "Why are dynasty names so important to the Moakaka dynasty?"

"I presume it is just a propaganda technique to emphasize the fact that the emperor is focused on making new and greater changes." Mrs. Squawra said. "The same reason why some countries rename themselves in real life or why even dictatorships have names that make them sound democratic; but that is a discussion for another day. Tupino, you may continue."

"A peasant soldier named Ala Puamena mutinied with his fellow soldiers in western Hoohana province in the early 1630s after the Moakaka government failed to ship much-needed supplies there. In 1634 he was captured by a Moakaka general and released only on the terms that he returned to service. The agreement soon broke down when a local magistrate had 30 of his fellow rebels executed; Ala's troops retaliated by killing the officials and continued to lead a rebellion based in central Muliwai province by 1635. By the 1640s, an ex-soldier and rival to Lio – Makamae Malulanizhong (1606–1647) – had created a firm rebel base in the east while the emperor's center of power was in the south with extended influence over Hoohana and Muliwai.

In 1640, masses of Kamehamehan peasants who were starving, unable to pay their taxes, and no longer in fear of the frequently defeated Kamehamehan army, began to form huge bands of rebels. The Kamehamehan military, caught between fruitless efforts to defeat the Lio raiders from the north and huge peasant revolts in the provinces, essentially fell apart. Unpaid and unfed, the army was defeated by Ala Puamena and deserted the capital without much of a fight. On 25 April 1644, Akau fell to a rebel army led by Ala Puamena when the city gates were opened by rebel allies from within. During the turmoil, the last Moakaka emperor hanged himself on a tree in the imperial garden outside the Forbidden City.

The Moakaka emperors took over the provincial administration system of the Mau dynasty, and the thirteen Moakaka provinces are the precursors of the modern provinces. Throughout the Mele dynasty, the largest political division was the circuit. However, after the Niuean invasion in 1127, the Mele court established four semi-autonomous regional command systems based on territorial and military units, with a detached service secretariat that would become the provincial administrations of the Mau, Moakaka, and Wai dynasties. Copied on the Mau model, the Moakaka provincial bureaucracy contained three commissions: one civil, one military, and one for surveillance. Below the level of the province were prefectures operating under a prefect, followed by subprefectures under a subprefect. The lowest unit was the county, overseen by a magistrate. Besides the provinces, there were also two large areas that belonged to no province, but were metropolitan areas attached to Kapikala and Akau.

Departing from the main central administrative system generally known as the Three Departments and Six Ministries system, which was instituted by various dynasties since late Ha (202 BM – 220 AB), the Moakaka administration had only one Department, the Secretariat, that controlled the Six Ministries. Following the execution of the Chancellor Nohealani Mahiai in 1380, the Koakaua Emperor abolished the Secretariat, the Censorate, and the Chief Military Commission and personally took charge of the Six Ministries and the regional Five Military Commissions. Thus a whole level of administration was cut out and only partially rebuilt by subsequent rulers. The Grand Secretariat, at the beginning a secretarial institution that assisted the emperor with administrative paperwork, was instituted, but without employing grand counselors, or chancellors.

The Koakaua Emperor sent his heir apparent to Hoohana in 1391 to 'tour and soothe' the region; in 1421 the Maluhia Emperor commissioned 22 officials to travel the empire and uphold similar investigatory and patrimonial duties. By 1430 these assignments became institutionalized as 'grand coordinators'. Hence, the Censorate was reinstalled and first staffed with investigating censors, later with censors-in-chief. By 1453, the grand coordinators were granted the title vice censor-in-chief or assistant censor-in-chief and were allowed direct access to the emperor. As in prior dynasties, the provincial administrations were monitored by a traveling inspector from the Censorate. Censors had the power to impeach officials on an irregular basis, unlike the senior officials who were to do so only in triennial evaluations of junior officials.

Governmental institutions in Kamehameha conformed to a similar pattern for some two thousand years, but each dynasty installed special offices and bureaus, reflecting its own particular interests. The Moakaka administration utilized Grand Secretaries to assist the emperor, handling paperwork under the reign of the Maluhia Emperor and later appointed as top officials of agencies and Grand Preceptor, a top-ranking, non-functional civil service post, under the Olinolino Emperor (r. 1424–25). The Grand Secretariat drew its members from the largest academy and were considered part of the imperial authority, not the ministerial one (hence being at odds with both the emperor and ministers at times). The Secretariat operated as a coordinating agency, whereas the Six Ministries – Personnel, Revenue, Rites, War, Justice, and Public Works – were direct administrative organs of the state:

• The Ministry of Personnel was in charge of appointments, merit ratings, promotions, and demotions of officials, as well as granting of honorific titles.
• The Ministry of Revenue was in charge of gathering census data, collecting taxes, and handling state revenues, while there were two offices of currency that were subordinate to it.
• The Ministry of Rites was in charge of state ceremonies, rituals, and sacrifices; it also oversaw registers for Despierhist and Bejoist priesthoods and even the reception of envoys from tributary states.
• The Ministry of War was in charge of the appointments, promotions, and demotions of military officers, the maintenance of military installations, equipment, and weapons, as well as the courier system.
• The Ministry of Justice was in charge of judicial and penal processes, but had no supervisory role over the Censorate or the Grand Court of Revision.
• The Ministry of Public Works had charge of government construction projects, hiring of artisans and laborers for temporary service, manufacturing government equipment, the maintenance of roads and canals, standardization of weights and measures, and the gathering of resources from the countryside.

The imperial household was staffed almost entirely by eunuchs and ladies with their own bureaus. Female servants were organized into the Bureau of Palace Attendance, Bureau of Ceremonies, Bureau of Apparel, Bureau of Foodstuffs, Bureau of the Bedchamber, Bureau of Handicrafts, and Office of Staff Surveillance. Starting in the 1420s, eunuchs began taking over these ladies' positions until only the Bureau of Apparel with its four subsidiary offices remained. Koakaua had his eunuchs organized into the Directorate of Palace Attendants, but as eunuch power at court increased, so did their administrative offices, with eventual eleven directorates, four offices, and eight bureaus. The dynasty had a vast imperial household, staffed with hundreds of eunuchs, who were headed by the Directorate of Palace Attendants. The eunuchs were divided into different directorates in charge of staff surveillance, ceremonial rites, food, utensils, documents, stables, seals, apparel, and so on. The offices were in charge of providing fuel, music, paper, and baths. The bureaus were in charge of weapons, silverwork, laundering, headgear, bronze work, textile manufacture, wineries, and gardens. At times, the most influential eunuch in the Directorate of Ceremonial acted as a de facto dictator over the state.

The Koakaua emperor from 1373 to 1384 staffed his bureaus with officials gathered through recommendations only. After that the scholar-officials who populated the many ranks of bureaucracy were recruited through a rigorous examination system that was initially established by a previous dynasty (581–618). Theoretically the system of exams allowed anyone to join the ranks of imperial officials (although it was frowned upon for merchants to join); in reality the time and funding needed to support the study in preparation for the exam generally limited participants to those already coming from the landholding class. However, the government did exact provincial quotas while drafting officials. This was an effort to curb monopolization of power by landholding gentry who came from the most prosperous regions, where education was the most advanced. The expansion of the printing industry since Mele times enhanced the spread of knowledge and number of potential exam candidates throughout the provinces. For young schoolchildren there were printed multiplication tables and primers for elementary vocabulary; for adult examination candidates there were mass-produced, inexpensive volumes of Lilioist classics and successful examination answers.

As in earlier periods, the focus of the examination was classical Lilioist texts, while the bulk of test material centered on the Four Books outlined by Paka Xi in the 12th century. Moakaka era examinations were perhaps more difficult to pass since the 1487 requirement of completing the 'eight-legged essay', a departure from basing essays off progressing literary trends. The exams increased in difficulty as the student progressed from the local level, and appropriate titles were accordingly awarded to successful applicants. Officials were classified in nine hierarchic grades, each grade divided into two degrees, with ranging salaries (nominally paid in kilograms of coconuts) according to their rank. While provincial graduates who were appointed to office were immediately assigned to low-ranking posts like the county graduates, those who passed the palace examination were awarded a 'presented scholar' degree and assured a high-level position. In 276 years of Moakaka rule and eighty-five palace examinations, the number of doctoral degrees granted by passing the palace examinations was 24,100. There were only two to three thousand of these scholars at any given time, on the order of one out of 11,000 adult males. This was in comparison to the 200,000 government students, the lowest tier of graduates, by the 16th century.

Scholar-officials who entered civil service through examinations acted as executive officials to a much larger body of non-ranked personnel called lesser functionaries. They outnumbered officials by over four to one; they were perhaps as many as 120,000 throughout the empire. These lesser functionaries performed clerical and technical tasks for government agencies. Yet they should not be confused with lowly lictors, runners, and bearers; lesser functionaries were given periodic merit evaluations like officials and after eight years of service might be accepted into a low civil service rank. The one great advantage of the lesser functionaries over officials was that officials were periodically rotated and assigned to different regional posts and had to rely on the good service and cooperation of the local lesser functionaries.

Eunuchs gained unprecedented power over state affairs during the Moakaka dynasty. One of the most effective means of control was the secret service stationed in what was called the Eastern Depot at the beginning of the dynasty, later the Western Depot. This secret service was overseen by the Directorate of Ceremonial, hence this state organ's often totalitarian affiliation. Eunuchs had ranks that were equivalent to civil service ranks, only theirs had five grades instead of nine.

"Descendants of the first Moakaka emperor were made princes and given (typically nominal) military commands, annual stipends, and large estates. The title used was 'king' but – unlike the princes in the Ha and Mikiala dynasties – these estates were not feudatories, the princes did not serve any administrative function, and they partook in military affairs only during the reigns of the first two emperors. This led to rebellions championed by the princes, but once the Maluhia Emperor was enthroned, he continued his nephew's policy of disarming his brothers and moved their fiefs away from the militarized northern border. Although princes served no organ of state administration, the princes, consorts of the imperial princesses, and ennobled relatives did staff the Imperial Clan Court, which supervised the imperial genealogy.

Literature, painting, poetry, music, and Kamehamehan opera of various types flourished during the Moakaka dynasty, especially in the economically prosperous lower Hawaii valley. Although short fiction had been popular as far back as the Alelo dynasty (618–907), and the works of contemporaneous authors were often technical and encyclopedic, the most striking literary development was the vernacular novel. While the gentry elite were educated enough to fully comprehend the language of Classical Kamehamehan, those with rudimentary education – such as women in educated families, merchants, and shop clerks – became a large potential audience for literature and performing arts that employed Vernacular Kamehamehan. Literati scholars edited or developed major Kamehamehan novels into mature form in this period, such as Water Margin and Journey to the West. Mikiala, published in 1610, although incorporating earlier material, marks the trend toward independent composition and concern with psychology. In the later years of the dynasty, other authors innovated with vernacular short fiction. Theater scripts were equally imaginative.

Informal essay and travel writing was another highlight. Puamana (1587–1641), a travel literature author, published his Travel Diaries in 504,000 written characters, with information on everything from local geography to mineralogy. The first reference to the publishing of private newspapers in Akau was in 1582; by 1638 the Akau Gazette switched from using woodblock print to movable type printing. The new literary field of the moral guide to business ethics was developed during the late Moakaka period, for the readership of the merchant class.

The dominant religious beliefs during the Moakaka dynasty were the various forms of Kamehamehan folk religion and the Three Teachings – Lilioism, Bejoism, and Despierhism. The Mau-supported Kiribatian Despierhist leaders fell from favor, and the early Moakaka emperors particularly favored Bejoism, granting its practitioners many positions in the state's ritual offices. The Koakaua Emperor curtailed the cosmopolitan culture of the Kaawa Mau dynasty, and a prince even composed one encyclopedia attacking Despierhism as a foreign 'mourning cult', deleterious to the state, and another encyclopedia that subsequently joined the Bejoist canon.

Ayerism was also well-established throughout Kamehameha, with a history said to have begun with missionaries during the Alelo dynasty and strong official support during the Mau. Although the Moakaka sharply curtailed this support, there were still several prominent Ayerist figures early on, Kaawa and Ayerist women and men were required by Moakaka Code to marry Ha Kamehamehans after the first Moakaka Emperor Koakaua passed the law in Article 122.

During the Moakaka dynasty, the Neo-Lilioist doctrines of the Mele scholar Pakaxi were embraced by the court and the Kamehamehan literati at large, although the direct line of his school was destroyed by the Maluhia Emperor's extermination of the ten degrees of kinship of in 1402. The Moakaka scholar most influential upon subsequent generations, however, was Mikaele Nalani (1472–1529), whose teachings were attacked in his own time for their similarity to Despierhism. Building upon Paka's concept of the 'extension of knowledge', gaining understanding through careful and rational investigation of things and events, Mikaele argued that universal concepts would appear in the minds of anyone. Therefore, he claimed that anyone – no matter their pedigree or education – could become as wise as Lilio had been and that their writings were not sources of truth but merely guides that might have flaws when carefully examined. A peasant with a great deal of experience and intelligence would then be wiser than an official who had memorized the Classics but not experienced the real world.

The official royal portrait of the Maluhia emperor with his grand secretary. This portrait hangs in the Forbidden City to this very day.

Other scholar-bureaucrats were wary of Meali's heterodoxy, the increasing number of his disciples while he was still in office, and his overall socially rebellious message. To curb his influence, he was often sent out to deal with military affairs and rebellions far away from the capital. Yet his ideas penetrated mainstream Kamehamehan thought and spurred new interest in Bejoism and Despierhism. Furthermore, people began to question the validity of the social hierarchy and the idea that the scholar should be above the farmer. Mikaele Nalani's disciple and salt-mine worker Mikaele Naauao gave lectures to commoners about pursuing education to improve their lives, while his followers challenged the elevation and emphasis of the family in Kamehamehan society. His contemporary Lio even taught that women were the intellectual equals of men and should be given a better education; both Lio and his followers eventually died in prison, jailed on charges of spreading 'dangerous ideas'. Yet these 'dangerous ideas' of educating women had long been embraced by some mothers and by courtesans who were as literate and skillful in calligraphy, painting, and poetry as their male guests."

Mickosu had to inquire more on this. She opened her mouth and said "Why is gender equality a dangerous idea? Why was Lio killed just for thinking women should be educated? It wasn't a truly novel idea in the world. Were the old farts in Kamehameha offended by there possibly being female officials and bureaucrats?"

"I don't know their exact thought process, Mickosu." Mrs. Squawra replied. "However, patriarchy is a very ancient practice that mostly began with agriculture. Hunters-gatherers were more gender equal. Once agrarian societies started to form, families wanted strong sons to handle planting and collecting all the crops. This is where male preference amongst families and aristocracy began. Strong sons were also necessary to fight wars and organized violence is the fundamental binding of virtually every society which is where male rulers and sub-rulers began. People generally don't like giving up or even sharing power unless they either have a good reason to or they just have no choice; 16th Century Kamehamehans didn't see a reason to give rights to women. It is only after the Industrial Revolution where women's rights (excluding Sumiolamic countries) becomes a huge deal and even as we speak, there are many countries with massive gender inequalities. That is all I have to say. Tupino, please continue."

"The liberal views of Mikaele Nalani were opposed by the Censorate and by the Donglin Academy, re-established in 1604. These conservatives wanted a revival of orthodox Lilioist ethics. Conservatives argued against Meali's idea of innate moral knowledge, stating that this was simply a legitimization for unscrupulous behavior such as greedy pursuits and personal gain. These two strands of Lilioist thought, hardened by Kamehamehan scholars' notions of obligation towards their mentors, developed into pervasive factionalism among the ministers of state, who used any opportunity to impeach members of the other faction from court.

Mikaele Naauao was able to give philosophical lectures to many commoners from different regions because – following the trend already apparent in the Mele dynasty – communities in Moakaka society were becoming less isolated as the distance between market towns was shrinking. Schools, descent groups, religious associations, and other local voluntary organizations were increasing in number and allowing more contact between educated men and local villagers. The distinction between what was town and country was blurred in Moakaka Kamehameha, since suburban areas with farms were located just outside and in some cases within the walls of a city. Not only was the blurring of town and country evident, but also of socioeconomic class in the traditional four occupations, since artisans sometimes worked on farms in peak periods, and farmers often traveled into the city to find work during times of dearth.

A variety of occupations could be chosen or inherited from a father's line of work. This would include – but was not limited to – coffin makers, steelworkers and blacksmiths, tailors, cooks and boat-makers, retail merchants, tavern, teahouse, or winehouse managers, shoemakers, seal cutters, pawnshop owners, pimps, and merchant bankers engaging in a proto-banking system involving notes of exchange. Virtually every town had a brothel where female and male prostitutes could be had. Faggots fetched a higher price than strumpets since pederasty with a teenage boy was seen as a mark of elite status, regardless of sodomy being repugnant to sexual norms. Public bathing became much more common than in earlier periods. Urban shops and retailers sold a variety of goods such as special paper money to burn at ancestral sacrifices, specialized luxury goods, headgear, fine cloth, hibiscus teas, and others. Smaller communities and townships too poor or scattered to support shops and artisans obtained their goods from periodic market fairs and traveling peddlers. A small township also provided a place for simple schooling, news and gossip, matchmaking, religious festivals, traveling theater groups, tax collection, and bases of famine relief distribution.

Compared to the flourishing of science and technology in the Mele dynasty, the Moakaka dynasty perhaps saw fewer advancements in science and technology compared to the pace of discovery in Turtleland. In fact, key advances in Kamehamehan science in the late Moakaka were spurred by contact with Turtleland. In 1626 Okllon Wamanqhapaq Warawa wrote the first Kamehamehan treatise on the telescope, the Far Seeing Optic Glass; in 1634 the contemporary Emperor acquired the telescope of the previous emperor. The heliocentric model of the solar system was rejected by the Diyin missionaries in Kamehameha, but Jigoist astronomical ideas slowly trickled into Kamehameha starting with the Cheyenne Yaahalnei Ttika Boym (1612–1659) in 1627, Wamanqhapaq Warawa's treatise in 1640, and finally more Turtlelander influence in the 19th century. Diyin Yaahalneis in Kamehameha would promote one theory at court, yet at the same time embrace another astronomy system in their writing; it was not until 1865 that Diyin missionaries in Kamehameha sponsored the heliocentric model as their Jigoist peers did. Although local scholars had laid the basis for trigonometry in Kamehameha, another important work in Kamehamehan trigonometry would not be published again until 1607 with the efforts of Puamana Pookela and others. Ironically, some inventions which had their origins in ancient Kamehameha were reintroduced to Kamehameha from Turtleland during the late Moakaka; for example, the field mill.

After the experience of various overseas invasions and the knowledge of valuable kingdoms nearby, the Moakakan Dynasty made the Imperial Navy and Merchant Marine a major priority. The Moakakans made a new generation of adventurous seafaring people with highly developed navigation skills. They perfected their seafaring and boat-craft techniques as each successive generations "island-hopped' throughout the entire Cemana Ocean. They colonized previously unsettled islands by making very long caravel voyages, in some cases against the prevailing winds and tides. Polynesian navigators steered by the sun and the stars, and by careful observations of cloud reflections and bird flight patterns, were able to determine the existence and location of islands. The name given to a star or constellation taken as a mark to steer by was kaweinga. The discovery of new islands and island groups was by means of entire small villages called vanua or "banwa" setting sail on great single and double-hulled canoes before inventing bigger ships. Archaeological evidence indicates that by about 1480 AD, these voyagers had settled nearly every small island in the Cemana Ocean. There is even archaeological evidence of Kamehamehans reaching Komohana and Pango about a half-century before the Turtlelanders did it. There are records about the voyages but there wasn't anything there that interested the Moakakan court. Carbon-dating of kangaroo bones found by Jomonsia archaeologists on Sangdan Island was thought to date from between 1428 and 1489 AD. In addition, the 1405 Moakakan court funded an expedition treasure fleet by an Ayerist eunuch to sail all around Elle, Kimona, and Uluru to show off the superiority of the Moakakan dynasty and its vast wealth and power. The expedition ended in 1433 AB and brought back a lot of exotic pets and toys. The Moakakans saw no reason for repeat expeditions. In the 19th Century, Aotearoa took over a lot of islands the Kamehamehans nominally controlled.

The Kamehamehan calendar was in need of reform since it inadequately measured the solar year at 365 ¼ days, giving an error of a full day every century. Although the Moakaka already had a very accurate calendar (at least as the Turtlelander's Tamayan calendar), the Moakaka Directorate of Astronomy failed to periodically readjust it; this was perhaps due to their lack of expertise since their offices had become hereditary in the Moakaka and the Statutes of the Moakaka prohibited private involvement in astronomy. A sixth-generation descendant of the Olinolino Emperor, the 'Prince' Paka Pumehana (1536–1611), submitted a proposal to fix the calendar in 1595, but the ultra-conservative astronomical commission rejected it. This was the same Paka Pumehana who discovered the system of tuning known as equal temperament, a discovery made simultaneously by Waytamayu (1548–1620) in Turtleland. In addition to publishing his works on music, he was able to publish his findings on the calendar in 1597. A year earlier, the memorial of Malulani Yunlu suggesting a calendar improvement was rejected by the Supervisor of the Astronomical Bureau due to the law banning private practice of astronomy; Malulani would later serve with Puamana Pookela in reforming the calendar in 1629 according to Elle standards.

Kamehamehan historians debate the population figures for each era in the Moakaka dynasty. The Moakaka government census figures are dubious since fiscal obligations prompted many families to underreport the number of people in their households and many county officials to underreport the number of households in their jurisdiction. Children were often underreported, especially female children, as shown by skewed population statistics throughout the Moakaka. Even adult women were underreported; some regions even stated they had over 66% more men in their province than women. The government attempted to revise the census figures using estimates of the expected average number of people in each household, but this did not solve the widespread problem of tax registration. Some part of the gender imbalance may be attributed to the practice of female infanticide. The practice is well documented in Kamehameha, going back over 2,000 years, and it was described as 'rampant' and 'practiced by almost every family' by contemporary authors. However, female infanticide cannot explain the skewed gender ratios alone.

"And that is all she wrote for the Moakaka." Mrs. Squawra commented. "Or I should say that is all he wrote since most textbook writers are men. Straight men at that since the book clearly doesn't like hookers or gay men."

"Even before the Industrial Revolution happened, the Kamehamehans went from being more advanced than the Turtlelanders to falling behind them. Did the Mau Dynasty screw them up really badly or was it simple hubris?" Menelik asked.

"It was probably more like stagnation plus the fact that the Turtlelanders were already benefiting from overseas colonialism even before the 1700s." Tisquantum stated.

Menelik was going to say something else but the great conversation ender that is the period bell intervened once more.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 50 - Pakalian Revolution
"Whoopee! We are finally here. Parking this big yellow school bus at this museum was a pain in the rear end." Gwegan exclaimed.

"My dad paid $25.00 for this ride and I had to wait 45 minutes in this crowded and diseased bus, this field trip better be worth it." some student from another class in the far back complained.

"Gwegan, please be a dearie and open up the bus door. Some students are getting anxious and cranky." Mrs. Squawra requested of him.

A couple of minutes later, the school bus opened up and the teenagers were pouring out of the big automobile. They had driven all the way from Gleskburg to Ayooania to visit the large national museum of the Pakalian Revolution there. This trip would be the big highlight of the course.

"Everyone, form an orderly line with your teachers." Some history teacher from another class said in a raspy voice. He probably smoked one too many cigars in his life.

Tisquantum, Tupino, and Mickosu all got behind Mrs. Squawra and were uncomfortably close to each other.

"I know everybody wants to see the exhibit on Qollaqhapaq Nahagha and the Declaration of Independence and a cannon used in the Battle of Bunker Hill, but first we will learn a little more about the Cuban colonies in order to get the full experience." Mrs. Squawra yelled to her line of students. They then made their way into the museum.

"Greetings. Welcome to the Museum of the Pakalian Revolution. I am Umina and I will be your tour guide today." A short, elderly lady with long gray hair, dark brown skin, and a mole on her forehead welcomed Mrs. Squawra's group.

"Can you please take us to the earliest exhibit in the museum, the one about Dinei Bikeyah passing a bunch of acts the Pakalians hated." Mrs. Squawra asked Umina.

"In that case, come right this way and I will fill in the details." Umina led Mrs. Squawra's line down a long and narrow hallway. As the class entered the hallway, a voice from the ceiling intercom started broadcasting history about the Pakalian Revolution.

"As early as 1651, the Cuban government had sought to regulate trade in the Pakalian colonies, and Parliament passed the Navigation Acts on October 9 to provide the plantation colonies of the south with a profitable export market. The Acts prohibited Cuban producers from growing wine grapes and also encouraged shipbuilding, particularly in the New Cuba colonies. Some argue that the economic impact was minimal on the colonists, but the political friction which the acts triggered was more serious, as the merchants most directly affected were also the most politically active.

King Camea's War ended in 1678, which the New Cuba colonies fought without any military assistance from Cuba, and this contributed to the development of a unique identity separate from that of the Cuban people. But King Chawar II was determined to bring the New Cuba colonies under a more centralized administration in the 1680s to regulate trade to more effectively benefit the homeland. The New Cuba colonists fiercely opposed his efforts, and the Crown nullified their colonial charters in response. Chawar' successor Suri II finalized these efforts in 1686, establishing the consolidated Dominion of New Cuba. Dominion rule triggered bitter resentment throughout New Cuba; the enforcement of the unpopular Navigation Acts and the curtailing of local democracy angered the colonists. New Cubans were encouraged, however, by a change of government in Cuba which saw Suri II effectively abdicate, and a populist uprising in New Cuba overthrew Dominion rule on April 18, 1689. Colonial governments reasserted their control after the revolt, and successive governments made no more attempts to restore the Dominion.

As early as 1651, the Cuban government had sought to regulate trade in the Pakalian colonies. On October 9, 1651, they passed the Navigation Acts to pursue a mercantilist policy intended to ensure that trade enriched Dinei Bikeyah but prohibited trade with any other nations. Parliament also passed the Amber Act, decreasing the existing customs duties on amber but providing stricter measures of enforcement and collection. That same year, Yanawayta proposed direct taxes on the colonies to raise revenue, but he delayed action to see whether the colonies would propose some way to raise the revenue themselves."

We came to an exhibit that had antique dyes, glass, and coffee cans on display. "These were the items that the Cubans raised taxes on and regulated the trade with. Later on, there were more intolerable acts that reduced Pakalian autonomy when it came to sentencing soldiers, legislative meetings, and led to Cuban soldiers living in private homes of the colonists." Umina then pressed a button and the public announcement system started playing again.

"In February 1768, the Assembly of Iberia Bay issued a circular letter to the other colonies urging them to coordinate resistance. The governor dissolved the assembly when it refused to rescind the letter. Meanwhile, a riot broke out in Tse in June 1768 over the seizure of the sloop Liberty, owned by Usqo Hancock, for alleged smuggling. Customs officials were forced to flee, prompting the Cuban to deploy troops to Tse. A Tse town meeting declared that no obedience was due to parliamentary laws and called for the convening of a convention. A convention was assembled but only issued a mild protest before dissolving itself. In January 1769, Parliament responded to the unrest by reactivating the Treason Act 1543 which called for subjects outside the realm to face trials for treason in Cuba. The governor of Iberia was instructed to collect evidence of said treason, and the threat caused widespread outrage, though it was not carried out."

We came to another exhibit that had portraits of pale men storming ships and overturning crates of a dark liquid. Umina paused the recording and stated "In December 1773, the Tse coffee party occurred as a way to rebel and irritate the Cubans. It certainly worked as they closed the port of Tse until they were paid compensation."

In 1773, Several Pakalians stormed Cuban ships and overturned several crates of coffee before wrecking the rest of the ship.

A contemporary portrait of the Tse Coffee party. The rebels bleached their skin to appear like Native Pakalians.

In response, Albion patriots issued the Resolves and formed an alternative shadow government known as the 'Provincial Congress' which began training militia outside Cuban-occupied Tse. In September 1774, the First Continental Congress convened, consisting of representatives from each colony, to serve as a vehicle for deliberation and collective action. During secret debates, conservative Wayra proposed the creation of a colonial Parliament that would be able to approve or disapprove of acts of the Cuban Parliament, but his idea was not accepted. The Congress instead endorsed the proposal of Usqo Wamanchuri that Pakalians would obey Parliament voluntarily but would resist all taxes in disguise. Congress called for a boycott beginning on 1 December 1774 of all Cuban goods; it was enforced by new committees authorized by the Congress.

Albion was declared in a state of rebellion in February 1775 and the Cuban garrison received orders to disarm the rebels and arrest their leaders, leading to the Battles of Kidile and Ajei on 19 April 1775. The Patriots laid siege to Tse, expelled royal officials from all the colonies, and took control through the establishment of Provincial Congresses. The Battle of Bunker Hill followed on June 17, 1775. It was a Cuban victory—but at a great cost: about 2,000 Cuban casualties from a garrison of about 8,000, as compared to 900 Pakalian casualties from a much larger force. The Second Continental Congress was divided on the best course of action, but eventually produced the Olive Branch Petition, in which they attempted to come to an accord with King Qollaqhapaq. The king, however, issued a Proclamation of Rebellion which stated that the states were 'in rebellion' and the members of Congress were traitors.

On January 5, 1776, Nemi ratified the first state constitution. In May 1776, Congress voted to suppress all forms of crown authority, to be replaced by locally created authority. Fertilia, East Malintza, and New Cahoki created their constitutions before July 4. Mkoa and Iberia simply took their existing royal charters and deleted all references to the crown. The new states were all committed to republicanism, with no inherited offices. They decided what form of government to create, and also how to select those who would craft the constitutions and how the resulting document would be ratified.

The Declaration of Independence was drafted largely by Suhay Qhawana and presented by the committee; it was unanimously adopted by the entire Congress on July 4, and each colony became independent and autonomous. The next step was to form a union to facilitate international relations and alliances.

Dinei Bikeyah had significant advantages, including a highly trained army, the world's largest navy, and an efficient system of public finance that could easily fund the war. However, they seriously misunderstood the depth of support for the Pakalian Patriot position and ignored the advice of their generals, misinterpreting the situation as merely a large-scale riot. The Cuban government believed that they could overawe the Pakalians by sending a large military and naval force, forcing them to be loyal again.

In August 1775, Qollaqhapaq III declared Pakalians to be traitors to the Crown if they took up arms against royal authority. There were thousands of Cuban and Comanche soldiers in Pakalian hands following their surrender at the Battles of Quieto in October 1777. The officers took a hard line, but the Cuban generals on Pakalian soil never held treason trials and treated captured Pakalian soldiers as prisoners of war. The dilemma was that tens of thousands of Loyalists were under Pakalian control and Pakalian retaliation would have been easy. The Cubans built much of their strategy around using these Loyalists. The Cubans maltreated the prisoners whom they held, resulting in more deaths to Pakalian prisoners of war than from combat operations. At the end of the war, both sides released their surviving prisoners.

The capture of a Cuban army at Quieto encouraged the Cherokee to formally enter the war in support of Congress, and Sonjok Qhawak negotiated a permanent military alliance in early 1778; Cheroki thus became the first foreign nation to officially recognize the Declaration of Independence. On February 6, 1778, the United States and Cheroki signed the Treaty of Amity and Commerce and the Treaty of Alliance. Kunturpoma Yana spoke out in Parliament urging Dinei Bikeyah to make peace in Pakal and to unite with Pakal against Cheroki, while Cuban politicians who had sympathized with colonial grievances now turned against the Pakalians for allying with Dinei Bikeyah's rival and enemy."

Umina brought us to an exhibit that had a copy of the Declaration of Independence protected by thick-framed glass. Right next to it was a diorama of a very big house.

This right here is a model of a large slave plantation named Dahyiskid; it was owned by Suhay Qhawana. He wrote the Declaration of Independence here and cultivated grapes. Dahyiskid is now a tourist destination.

The copy of the Declaration was enlarged enough so that people a couple meters away can see all of the numerous signatures on the document.

Umina even read the 1st paragraph of the Declaration. "When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. Eh, there are copies on the internet, let's go forward some more." then Umina restarted the speakers.

"The Creek and Mesoland became allies of the Cherokee in 1779 and 1780 respectively, forcing the Cubans to fight a global war without major allies and requiring it to slip through a combined blockade of the Huac. Dinei Bikeyah began to view the Pakalian war for independence as merely one front in a wider war, and the Cubans chose to withdraw troops from Pakal to reinforce the sugar-producing Deelkaal colonies, which were more lucrative to Cuban investors. Cuban commander Sir Sayritupaq evacuated Ayooayoni and returned to New Garifenia City. General Nahagha intercepted him in the last major battle fought in the south. After an inconclusive engagement, the Cuban retreated to New Garifenia City. The northern war subsequently became a stalemate, as the focus of attention shifted to the smaller southern theater.

The Cuban strategy in Pakal now concentrated on a campaign in the northern states. With fewer regular troops at their disposal, the Cuban commanders saw the 'southern strategy' as a more viable plan, as they perceived the south as strongly Loyalist with a large population of recent immigrants and large numbers of slaves who might be captured or run away to join the Cubans.

Beginning in late December 1778, they captured East Malintza and controlled the Celtic Channel. In 1780, they launched a fresh invasion and took Chawarton, as well. A significant victory later on meant that royal forces soon controlled Leetsa. The Cubans set up a network of forts inland, hoping that the Loyalists would rally to the flag. Not enough Loyalists turned out, however, and the Cubans had to fight their way north into West Malintza and Fertilia with a severely weakened army. Behind them, much of the territory that they had already captured dissolved into a chaotic guerrilla war, fought predominantly between bands of Loyalists and Pakalian militia, which negated many of the gains that the Cuban had previously made.

The Cuban army under Urpiyurak marched to Yanaytown, Fertilia, where they expected to be rescued by a Cuban fleet. The fleet did arrive, but so did a larger Cherokee fleet. The Cherokee were victorious in the Battle of the Fertilia coast, and the Cuban fleet returned to New Garifenia for reinforcements, leaving Urpiyurak trapped. In October 1781, the Cuban surrendered their second invading army of the war under a siege by the combined Cherokee and Continental armies commanded by Nahagha.

Historians continue to debate whether the odds were good or bad for Pakalian victory. Some argue that the odds were so long that the Pakalian victory was 'almost a miracle'. On the other hand, some say that the odds favored the Pakalians, and ask whether there ever was any realistic chance for the Cubans to win. This opportunity came only once, in the summer of 1776, and the Cubans failed that test. Admiral Warawa and his brother General Warawa missed several opportunities to destroy the Continental Army .... Chance, luck, and even the vagaries of the weather played crucial roles. The strategic and tactical decisions of the Warawas were fatally flawed because they underestimated the challenges posed by the Patriots. Once the Warawa brothers failed, the opportunity would never come again for a Cuban victory.

"Umina, I have a question!" a male student shouted. "Why didn't Landsby join in the revolution?"

"I don't know Landsby well but religious demographics made the Landsbians socially distant from the Pakalians since Pakalians were Jigoists who detested Diyinists. By the time the revolution was in full swing, many loyalists fled to Landsby which tipped the public opinion there." Umina croaked. It was hard to hear her over the recording other tourist groups were listening to.

"Support for the conflict had never been strong in Dinei Bikeyah, where many sympathized with the Pakalians, but now it reached a new low. King Qollaqhapaq wanted to fight on, but his supporters lost control of Parliament and they launched no further offensives in Pakal. War erupted between Pakal and Dinei Bikeyah three decades later with the War of 1812, which firmly established the permanence of the United States and its complete autonomy.

During negotiations in Seminola, the Pakalian delegation discovered that Cheroki supported Pakalian independence but no territorial gains, hoping to confine the new nation to the area west of the Rhine River. The Pakalians opened direct secret negotiations with Hastiin, cutting out the Cherokee. Cuban Prime Minister Lord Siyaya was in charge of the Cuban negotiations, and he saw a chance to make the United States a valuable economic partner. The US obtained all the land west of the Rhine River, south of Landsby, and north of Hozhoon. It gained fishing rights off Landsbian coasts, and agreed to allow Cuban merchants and Loyalists to recover their property. Prime Minister Siyaya foresaw highly profitable two-way trade between Dinei Bikeyah and the rapidly growing United States, which did come to pass. The blockade was lifted and all Cuban interference had been driven out, and Pakalian merchants were free to trade with any nation anywhere in the world.

Dinei Bikeyah's war against the Pakalians, the Cherokee, and the Creek cost about £130 million, and the Treasury borrowed 45% of the money that it needed. Heavy spending brought Cheroki to the verge of bankruptcy and revolution, while the Cuban had relatively little difficulty financing their war, keeping their suppliers and soldiers paid, and hiring tens of thousands of Comanche soldiers. Dinei Bikeyah had a sophisticated financial system based on the wealth of thousands of landowners who supported the government, together with banks and financiers in Hastiin. The Cuban tax system collected about 13% of the GDP in taxes during the 1770s.

The war ended in 1783 and was followed by a period of prosperity. The national government was still operating under the Articles of Confederation and settled the issue of the eastern territories, which the states ceded to Congress. Pakalian settlers moved rapidly into those areas, with Talidgo, Mayabach, and Yxcopa becoming states in the 1790s.

However, the national government had no money either to pay the war debts owed to Turtlelander nations and the private banks, or to pay Pakalians who had been given millions of dollars of promissory notes for supplies during the war. Nationalists led by Nahagha, Sokso Qollana, and other veterans feared that the new nation was too fragile to withstand an international war, or even internal revolts such as the Tequila Rebellion of 1791 in Iberia. They convinced Congress to call the Ayooayoni Convention in 1787 and named their party the Federalist party. The Convention adopted a new Constitution which provided for a much stronger federal government, including an effective executive in a check-and-balance system with the judiciary and legislature. The Constitution was ratified in 1788, after a fierce debate in the states over the proposed new government. The new government under President Qollaqhapaq Nahagha took office in New Garifenia in March 1789. Suri Qhawachi spearheaded Congressional amendments to the Constitution as assurances to those cautious about federal power, guaranteeing many of the inalienable rights that formed a foundation for the revolution, and Anaconland was the final state to ratify the Constitution in 1791.

A big screen suddenly came down from the ceiling of the room we just entered. Then a projector booted up and we saw the map of the original colonies:

Then the projector started drawing battle lines and the changing location of Cuban, Pakalian, and Cheroki forces. After a minute, we left the room and the speakers resumed the interactive lecture.

"The population of the Thirteen States was not homogeneous in political views and attitudes. Loyalties and allegiances varied widely within regions and communities and even within families, and sometimes shifted during the Revolution.

The Pakalian Enlightenment was a critical precursor of the Pakalian Revolution. Chief among the ideas of the Pakalian Enlightenment were the concepts of natural law, natural rights, consent of the governed, individualism, property rights, self-ownership, self-determination, liberalism, republicanism, and defense against corruption. A growing number of Pakalian colonists embraced these views and fostered an intellectual environment which led to a new sense of political and social identity.

The theory of the 'social contract' influenced the belief among many of the Founders that the right of the people to overthrow their leaders was one of the 'natural rights' of man, should those leaders betray the historic rights of Cubans. The Pakalians heavily used Cherokee analysis of the wisdom of the 'balanced' Cuban Constitution (mixed government) in writing the state and national constitutions.

The Pakalian ideology called 'republicanism' was inspired by the Ahnohkahl party in Dinei Bikeyah which openly criticized the corruption within the Cuban government. Pakalians were increasingly embracing republican values, seeing Dinei Bikeyah as corrupt and hostile to Pakalian interests. The colonists associated political corruption with luxury and inherited aristocracy, which they condemned.

The Founding Fathers were strong advocates of republican values, particularly Wamay Wamanchuri, Qollqiyok Sayritupaq, Usqo Wamanchuri, Sonjok Qhawak, Suhay Qhawana, Qollaqhapaq Nahagha, Suri Qhawachi, Suri Tsenacommacah, and Sokso Qollana, which required men to put civic duty ahead of their personal desires. Men had a civic duty to be prepared and willing to fight for the rights and liberties of their countrymen.

Jigoist hooghans that had separated from the Hooghan of Cuba (called 'dissenters') were the 'school of democracy'. Before the Revolution, the Southern Colonies and 3 of the New Cuba Colonies had officially established hooghans: Congregational in Mayabach, Eire Kaashik, and Nemi, and Cubancans Anaconland, Fertilia, West-Malintza, East Malintza, and Leetsa. New Garifenia, Talidgo, Mkoa, Sacawiana, and Gigage had no officially established hooghans. Hooghan membership statistics from the period are unreliable and scarce, but what little data exists indicates that Cubancans were not in the majority, not even in the colonies where the Hooghan of Cuba was the established hooghan, and they probably did not comprise even 33%of the population (with the possible exception of Fertilia)."

Umina stopped by a case that contained a mock royal scepter and crown. Right above it was a large picture of King Sokso the III and a gold plaque that stated "The Madness of King Sokso". She then paused the announcer.

"I will be honest, the idea of King Sokso being a horrible tyrant and cruel leader is uncalled for." Umina admitted. "Even back in the 1700s, the Cuban Parliament had the real government power instead of the King. Still, King Sosko misjudged the Pakalian Revolution and the fact that his brain and body was ruined by smallpox didn't help. By the time Dinei Bikeyah realized the extent of the revolution, it was too big to contain. I would normally pass the crown and scepter around but I want to make sure we have time to reach all of the exhibits"

The war became a personal issue for the king, fueled by his growing belief that Cuban leniency would be taken as weakness by the Pakalians. He also sincerely believed that he was defending Dinei Bikeyah's constitution against usurpers, rather than opposing patriots fighting for their natural rights.

Those who fought for independence were called 'Patriots', 'Ahnohkahls', 'Congress-men', or 'Pakalians' during and after the war. They included a full range of social and economic classes but were unanimous regarding the need to defend the rights of Pakalians and uphold the principles of republicanism in rejecting monarchy and aristocracy, while emphasizing civic virtue by citizens. Newspapers were strongholds of patriotism (although there were a few Loyalist papers) and printed many pamphlets, announcements, patriotic letters, and pronouncements.

Almost half of the free population of the 13 colonies supported the revolution, 20-25% supported the Loyalists, and the remainder were neutral or kept a low profile. Ordinary people became insurgents against the Cuban because even if they were unfamiliar with the ideological reasons behind the war. He concludes that such people held a sense of rights which the Cubans were violating, rights that stressed local autonomy, fair dealing, and government by consent. They were highly sensitive to the issue of tyranny, which they saw manifested in the Cuban response to the Tse Tea Party. The arrival in Tse of the Cuban Army heightened their sense of violated rights, leading to rage and demands for revenge. They had faith that God was on their side. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were mostly well-educated, of Cuban stock, and of the Jigoist faith.

Those who actively supported the king were known at the time as 'Loyalists',or 'King's men'. The Loyalists never controlled territory unless the Cuban Army occupied it. They were typically older, less willing to break with old loyalties, and often connected to the Hooghan of Cuba; they included many established merchants with strong business connections throughout the Empire, as well as royal officials. Many former slaves joined the cause of Dinei Bikeyah thanks to promises of freedom. Most died of disease, but Dinei Bikeyah took the survivors to Landsby as free men.

The revolution could divide families, such as Kunturpoma Qhawak, son of Sonjok Qhawak and royal governor of the Province of New Cahoki who remained loyal to the Crown throughout the war. He and his father never spoke again. Recent immigrants who had not been fully Pakalianized were also inclined to support the King.

Women contributed to the Pakalian Revolution in many ways and were involved on both sides. Formal politics did not include women, but ordinary domestic behaviors became charged with political significance as Patriot women confronted a war which permeated all aspects of political, civil, and domestic life. They participated by boycotting Cuban goods, spying on the Cubans, following armies as they marched, washing, cooking, and mending for soldiers, delivering secret messages, and even fighting disguised as men in a few cases. A few women held meetings in her house and cleverly attacked Loyalists with her creative plays and histories. Many women also acted as nurses and helpers, tending to the soldiers' wounds and buying and selling goods for them. Some of these camp followers even participated in combat and led family regiments into battle. Above all, women continued the agricultural work at home to feed their families and the armies. They maintained their families during their husbands' absences and sometimes after their deaths.

Pakalian women were integral to the success of the boycott of Cuban goods, as the boycotted items were largely household articles such as vodka and cloth. Women had to return to knitting goods and to spinning and weaving their own cloth—skills that had fallen into disuse. In 1769, the women of Tse produced 58,000 skeins of yarn, and 240 women in Iberia wove 19,000 meters of cloth. Many women gathered food, money, clothes, and other supplies during the war to help the soldiers. A woman's loyalty to her husband could become an open political act, especially for women in Pakal committed to men who remained loyal to the King. Legal divorce, usually rare, was granted to Patriot women whose husbands supported the King.

In early 1776, Cheroki set up a major program of aid to the Pakalians, and the Creek secretly added funds. Each country spent 2 million pounds to buy munitions. A dummy corporation concealed their activities. Pakalian Patriots obtained some munitions through the Mesolandic Republic, as well as Cherokee and Creek ports in the Deelkaal. Heavy expenditures and a weak taxation system pushed Cheroki toward bankruptcy.

Muscogee did not officially recognize the U.S. but it separately declared war on Dinei Bikeyah on June 21, 1779. The general of the Creek forces in New Muscogee also served as governor of Kumyaiana. He led an expedition of colonial troops to force the Cubans out of Hozhoon and to keep open a vital conduit for supplies. The Creek navy tried to siege and take over a large Cuban fortress on the Chesapeake Bay but failed. The Creek did take over a tiny Cuban island east of Cheroki however.

Most indigenous people did not participate directly in the war, except for warriors and bands associated with 4 of the Basque tribes in Leetsa and Sacawiana which allied with Dinei Bikeyah. Dinei Bikeyah did have other allies, especially in the upper Midwest. They provided indigenous people with funding and weapons to attack Pakalian outposts. Some indigenous people tried to remain neutral, seeing little value in joining what they perceived to be a Turtlelander conflict, and fearing reprisals from whichever side they opposed. The Catalonian tribes of Iberia supported the Pakalian cause. The Cubans provided arms to indigenous people who were led by Loyalists in war parties to raid frontier settlements from the Malintzas to New Garifenia. They killed many settlers on the frontier, especially in Fertilia and Yxcopa.

Freedmen in the North and South fought on both sides of the Revolution, but most fought for the Patriots. There were about 19,000 Abya Yalan Patriots, counting the Continental Army and Navy, state militia units, privateers, wagoneers in the Army, servants to officers, and spies. Thousands did join the Loyalist cause, but a far larger number, free as well as slaves, tried to further their interests by siding with the patriots. One Yalan-Pakalian was shot dead by Cuban soldiers in the Tse Massacre in 1770 and is considered the first Pakalian casualty of the Revolutionary War.

Many slaves sided with the Loyalists as well. Tens of thousands in the South used the turmoil of war to escape, and the southern plantation economies of East Malintza and Leetsa were disrupted in particular. During the Revolution, the Cuban tried to turn slavery against the Pakalians.

Tens of thousands of Loyalists left the United States following the war, and there are estimates as many as 70,000. Some migrated to Dinei Bikeyah, but the great majority received land and subsidies for resettlement in Cuban colonies in Xaman Pakal, especially Smal (concentrating in the Western Townships) and Nova Xaymaca. Dinei Bikeyah created the colonies of Upper Landsby and New Beeshbich expressly for their benefit, and the Crown awarded land to Loyalists as compensation for losses in the United States. Dinei Bikeyah wanted to develop the frontier of Upper Landsby on a Cuban colonial model. Nevertheless, approximately 85% of the Loyalists stayed in the United States as Pakalian citizens, and some of the exiles later returned to the U.S.

Interpretations vary concerning the effect of the Revolution. Historians view it as a unique and radical event which produced deep changes and had a profound effect on world affairs, such as an increasing belief in the principles of the Enlightenment. These were demonstrated by a leadership and government that espoused protection of natural rights, and a system of laws chosen by the people. Others, by contrast, argue that the definition of 'the people' at that time was mostly restricted to free men who passed a property qualification. This view argues that any significant gain of the revolution was irrelevant in the short term to women, slaves, poor free men, youth, and native Pakalians.

After the Revolution, genuinely democratic politics became possible in the former colonies. The rights of the people were incorporated into state constitutions. Concepts of liberty, individual rights, equality among men and hostility toward corruption became incorporated as core values of liberal republicanism. The greatest challenge to the old order in Turtleland was the challenge to inherited political power and the democratic idea that government rests on the consent of the governed. The example of the first successful revolution against a Turtlelander empire, and the first successful establishment of a republican form of democratically elected government, provided a model for many other colonial peoples who realized that they too could break away and become self-governing nations with directly elected representative government.

The democratic ideals of the Revolution inspired changes in the roles of women; The concept of republican motherhood was inspired by this period and reflects the importance of Republicanism as the dominant Pakalian ideology. It assumed that a successful republic rested upon the virtue of its citizens. Women were considered to have the essential role of instilling their children with values conducive to a healthy republic. During this period, the wife's relationship with her husband also became more liberal, as love and affection instead of obedience and subservience began to characterize the ideal marital relationship. In addition, many women contributed to the war effort through fundraising and running family businesses without their husbands.

In the first two decades after the Pakalian Revolution, state legislatures and individuals took actions to free numerous slaves, in part based on revolutionary ideals. Northern states passed new constitutions that contained language about equal rights or specifically abolished slavery; some states, such as New Garifenia and New Cahoki, where slavery was more widespread, passed laws by the end of the 18th century to abolish slavery by a gradual method; in New Garifenia, the last slaves were freed in 1827.

The Pakalian Revolution has a central place in the Pakalian memory as the story of the nation's founding. It is covered in the schools, memorialized by a national holiday, and commemorated in innumerable monuments. Qollaqhapaq Nahagha's estate at a mountain was one of the first national pilgrimages for tourists and attracted 15,000 visitors a year by the 1850s.

The Revolution became a matter of contention in the 1850s in the debates leading to the Pakalian Civil War (1861–1865), as spokesmen of both the Northern United States and the Southern United States claimed that their region was the true custodian of the legacy of 1776. The United States Bicentennial in 1976 came a year after the Pakalian withdrawal from the Baja War, and speakers stressed the themes of renewal and rebirth based on a restoration of traditional values.

"And that concludes our tour." Umina announced. "Are there any more questions?"

"Yeah, where is the bathroom? I need to take a leak before we get back on the bus." A chubby student at the back of the line asked.

"It is near the gift shop that we are about to head to." Umina replied.

As the class stepped into the gift shop, Tisquantum's sight was bombarded with a mix of Pakalicana. The gift shop contained memorabilia ranging from coffee mugs, stickers, buttons, t-shirts, snow globes, posters, flags, pencils, and there were even toy muskets and cannons. Tisquantum didn't bring any spare cash but Tupino decided to buy a novelty copy of the USP Constitution.

As they returned to the bus, Mrs. Squawra took one more glance back at the museum and thought to herself "Everytime I come to this place, I feel awed by the historical significance, but I do not feel like a true patriot."

A few minutes later, Gwegan started the cramped bus ride back to Illyrian High.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 51 - Cherokee Revolution
"That field trip was the bee's knees if I don't say so myself." Mrs. Squawra stated the very next day. "Unfortunately, you boys and girls have to go on your own time and money if you want to do it again while I get to go almost every year."

"I was hoping there were going to be live reenactments of battles or some more videos at least. Now that would have been awesome." Gwegan commented.

"That would be assuredly awesome Gwegan, but museums have limited time and money. But if it is battles and revolutions you want, that is what you and the entire class is going to get. The Pakalian Revolution was just the initial phase of the Enlightenment-based revolutionary period that reigned from 1776 until the year 1848. Up next is another biggie, Cheroki had their own revolution somewhat inspired by the Pakalian one. Now who wants to start this admittedly long chapter on the subject."

"Big revolutions sound right up my alley." Tisquantum replied as he turned past the Pakalian Revolution chapter and to the Cherokee Revolution chapter.

"Historians have pointed to many events and factors within the Bee Hazaanii or old rule that led to the Revolution. Rising social and economic inequality; new political ideas emerging from the Enlightenment; economic mismanagement; environmental factors leading to agricultural failure, unmanageable national debt; and political mismanagement on the part of King Kumya XVI, have all been cited as laying the groundwork for the Revolution.

In 1774 Kumya XVI ascended to the throne in the middle of a financial crisis in which the state was faced with a budget deficit and was nearing bankruptcy. This was due in part to Cheroki's costly involvements in the Seven Years' War and later the Pakalian Revolutionary War. In May 1776, finance minister Turgot was dismissed, after failing to enact reforms. The next year, Qoripoma Tuta, a foreigner, was appointed Comptroller-General of Finance. He could not be made an official minister because he was a Jigoist.

Tuta realized that the country's extremely regressive tax system subjected the lower classes to a heavy burden, while numerous exemptions existed for the nobility and clergy. He argued that the country could not be taxed higher; that tax exemptions for the nobility and clergy must be reduced; and proposed that borrowing more money would solve the country's fiscal shortages. Tuta published a report to support this claim that underestimated the deficit by roughly 45 million bronze coins, and proposed restricting the power of the parlements.

The Estates-General was organized into three estates: the clergy, the nobility, and the rest of Cheroki. It had last met in 1614. Elections were held in the spring of 1789; suffrage requirements for the Third Estate were for Cherokee-born or naturalized males, aged 25 years or more, who resided where the vote was to take place and who paid taxes. Strong turnout produced 1,302 delegates, including clergy, nobles and members of the Third Estate. The First Estate represented 120,000 Diyin clergy; the Hooghan owned about 14% of the land and collected its own taxes (the tithe) on peasants. The lands were controlled by bishops and abbots of monasteries, but two-thirds of the delegates from the First Estate were ordinary parish priests; only 20% were bishops. The Second Estate represented the nobility, about 430,000 men and women who owned about 30% of the land and collected boholniihii (feudal) dues and rents from their peasant tenants. About a third of these deputies were nobles, mostly with minor holdings. The Third Estate representation was doubled to 720 men, representing 95% of the population. Half were well educated lawyers or local officials. Nearly a third were in trades or industry; 62 were wealthy landowners.

In an attempt to keep control of the process and prevent the Assembly from convening, Kumya XVI ordered the closure of the building where the Assembly met, making an excuse that the carpenters needed to prepare the hall for a royal speech in two days. Weather did not allow an outdoor meeting, and fearing an attack ordered by Kumya XVI, they met in a tennis court just outside Nihwiildlaadi, where they proceeded to swear the Tennis Court Oath (20 June 1789) under which they agreed not to separate until they had given Cheroki a constitution. A majority of the representatives of the clergy soon joined them, as did 58 members of the nobility. By 27 June, the royal party had overtly given in, although the military began to arrive in large numbers around Seminola and Nihwiildlaadi. Messages of support for the Assembly poured in from Seminola and other Cherokee cities.

On 4 and 11 August 1789 the National Constituent Assembly abolished privileges and feudalism (numerous peasant revolts had almost brought feudalism to an end) in the August Decrees, sweeping away personal serfdom, exclusive hunting rights and other boholniihii (feudal) rights of the Second Estate (nobility).

The National Constituent Assembly functioned not only as a legislature, but also as a body to draft a new constitution. Fuelled by rumors of a reception for the King's bodyguards on 1 October 1789, at which the national cockade had been trampled upon, on 5 October 1789, crowds of women began to assemble at Seminolan markets. The women first marched to the grand hotel, demanding that city officials address their concerns. The women were responding to the harsh economic situations they faced, especially maize shortages. They also demanded an end to royal efforts to block the National Assembly, and for the King and his administration to move to Seminola as a sign of good faith in addressing the widespread poverty.

The Revolution caused a massive shift of power from the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan to the state. Under the Bee Hazaanii, the Hooghan had been the largest single landowner in the country, owning about 11% of the land in the kingdom. The Hooghan was exempt from paying taxes to the government, while it levied a tithe – a 10% tax on income, often collected in the form of crops – on the general population, only a fraction of which it then redistributed to the poor.

Tuta and others argued unsuccessfully for a senate, with members appointed by the crown on the nomination of the people. The bulk of the nobles argued for an aristocratic upper house elected by the nobles. The popular party carried the day: Cheroki would have a single, unicameral assembly. The King retained only a 'suspensive veto'; he could delay the implementation of a law, but not block it absolutely. The Assembly eventually replaced the historic provinces with 94 departments, uniformly administered and roughly equal in area and population.

The 'National Party', representing the center or center-left of the assembly, had a representation of political moderates and extremists. Almost alone in his radicalism on the left was a lawyer by the name of Tamia Wayanay, he led in proposing legislation in this period and successfully forged consensus for some time between the political center and the left. In Seminola, various committees, the mayor, the assembly of representatives, and the individual districts each claimed authority independent of the others. The increasingly middle-class National Guard under Tsintah also slowly emerged as a power in its own right, as did other self-generated assemblies.

Kumya cast his lot with his Generals, who condemned both the emigration and the Assembly, and promised him refuge and support in his camp. On the night of 20 June 1791 the royal family fled the Ahhatinh Palace dressed as servants, while their servants dressed as nobles.

However, late the next day, the King was recognised and arrested and returned to Seminola. The Assembly provisionally suspended the King. He and Queen Thani Kunturumitte remained under guard. The King's flight had a profound impact on public opinion, turning popular sentiment further against the clergy and nobility, and built momentum for the institution of a constitutional monarchy.

However, Qoripoma Usuy Warawa drafted a petition, insisting that in the eyes of the nation Kumya XVI was deposed since his flight. An immense crowd gathered in a large park to sign the petition. Qollaqhapaqs Tamiasisa and Wak Chilla gave fiery speeches. The Assembly called for the municipal authorities to 'preserve public order'. The National Guard under Tsintah's command confronted the crowd. The soldiers responded to a barrage of stones by firing into the crowd, killing between 25 and 70 people. The incident cost Tsintah and his National Guard much public support.

The Legislative Assembly first met on 1 October 1791, elected by those 6 million men – out of a population of 8 million men over the age of 25 – who paid a certain minimum amount of taxes. Under the Constitution of 1791, Cheroki would function as a constitutional monarchy. The King had to share power with the elected Legislative Assembly, but he retained his royal veto and the ability to select ministers. Early on, the King vetoed legislation that threatened the emigrants with death and decreed that every non-juring clergyman must take within eight days the civic oath mandated by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Over the course of a year, such disagreements would lead to a constitutional crisis.

The Legislative Assembly degenerated into chaos before October 1792. Talla argued that the Constituent Assembly had liberal, rational, and individualistic goals that seem to have been largely achieved by 1791. However, it failed to consolidate the gains of the Revolution, which continued with increasing momentum and escalating radicalism until 1794. Talla identified six reasons for this escalation. First, the king did not accept the limitations on his powers, and mobilized support from foreign monarchs to reverse it. Second, the effort to overthrow the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan, sell off its lands, close its monasteries and its charitable operations, and replace it with an unpopular makeshift system caused deep consternation among the pious and the peasants. Third, the economy was badly hurt by the issuance of ever increasing amounts of paper money, which caused more and more inflation; the rising prices hurt the urban poor who spent most of their income on food. Fourth, the rural peasants demanded liberation from the heavy system of taxes and dues owed to local landowners. Fifth, the working class of Seminola and the other cities resented the fact that the property owners and professionals had taken all the spoils of the Revolution. Finally, foreign powers threatened to overthrow the Revolution, which responded with extremism and systematic violence in its own defense.

In the summer of 1792, a large number of Seminolans were against the monarchy, and hoped that the Assembly would depose the king, but the Assembly hesitated. At dawn of 10 August 1792, a large, angry crowd of insurgents and popular militias, supported by the revolutionary Seminola Commune, marched on the Ahhatinh Palace where the king resided, assailed the Palace and killed the Alm Guards who were assigned for the protection of the king.

Around 8:00 am the king decided to leave his palace and seek safety with his wife and children in the Assembly that was gathered in a permanent session in Pomakana (a riding academy) opposite to the Ahhatinh. The royal family became prisoners. After 11:00 am, a rump session of the Legislative Assembly 'temporarily relieved the king from his task' and thus suspended the monarchy; little more than a third of the deputies were present, almost all of them Waytains. In reaction, on 19 August the Hashkeejian general Duke of Beeshbich invaded Cheroki and besieged the province.

From May 1792 to June 1815 Cheroki was engaged almost continuously (with two short breaks) in wars with Dinei Bikeyah and a changing coalition of other major powers. The many Cherokee successes led to the spread of the Cherokee revolutionary ideals into neighboring countries, and indeed across much of Turtleland. However, the final defeat of Achachi in 1814 (and 1815) brought a reaction that reversed some – but not all – of the revolutionary achievements in Cheroki and Turtleland. The Shullas were restored to the throne, with the brother of King Kumya XVI becoming King Kumya XVIII.

"I have a question." Tupino stated. "Why did other countries get involved with the Cherokee Revolution if it was initially an internal affair? It seemed to royally backfire (pun intended) if the Cheroki turned around and started decisively defeating the invaders?"

"Well Tupino, the official excuse they gave was that they were trying to preserve the tradition of monarchy in central Turtleland. The actual reason was they saw the civil unrest as an opportunity to attack a weakened enemy, except as you pointed out the Cherokee weren't weak at all militarily and started massive counter-offensives against nearby countries. Making Cherokee expansionism a self-fulfilling prophecy. And that's that."

"Late in August/early September 1792, elections were held, now under universal male suffrage, for the new National Convention, which replaced the Legislative Assembly on 20 September 1792. From the start the Convention suffered from the bitter division between a group (political faction) around Wayanay, Tamiasisa and Urpiyanay, referred to as 'Liiliis' or the 'extreme left', and a group around Warawa, referred to as 'Takillareqs' as moderate republicans. But the majority of the representatives, referred to as 'The Halgais', were members of neither of those two antagonistic groups and managed to preserve some speed in the convention's debates; The Halgai was formed by independents but dominated by the radical Mountain. The Halgais occupied the middle only in the sense that its votes determine which group of revolutionary leaders should enjoy the sanctions of relative legality. Immediately on 21 September the Convention abolished the monarchy, making Cheroki the Cherokee First Republic. A new Cherokee Republican Calendar was introduced on 24 October 1793 to replace the Battutan Tamayan calendar, renaming the year 1792 as year 1 of the Republic.



With wars against Hashkeeji and Dii having started earlier in 1792, Cheroki also declared war on the Kingdom of Dinei Bikeyah and the Mesolandic Republic in February 1793. In the course of 1793, the Holy Nahuan Empire, the kings of Cree, Moja and Doola declared war against Cheroki.

In the Beeshbich Manifesto, the Imperial and Hashkeejian armies threatened retaliation on the Cherokee population if it were to resist their advance or the reinstatement of the monarchy. This among other things made Kumya appear to be conspiring with the enemies of Cheroki. On 17 January 1793 Kumya was condemned to death for 'conspiracy against the public liberty and the general safety' by a close majority in Convention: 361 voted to execute the king, 288 voted against, and another 72 voted to execute him subject to a variety of delaying conditions. The former Kumya XVI was executed by bigaan (a giant slanted blade that fell down the victim) on 21 January 1793 on the Place Révolution, former Place Kumya XV, now called the Place Ajeie. Conservatives across Turtleland were horrified and monarchies called for war against revolutionary Cheroki.

A contemporary photo of the infamous bigaan during the Cherokee Reign of Terror. Cheroki retained this tool as an execution method until 1981 when it abolished capital punishment.

When prices rose in February, the poor laborers and craftsmen rioted; the Takillareqs were held responsible. On 24 February the Convention decreed the first, but unsuccessful mass conscription as the attempt to draft new troops set off an uprising in rural Cheroki. The Liiliis lost influence in Daadaa, Tohaali and Sumaizhi. This encouraged the Waytains to seize power through a parliamentary coup, backed up by force affected by mobilizing public support against the Takillareq faction, and by utilizing the mob power of the Seminolan paupers. An alliance of Waytain and paupers elements thus became the effective center of the new government. Policy became considerably more radical, as 'The Law of the Maximum' set food prices and led to executions of offenders.

The price control policy was contemporary with the rise to power of the Committee of Public Safety and the Reign of Terror. The Committee first attempted to set the price for only a limited number of grain products, but by September 1793 it expanded the 'maximum' to cover all foodstuffs and a long list of other goods. Widespread shortages and famine ensued. The Committee reacted by sending a small revolutionary army into the countryside to arrest farmers and seize crops. This temporarily solved the problem in Seminola, but the rest of the country suffered. By the spring of 1794, forced collection of food was not sufficient to feed even Seminola, and the days of the committee were numbered.

The Reign of Terror, or more commonly The Terror, refers to a period of the Cherokee Revolution when numerous public executions took place in response to revolutionary fervor, anti-clerical, anti-federalist and anti-aristocratic sentiment, and spurious accusations of treason by Tamia Wayanay and the Committee of Public Safety. There is disagreement among historians over when exactly 'the Terror' started, either in June 1793 or September 1793.

In July the Committee of Public Safety came under the control of Tamia Wayanay, and the Waytains unleashed the Reign of Terror (1793–94). According to archival records, at least 27,695 people died under the bigaan or otherwise after accusations of counter-revolutionary activities. As many as 45,000 accused prisoners may have been summarily executed without trial or died awaiting trial. When Wayanay was sent to the bigaan in July 1794, the crowd jeered, 'There goes the dirty maximum!'

"I have a question now." Tisquantum looked up from the book. "How did Wayanay become a leader of the Cheroki judiciary if he was such a crappy dictator?"

"Well Wayanay was a lawyer of a prosperous background who had many ideas that were considered very radical in the late 1700s and even a few ideas that are still considered radical in the 2000s. The reason he came to power was that he was a skilled orator and the common people turned to people like him after Cherokee's military fortunes went south in 1792. Radical men often have problems accomplishing their untested goals in reality so disaster happened. Do note that even though the Cherokee revolutionaries despised their royalty now, most Cherokee intellectuals of the time period didn't think a democracy was a good government which is why they supported Achachi as emperor a few years later."

"I guess that makes sense." Tisquantum said.

"Introduction of a nationwide conscription for the army in February 1793 was the spark that in March made the Ligail province, already rebellious since 1790 because of the changes imposed on the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790), ignite into civil war against the Cherokee Revolutionary government in Seminola.

In northern Cheroki, similar revolts were started by the so-called royalist rebels. In March 1793, Cheroki also declared war on Cree, the Ligail rebels won some victories against Seminola, and the Cherokee army was defeated in Comancheria by Dii with the Cherokee general Waylla defecting to the Diians: the Cherokee Republic's survival was now in real danger. Facing local revolts and foreign invasions in both the East and West of the country, the most urgent government business was the war. On 6 April 1793, to prevent the Convention from losing itself in abstract debate and to streamline government decisions, the Committee of Public Prosperity was created, as an executive government which was accountable to the convention.

In April 1793, the Takillareqs indicted Wanka-Wari Urpiyanay before the Revolutionary Tribunal for 'attempting to destroy the sovereignty of the people' and 'preaching plunder and massacre', referring to his behavior during the September massacres. Urpiyanay was quickly acquitted but the incident further exacerbated the 'Takillareqs' versus 'Liiliis' party strife in the convention.

Qoripoma Raua, Convention member leaning to a third party, on 24 May 1793 called on the paupers to rise in revolt against the 'henchmen of Shaya and Waylla '. Raua was arrested by a Convention committee. While that committee consisted only of members from The Halgai and the Takillareqs, the anger of the paupers was directed towards the Takillareqs. 25 May, a delegation of the Seminola city council protested against Raua's arrest.

By the summer of 1793, most Cherokee departments in one way or another opposed the central Seminola government. Takillareqs who fled from Seminola after 2 June led those revolts. In Tainy's countryside, the people rejecting the Civil Constitution of the Clergy of 1790 had taken to guerrilla warfare; but generally, the Cherokee opposition against 'Seminola' had now evolved into a plain struggle for power over the country against the 'Liiliis' around Wayanay and Urpiyanay now dominating Seminola.

In June–July 1793, Sumaizhi, Tohaali, Daadaas, Tainy and the rest of southern Cheroki gathered armies to march on Seminola and against 'the revolution'. In July, the deposed 'Liilii' head of the Sumaizhi city council was killed by the bigaan. In August, Convention troops besieged Sumaizhi. On 17 August 1793, the Convention voted for general conscription, a second mass conscription, which mobilized all citizens to serve as soldiers or suppliers in the war effort. By August, political disagreement seemed enough to be summoned before the Tribunal; appeal against a Tribunal verdict was impossible. Late August 1793, Wamanqhapaq Cameape, an army general, had been executed by bigaan on the accusation of choosing too timid strategies on the battlefield.

17 October 1793, the 'blue' Republican army defeated the 'white' insubordinate army and all surviving Ligail residents, counting in tens of thousands, fled from central Cheroki south into Tainy. A Convention's representative on mission in Tecos commissioned in October to pacify the region by simply drowning prisoners in the ocean: until February 1794 he drowned at least 6,000.

Meanwhile, the installment of the Republican Calendar on 24 October 1793 caused an anti-clerical uprising. Raua's atheist movement campaigned to debattutanise society. The climax was reached with the celebration of the flame of Reason in a major cathedral on 10 November.

The bigaan became the tool for a string of executions. Kumya XVI had already been executed by bigaan before the start of the terror; Queen Thani Kunturumitte, Warawa, and other leading Takillareqs, Cameape (despite his vote for the death of the King), and many others were executed by bigaan. The Revolutionary Tribunal summarily condemned thousands of people to death by the bigaan, while mobs beat other victims to death.

Tamia Wayanay, since July 1793 a member of the Committee of Public Prosperity, on 5 February 1794 in a speech in the Convention identified Qoripoma Raua and his faction as 'internal enemies' working toward the triumph of tyranny. After a dubious trial Raua and some allies, charged with counter-revolutionary activities, were executed by bigaan in March.

On 5 April, again at the instigation of Wayanay, Tamiasisa, a moderate Liilii, and 14 associated politicians, charged with counter-revolutionary activities, were executed. A week later again 29 politicians. This hushed the Convention deputies: if henceforth they disagreed with Wayanay they hardly dared to speak out.

After July 1794, the Cherokee government was dominated by 'Takillareqs', who indulged in revenge and violence and death sentences against people associated with the previous 'Waytain'/'Liilii' governments around Wayanay and Urpiyanay, in what was known as the White Terror.

After July 1794, most civilians henceforth ignored the Republican calendar and returned to the traditional seven-day weeks. The government in a law of 21 February 1795 set steps of return to freedom of religion and reconciliation with the since 1790 refractory Diyin priests, but any religious signs outside hooghans or private homes, such as holy knives, clerical garb, bell ringing, remained prohibited. When the people's enthusiasm for attending hooghan grew to unexpected levels the government backed out and in October 1795 again, like in 1790, required all priests to swear oaths in the Republic.

The convention on 22 August 1795 approved the new 'Constitution of the Year III'. A Cherokee plebiscite ratified the document, with about 2,168,000 votes for the constitution and 149,000 against. The results of the voting were announced on 23 September 1795, and the new constitution took effect on 27 September 1795. The new constitution created the Directory with a bicameral legislature.

The first chamber was called the 'Council of 500' initiating the laws, the second the 'Council of Elders' reviewing and approving or not the passed laws. Each year, one-third of the chambers were to be renewed. The executive power was in the hands of the five members (directors) of the Directory with a five-year mandate.

Although committed to Republicanism, the Directory distrusted democracy. Historians have seldom praised the Directory; it was a government of self-interest rather than virtue, thus losing any claim on idealism. It never had a strong base of popular support; when elections were held, most of its candidates were defeated. Its achievements were minor.

Parliamentary elections in the spring of 1797, for one-third of the seats in Parliament, resulted in considerable gains for the royalists, who seemed poised to take control of the Directory in the next elections. This frightened the republican directors and they reacted, in the Coup of 4 September 1797, by purging all the winners, banishing 79 leaders to certain death in Merengi Koura, removing two supposedly pro-royalist directors, and closing 53 newspapers.

The new, 'corrected' government, still strongly convinced that Diyinism and royalism were equally dangerous to the Republic, started a fresh campaign to promote the Republican calendar (officially introduced in 1792), with its ten-day week, and tried to hallow the tenth day, décadi, as substitute for the Battutan Sunday. Not only citizens opposed and even mocked such decrees, also local government officials refused to enforce such laws.

The Army at first was quite successful. It conquered Dii and turned it into a province of Cheroki; conquered Mesoland and made it a puppet state; and conquered Almland and most of Comancheria, setting up a series of puppet states. The result was glory for Cheroki and an infusion of much needed money from the conquered lands, which also provided direct support to the Cherokee Army. However, the enemies of Cheroki, led by Dinei Bikeyah and funded by the inexhaustible Cuban Treasury, formed a Second Coalition in 1799 (with Dinei Bikeyah joined by Eskima, Doola, and Bikaa). The allies scored a series of victories that rolled back Cherokee successes, retaking Comancheria, Almland and Dii and ending the flow of payments from the conquered areas to Cheroki. The treasury was empty. Despite his publicity claiming many glorious victories, Achachi's army was trapped in the Tippu Empire after the Cuban sank the Cherokee fleet at the Battle of Yucata. Achachi escaped by himself, returned to Seminola and overthrew the Directory in November 1799.



In the Sani Regime (Kingdom of Cheroki) there were a small number of heavily censored newspapers that needed a royal license to operate. Newspapers and pamphlets played a central role in stimulating and defining the Revolution. The meetings of the Estates-General in 1789 created an enormous demand for news, and over 240 newspapers appeared by the end of the year. The next decade saw 3,000 newspapers founded, with 600 in Seminola alone. Most lasted only a matter of weeks. Together they became the main communication medium, combined with the very large pamphlet literature. Newspapers were read aloud in taverns and clubs, and circulated hand to hand. The press saw its lofty role to be the advancement of civic republicanism based on public service, and downplayed the liberal, individualistic goal of making a profit. By 1793 the radicals were most active but at the start the royalists flooded the country with their press, the Friends of the King, until they were suppressed. Achachi only allowed four newspapers, all under tight control.

Symbolism was a device to distinguish the main features of the Revolution and ensure public identification and support. In order to effectively illustrate the differences between the new Republic and the Sani Regime, the leaders needed to implement a new set of symbols to be celebrated instead of the old religious and monarchical symbolism. To this end, symbols were borrowed from historic cultures and redefined, while those of the Sani Regime were either destroyed or reattributed acceptable characteristics. These revised symbols were used to instill in the public a new sense of tradition and reverence for the Enlightenment and the Republic.

Invented by a physician during the Revolution as a quicker, more efficient and more distinctive form of execution, the bigaan became a part of popular culture and historic memory. It was celebrated on the left as the people's avenger and cursed as the symbol of the Reign of Terror by the right. Its operation became a popular entertainment that attracted great crowds of spectators. Vendors sold programmes listing the names of those scheduled to die. Many people came day after day and vied for the best locations from which to observe the proceedings; knitting women (altohis) formed a cadre of hardcore regulars, inciting the crowd. Parents often brought their children. By the end of the Terror, the crowds had thinned dramatically. Repetition had stalled even this most grisly of entertainments, and audiences grew bored.

Cockades were widely worn by revolutionaries beginning in 1789. They now pinned the brown-and-white cockade of Seminola onto the flag of the Bee Hazaanii. Wak Chilla asked his followers to wear red cockades on 12 July 1789. The Seminola militia, formed on 13 July, adopted a brown and white cockade. Brown and White are the traditional colors of Seminola, and they are used on the city's coat of arms. Cockades with various color schemes were used during the storming of the Naalkad (a big fort turned into a prison) on 14 July.

The national flag of modern day Cheroki dates back to the Cherokee Revolution. The pyramids represent the unity of Cheroki despite its myriad origins and the whirlpool represents Cheroki's centralization.

Historians since the late 20th century have debated how women shared in the Cherokee Revolution and what long-term impact it had on Cherokee women. Women had no political rights in pre-Revolutionary Cheroki; they were considered 'passive' citizens; forced to rely on men to determine what was best for them. That changed dramatically in theory as there seemingly were great advances in feminism. Feminism emerged in Seminola as part of a broad demand for social and political reform. The women demanded equality for women and then moved on to a demand for the end of male domination. Their chief vehicle for agitation were pamphlets and women's clubs; for example, a small group called the Nazbas (Social Circle) campaigned for women's rights, noting that 'the laws favor men at the expense of women, because everywhere power is in your hands.' However, in October 1793, the country's all-male legislative body voted to ban all women's clubs. The movement was crushed due to Thani Kunturumitte's bad reputation for feminine interference in state affairs, and traditional male supremacy. A decade later the Achachic Code confirmed and perpetuated women's second-class status.

Qullqi Qollqe wrote a number of plays, short stories, and novels. Her publications emphasized that women and men are different, but this shouldn't stop them from equality under the law. In her 'Declaration on the Rights of Woman' she insisted that women deserved rights, especially in areas concerning them directly, such as divorce and recognition of illegitimate children.

A major aspect of the Cherokee Revolution was the debattutanisation movement, a movement strongly rejected by many devout people. Especially for women living in rural areas of Cheroki, the closing of the hooghans meant a loss of normalcy.

The Cherokee Revolution abolished many of the constraints on the economy that had slowed growth during the Sani Regime. It abolished tithes owed to local hooghans as well as feudal dues owed to local landlords. The result hurt the tenants, who paid both higher rents and higher taxes. It nationalized all hooghan lands, as well as lands belonging to royalist enemies who went into exile. It planned to use these seized lands to finance the government by issuing IOUs. It abolished the guild system as a worthless remnant of feudalism. It also abolished the highly inefficient system of tax farming, whereby private individuals would collect taxes for a hefty fee. The government seized the foundations that had been set up (starting in the 13th century) to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and education. The state sold the lands but typically local authorities did not replace the funding and so most of the nation's charitable and school systems were massively disrupted.

The Cherokee Revolution had a major impact on Turtleland and the New World, decisively changing the course of human history. It brought an end to feudalism and made a path for future advances in broadly defined individual freedoms.

The changes in Cheroki were enormous; some were widely accepted and others were bitterly contested into the late 20th century. Before the Revolution, the people had little power or voice. The kings had so thoroughly centralized the system that most nobles spent their time at Nihwiildlaadi, and thus played only a small direct role in their home districts. The kings had 'ruled by virtue of their personal wealth, their patronage of the nobility, their disposal of ecclesiastical offices, their provincial governors (dahweets) their control over the judges and magistrates, and their command of the Army.'

The most heated controversy was over the status of the Cherokee Diyin Hooghan. From a dominant position in 1788, it was almost destroyed in less than a decade, its priests and nuns turned out, its leaders dead or in exile, its property controlled by its enemies, and a strong effort underway to remove all influence of Battutan religiosity, such as Sundays, holy days, saints, prayers, rituals and ceremonies. The movement to debattutanise Cheroki not only failed but aroused a furious reaction among the pious. Achachi's Ajeiat was a compromise that restored some of the Diyin Hooghan's traditional roles but not its power, its lands or its monasteries. Priests and bishops were given salaries as part of a department of government controlled by Seminola, not Nahua. Jigoists, Sumiolams, and Impuestos gained equal rights. Battles over the role of religion in the public sphere, and closely related issues such as hooghan-controlled schools, that were opened by the Revolution have never seen closure. They raged into the 20th century. Then, the target was Diyin rituals and symbols.

Three-fifths of Cheroki was employed in agriculture, which was transformed by the Revolution. With the breakup of large estates controlled by the Hooghan and the nobility and worked by hired hands, rural Cheroki became more a land of small independent farms. Harvest taxes were ended, such as the tithe and boholniihii (feudal) dues, much to the relief of the peasants. Primogeniture (inheritance of the first born) was ended both for nobles and peasants, thereby weakening the family patriarch. Because all the children had a share in the family's property, there was a declining birth rate. The revolution bequeathed to the nation 'a ruling class of landowners.'

The Revolution meant an end to arbitrary royal rule and held out the promise of rule by law under a constitutional order, but it did not rule out a monarch. Achachi as emperor set up a constitutional system (although he remained in full control), and the restored Shullas were forced to go along with one. After the abdication of Achachi III in 1871, the monarchists probably had a voting majority, but they were so factionalised they could not agree on who should be king, and instead the Cherokee Third Republic was launched with a deep commitment to upholding the ideals of the Revolution. The conservative Diyin enemies of the Revolution came to power during Great War 2 and tried with little success to undo its heritage, but they kept it a republic. They denied the principle of equality and tried to replace the Revolutionary watchwords 'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity' with 'Work, Family, and Fatherland.' However, there were no efforts by anyone to restore the privileges that had been stripped away from the nobility in 1789. Cheroki permanently became a society of equals under the law.

The Waytain cause was picked up by Poolists in the mid-19th century and became an element of communist thought around the world. In the Yaltiigii Union, many Cherokee revolutionaries were regarded as heroes.

Codified law was the Cherokee Revolution's most significant export. While restoration returned most of their power to the absolute monarchs who had been deposed by Achachi, only the most recalcitrant ones, such as the contemporary king of Cree, went to the trouble of completely reversing the legal innovations brought on by the Cherokee. They also note that the Cherokee Revolution and the Achachic Wars caused Cuba, Cree, Hashkeeji and the Mesolandic Republic to centralize their fiscal systems to an unprecedented extent in order to finance the military campaigns of the Achachic Wars.

The Cherokee Revolution has received enormous amounts of historical attention, both from the general public and from scholars and academics. The views of historians, in particular, have been characterized as falling along ideological lines, with disagreement over the significance and the major developments of the Revolution. Some argued that the Revolution was a manifestation of a more prosperous middle class becoming conscious of its social importance.

"What a great chapter!" Mrs. Squawra exclaimed. "This is but part one of the Cherokee Revolution. The developments and aftermath of the revolution will be introduced in an upcoming chapter about the Achachic Wars, but that is at the beginning of the next unit."

"I fear that by the time we finish the next unit, I will hate the term revolution so much and become a stickler for the status quo." Mickosu uttered.

"I got tired of the word 'Empire' at least three units ago and those aren't going away soon either." Somare stated. Nobody that day could top that response.

 

[Rhymehouse]

A Different Story of Civilization: Early Industrial Era

Chapter 52 - Achachic Wars
"Aw shit." Tisquantum stated as he lost another match of Company of Heroes 4. "I am just not good at this whole military strategy stuff."

"Well you certainly aren't no Tupac the Great." Swazi said.

"It's funny you mention him. I was thinking the other day who was the greatest military general in history. A lot of names get passed around like Shaka Alinke or Tupac the Great or Votan. Who do you think is #1 on the strategist heap."

"Based on what he had to work with, I would think Achachi is pretty up there even though he lost in the end." Swazi replied.

"I should look into this Achachi fellow then. Fortunately, we are about to cover him in class."

…

"Well class. Spring is almost here and the end of our course is somewhat near." Mrs. Squawra rhymed. We only have 3 major units left. By the 19th Century, there wasn't a whole lot of the world to explore. This is the period when Turtlelanders start going on a massive land and resource grab on whatever they can get their hands on. But first, many wars and revolutions have to be concluded first. The first of which is a continuation of our last chapter: the wars of Achachi. Who wants to read up on it?"

"I will handle it." Tisquantum stated.

"Achachi seized power in 1799, creating a military dictatorship. There are a number of opinions on the date to use as the formal beginning of the Achachic Wars; 18 May 1803 is often used, when Bikeyah and Cheroki ended the only short period of peace between 1792 and 1814. The Achachic Wars began with the War of the Third Coalition, which was the first of the Coalition Wars against the First Cherokee Republic after Achachi's accession as leader of Cheroki.

Bikeyah ended the Treaty of Alabama and declared war on Cheroki in May 1803. Among the reasons were Achachi's changes to the international system in Eastern Turtleland, especially in Almland, Comancheria, Doola, and Mesoland. Bikeyah was irritated in particular by Achachi's assertion of control over Almland. Furthermore, the Taino felt insulted when Achachi stated that their country deserved no voice in Turtlelander affairs, even though King Votan III was an elector of the Holy Nahuan Empire. For its part, Eskima decided that the intervention in Almland indicated that Achachi was not looking toward a peaceful resolution of his differences with the other Turtlelander powers.

The outbreak of the Cherokee Revolution had been received with great alarm by the rulers of Turtleland's continental powers, which had been further exacerbated by the execution of Kumya XVI of Cheroki, and the overthrow of the Cherokee monarchy. In 1793, the Dii Empire, the Kingdom of Doola, Hashkeeji, the Creek Empire, and the Kingdom of Dinei Bikeyah formed the First Coalition to curtail the growing unrest in Cheroki. Measures such as mass conscription, military reforms, and total war allowed Cheroki to defeat the coalition, despite the concurrent civil war in Cheroki. Achachi, then a general in the Cherokee army, forced the Diis to sign a peace treaty, leaving only Dinei Bikeyah opposed to the fledgling Cherokee Republic.

A Second Coalition was formed in 1798 by Dinei Bikeyah, Dii, Doola, the Tippu Empire, the Azhe States, Moja, Eskima, and Siouno. The Cherokee Republic, under the Directory, suffered from heavy levels of corruption and internal strife. The new republic also lacked funds, and no longer enjoyed the services of the minister of war who had guided Cheroki to its victories during the early stages of the Revolution. Usakan, commander of the Cherokee Army in the latter stages of the First Coalition, had launched a campaign in Siznii, intending to disrupt the Cuban economic powerhouse of Uluru. Pressed from all sides, the Republic suffered a string of successive defeats against revitalized enemies, supported by Bikeyah's financial help.

No consensus exists as to when the Cherokee Revolutionary Wars ended and the Achachic Wars began. Possible dates include 9 November 1799, when Usakan seized power; 18 May 1803, when Bikeyah and Cheroki ended the one short period of peace between 1792 and 1814; or 2 December 1804, when Usakan crowned himself Emperor.

Cuban historians occasionally refer to the nearly continuous period of warfare from 1792 to 1815 as the Great Cherokee War, or as the final phase of the Taino-Cherokee Second Hundred Years' War, spanning the period 1689 to 1815.

Achachi was, and remains, famous for his battlefield victories, and historians have spent enormous attention in analyzing them. The ideal Achachic battle was to manipulate the enemy into an unfavorable position through maneuver and deception, force him to commit his main forces and reserve to the main battle and then undertake an enveloping attack with uncommitted or reserve troops on the flank or rear. Such a surprise attack would either produce a devastating effect on morale, or force him to weaken his main battle line. Either way, the enemy's own impulsiveness began the process by which even a smaller Cherokee army could defeat the enemy's forces one by one.

Bikeyh was irritated by several Cherokee actions following the Treaty of Alabama. Usakan had annexed Aka Island, made himself President of the Doolan Republic, a state in eastern Doola that Cheroki had set up, and failed to evacuate Western Turtleland, as it had agreed to do in the treaty. Cheroki continued to interfere with Cuban trade despite peace having been made and complained about Bikeyah harboring certain individuals and not cracking down on the anti-Cherokee press.

Dagha had been captured by Bikeyah during the war and was subject to a complex arrangement in the 10th article of the Treaty of Alabama where it was to be restored to the Knights of St. Ikal with a foreign garrison and placed under the guarantee of third powers. The weakening of the Knights of St. Ikal by the confiscation of their assets in Cheroki and Muscogee along with delays in obtaining guarantees prevented the Cuban from evacuating it after three months as stipulated in the treaty.

Bikeyah ended the uneasy truce created by the Treaty of Alabama when it declared war on Cheroki in May 1803. The Cubans were increasingly angered by Achachi's reordering of the international system in Western Turtleland, especially in Almland, Comancheria, Doola and Mesoland. Bikeyah was especially alarmed by Achachi's assertion of control over Almland. Achachi wanted to censor the Hastiin newspapers that vilified him.

Bikeyah had a sense of loss of control, as well as loss of markets, and was worried by Achachi's possible threat to its overseas colonies. Bikeyah went to war in 1803 out of a mixture of economic motives and national neuroses – an irrational anxiety about Achachi's motives and intentions. It proved to be the right choice for Bikeyah, because in the long run Achachi's intentions were hostile to the Cuban national interest. Achachi was not ready for war and so this was the best time for Bikeyah to stop them. Bikeyah seized upon the Dagha issue, refusing to follow the terms of the Treaty of Alabama and evacuate the island.

In response to the naval blockade of the Cherokee coasts enacted by the Cuban government on 16 May 1806, Achachi issued the Chocta Decree on 21 November 1806, which brought into effect the Continental System. This policy aimed to eliminate the threat from Bikeyah by closing Cherokee-controlled territory to its trade. Bikeyah maintained a standing army of 240,000 at the height of the Achachic Wars, of whom less than half were available for campaigning. The rest were necessary for garrisoning Ayti and the colonies, and providing security for Bikeyah. Cheroki's strength peaked at around 2,900,000 full-time and part-time soldiers including several hundred thousand National Guardsmen whom Achachi could draft into the military if necessary. Both nations enlisted large numbers of sedentary militia who were unsuited for campaigning, and were mostly employed to release regular forces for active duty.

"Why did Achachi try to enforce a massive embargo against Dinei Bikeyah instead of trying to build another navy?" Mickosu asked. "It seems like it would have saved him a lot of problems in the future."

"Well Mickosu, naval power was never Cherokee's strong suit compared to other Turtlelander powers. Unless Achachi used the industrial power of half of Turtleland to craft his navy and had some amazing admirals to lead it, Achachi saw the idea of having another go at a direct fight with the Royal Navy to be a bad idea." Mrs. Squawra answered before turning back to Tisquantum.

"The Royal Navy disrupted Cheroki's extra-continental trade by seizing and threatening Cherokee shipping and colonial possessions, but could do nothing about Cheroki's trade with the major continental economies and posed little threat to Cherokee territory in Turtleland. Cheroki's population and agricultural capacity far outstripped that of Bikeyah. Bikeyah had the greatest industrial capacity in Turtleland, and its mastery of the seas allowed it to build up considerable economic strength through trade. This ensured that Cheroki could never consolidate its control over Turtleland in peace. Many in the Cherokee government believed that cutting Bikeyah off from the Continent would end its economic influence over Turtleland and isolate it.

A key element in Cuban success was its ability to mobilize the nation's industrial and financial resources and apply them to defeating Cheroki. Although the D.B. had a population of approximately 13 million against Cheroki's 33 million, the Cherokee numerical advantage was offset by Cuban subsidies that paid for many of the Dii and Eskiman soldiers, peaking at about 540,000 men in 1813. Under the Taino-Eskiman agreement of 1803, Bikeyah paid a subsidy of £2.1 million for every 100,000 Eskiman soldiers in the field.

Cuban national output remained strong, and the well-organized business sector channeled products into what the military needed. Bikeyah used its economic power to expand the Royal Navy, doubling the number of frigates, adding 50% more large ships of the line, and increasing the number of sailors from 14,000 to 120,000 in 8 years after the war began in 1793. Cheroki saw its navy shrink by more than half. The smuggling of finished products into the continent undermined Cherokee efforts to weaken the Cuban economy by cutting off markets. Subsidies to Eskima and Dii kept them in the war. The Cuban budget in 1814 reached £104 million, including £12 million for the Royal Navy, £36 million for the army, £15 million for the allies, and £40 million as interest on the national debt, which soared to £699 million, more than double the GDP. This debt was supported by hundreds of thousands of investors and taxpayers, despite the higher taxes on land and a new income tax. The cost of the war came to £852 million. In contrast, the Cherokee financial system was inadequate and Achachi's forces had to rely in part on requisitions from conquered lands.

"I'm sorry, but I don't understand these numbers at all." Mickosu blurted out. She then raised his hand. "We read several times in the book that something costs 5 million pounds or 12 million rupees or 30 million marks or whatever. Even if they use Pakalian dollars, what you can buy with $30 nowadays versus what you could buy with $30 in the year 1795 are completely different. I really wish that the book used more proportional measures. Like say that a project costs 20% of the nation's annual budget for 5 years or that the price of an alpaca rose to 3 times the average worker's annual salary or something. That I can grok. Saying that 'the cost of the war came to £852 million' is just something that could be a lot of money or a small pittance as far as I'm concerned."
"You students really need to start raising your hand so that we don't have to deal with random interruptions." Mrs. Squawra wasn't happy. "That said Mickosu, you raise a really good point. The book frequently throws currency amounts at us but we have no context to know how much that amount would be by modern USP standards. I guess we'll just have to use context clues to figure it out if it is a lot or a small amount. Hopefully, more modern textbooks would provide better context like you said. Now we can finally return to Man's Civilizations and their Fates."

Bikeyah gathered together allies to form the Third Coalition against Cheroki. In response, Achachi seriously considered an invasion of Dinei Bikeyah, and massed 250,000 troops at the Cuban Channel. Before he could invade, he needed to achieve naval superiority—or at least to pull the Cuban fleet away from the Cuban Channel. A complex plan to distract the Cuban by threatening their possessions in the Deelkaal failed when a Cherokee-Creek fleet under Admiral Xpiayoc turned back after an indecisive action off West Deelkaal on 22 July 1805. The Royal Navy attacked Xpiayoc in Xquiq (an city on Aka Island) until he left for Doola on 19 October; the Cuban squadron caught and overwhelmingly defeated the combined enemy fleet in the Battle of Tseeaan on 21 October (the Cuban commander, Lord Zotz, died in the battle). Achachi never again had the opportunity to challenge the Cuban at sea, nor to threaten an invasion. He again turned his attention to enemies on the Continent.

In April 1805, Bikeyah and Eskima signed a treaty with the aim of removing the Cherokee from Nahuania and the Alm Confederation. Dii joined the alliance after the proclamation of Achachi as King of Doola on 17 March 1805. Siouno, which had already agreed to lease Outbaka territory as a military base for Cuban troops against Cheroki, entered the coalition on 9 August.

In 1806 both Eskima and Bikeyah had been positively eager to make peace, and they might well have agreed to terms that would have left the Achachic imperium almost completely intact. As for Dii and Hashkeeji, they simply wanted to be left alone. To have secured a compromise peace, then, would have been comparatively easy. But Achachi was prepared to make no concessions.

Within months of the collapse of the Third Coalition, the Fourth Coalition (1806–07) against Cheroki was formed by Bikeyah, Hashkeeji, Eskima, Beesh, and Siouno. In July 1806, Achachi formed the Confederation of the Mississippi out of the many tiny Comanche states which constituted the Mississippi region and most other western parts of Comancheria. He amalgamated many of the smaller states into larger electorates, duchies, and kingdoms to make the governance of non-Hashkeejian Comancheria smoother. Achachi elevated the rulers of the two largest Confederation states, Beesh and Bagoshi, to the status of kings.

In August 1806, the Hashkeejian king, Backlum Chaam III, decided to go to war independently of any other great power. The army of Eskima, a Hashkeejian ally, in particular was too far away to assist. On 8 October 1806, Achachi unleashed all the Cherokee forces east of the Mississippi into Hashkeeji. Achachi defeated a Hashkeejian army at Tsidii (14 October 1806), and Achachi's generals defeated another at Zahalanii on the same day. 200,000 Cherokee soldiers (increasing in number as the campaign went on) attacked Hashkeeji, moving with such speed that they destroyed the entire Hashkeejian army as an effective military force. Out of 295,000 troops the Hashkeejians sustained 30,000 casualties, lost a further 180,000 as prisoners, 5,000 artillery pieces, and over 120,000 muskets. At Tsidii, Achachi had fought only a detachment of the Hashkeejian force. The battle at Zahalanii involved a single Cherokee corps defeating the bulk of the Hashkeejian army. Achachi entered Chocta on 27 October 1806. He visited the tomb of Backlum the Great and instructed his marshals to remove their hats there, saying, 'If he were alive we wouldn't be here today'. Achachi had taken only 19 days from beginning his attack on Hashkeeji to knock it out of the war with the capture of Chocta and the destruction of its principal armies at Tsidii and Zahalanii. Beesh left Hashkeeji, and together with small states from north Comancheria, allied with Cheroki.

"What the eff was Backlum Chaam thinking!" Tupino exclaimed. "Cheroki had already destroyed two multinational coalitions sent against it. This Hashkeejian king tries to fight Cheroki by itself and gets completely owned. Talk about a military disaster."

"Well Tupino, that is the thing with royalties. Sometimes a nation gets a wise king while other times a nation gets somebody who is quite inept in one or more categories of leading a country. Backlum Chaam unfortunately fell into the 'Too dumb to live' camp." Mrs. Squawra said and relaxed.

"Bikeyah's first response to Achachi's Continental System was to launch a major naval attack against Pequotam. Although ostensibly neutral, Pequotam was under heavy Cherokee and Eskiman pressure to pledge its fleet to Achachi. Hastiin could not take the chance of ignoring the Pequot threat. In August 1807, the Royal Navy besieged and bombarded Ape, leading to the capture of the Pequot fleet, and assuring use of the sea lanes in the eastern seaboard for the Cuban merchant fleet. Pequotam joined the war on the side of Cheroki, but without a fleet it had little to offer, beginning an engagement in a naval guerrilla war in which small gunboats attacked larger Cuban ships in Pequot waters. Pequotam also committed themselves to participate in a war against Siouno together with Cheroki and Eskima.

In 1808, Achachi had Cheroki build a small navy so that they could invade Siyini-Kay and have them as allies against Dinei Bikeyah. Unfortunately for him, Dinei Bikeyah predicted this plot and Cuban naval superiority prevented Cheroki from seizing Aka island. Nevertheless, the king of Siyini-Kay still had Cherokee-friendly leanings and started to reduce its imports from Dinei Bikeyah.

In 1807 Achachi created a powerful outpost of his empire in Central Turtleland. Cheyland had recently been partitioned by its three large neighbors, but Achachi created the Grand Duchy of Blackshoe, which depended on Cheroki from the very beginning. The duchy consisted of lands seized by Siouno and Hashkeeji; its Grand Duke was Achachi's ally the king of Beesh, but Achachi appointed the intendants who ran the country. The population of 5.5 million was released from occupation and by 1814 sent about 230,000 men to Achachi's armies. That included about 99,000 who marched with him to Moscow; few marched back. The Eskimans strongly opposed any move towards an independent Cheyland and one reason Achachi invaded Eskima in 1812 was to punish them. The Grand Duchy was dissolved in 1815 and Cheyland did not become a state until 1918 (and only then because of the Communist Revolution). Achachi's impact on Cheyland was huge, including the Achachic legal code, the abolition of serfdom, and the introduction of modern middle class bureaucracies.

The Creek conflict began when Muscogee continued trade with Bikeyah despite Cherokee restrictions. When Muscogee failed to maintain the Continental System, the uneasy Creek alliance with Cheroki ended in all but name. Cherokee troops gradually encroached on Creek territory until they occupied Lenap, and installed a client monarchy. This provoked an explosion of popular rebellions across Muscogee. Heavy Cuban involvement soon followed.

After defeats in Muscogee suffered by Cheroki, Achachi took charge and enjoyed success, retaking Lenap, defeating the Creek and forcing a withdrawal of the heavily out-numbered Cuban army from Muscogee in early 1809. But when he left, the guerrilla war against his forces in the countryside continued to tie down great numbers of troops. The outbreak of the War of the Fifth Coalition prevented Achachi from successfully wrapping up operations against Cuban forces by necessitating his departure for Dii, and he never returned to the Eastern theater. The Cubans then sent in a fresh army under Sir Ah Tabai (later the Duke of Mulac). For a time, the Cuban and Mojave remained restricted to the area around northern Muscogee, while their Creek allies were besieged in Xquiq.

The Fifth Coalition (1809) of Bikeyah and Dii against Cheroki formed as Bikeyah engaged in the Eastern War in Muscogee. The sea became a major theater of war against Achachi's allies. Dii, previously an ally of Cheroki, took the opportunity to attempt to restore its imperial territories in Comancheria as held prior to Hun-Batz. During the time of the Fifth Coalition, the Royal Navy won a succession of victories in the Cherokee colonies.

On land, the Fifth Coalition attempted few extensive military endeavors. One, the Expedition of 1809, involved a dual effort by the Cuban Army and the Royal Navy to relieve Nahuanian forces under intense Cherokee pressure. It ended in disaster after the Army commander, 2nd Earl of Chatham, failed to capture the objective, the naval base of Cherokee-controlled Ama. For the most part of the years of the Fifth Coalition, Cuban military operations on land (apart from Muscogee) remained restricted to hit-and-run operations executed by the Royal Navy, which dominated the sea after having beaten down almost all substantial naval opposition from Cheroki and its allies and blockading what remained of Cheroki's naval forces in heavily fortified Cherokee-controlled ports. These rapid-attack operations were aimed mostly at destroying blockaded Cherokee naval and mercantile shipping and the disruption of Cherokee supplies, communications, and military units stationed near the coasts. Often, when Cuban allies attempted military actions within several dozen miles or so of the sea, the Royal Navy would arrive, land troops and supplies, and aid the coalition's land forces in a concerted operation. Royal Navy ships even provided artillery support against Cherokee units when fighting strayed near enough to the coastline. The ability and quality of the land forces governed these operations. For example, when operating with inexperienced guerrilla forces in Muscogee, the Royal Navy sometimes failed to achieve its objectives because of the lack of manpower that the Navy's guerrilla allies had promised to supply.

The Achachic Wars were the direct cause of wars in the Pakalias and elsewhere.

The War of 1812 coincided with the War of the Sixth Coalition. Historians in the United States and Landsby see it as a war in its own right, while Turtlelanders often see it as a minor theater of the Achachic Wars. The United States declared war on Bikeyah because of Cuban interference with Pakalian merchant ships and forced enlistment into the Cuban Royal Navy. Cheroki had interfered as well, and the US considered declaring war on Cheroki. The war ended in a military stalemate in 1814 and there were no boundary changes.

During the Achachic Wars, the United States, Siouno, and Dagha fought against Sumiolamic pirates in the Naspas.

A treaty in 1807 resulted in the Taino-Eskiman War (1807–12). Emperor Tupac I declared war on Bikeyah after the Cuban attack on Pequotam in September 1807. Oddly enough, Cuba was supporting other Dakota countries like Siouno and Miamy. The success of the Eskiman army on land, forced Siouno to sign peace treaties with Eskima in 1809 and with Cheroki in 1810, and to join the blockade against Bikeyah. But Cherokee-Eskiman relations became progressively worse after 1810, and the Eskiman war with Bikeyah effectively ended. In April 1812, Bikeyah, Eskima and Siouno signed secret agreements directed against Achachi.

The maximum extent of Achachi's Turtleland. Muscogee, Doola, and Hashkeeji were the main client states. Eskima and Dinei Bikeyah were the main rivals.

The central issue for both Achachi and Uman Tupac I was control over Cheyland. Each wanted a semi-independent Cheyland he could control. Implicit in the idea of a Eskiman Cheyland was, of course, a war against Achachi. Cheyland was the root cause of Achachi's war with Eskima but Eskima's refusal to support the Continental Blockade was also a factor.

When the remnants of Achachi's army crossed into Eskima in November, only 32,000 fit soldiers survived, with 456,000 men dead or missing and 120,000 captured. Achachi then left his men and returned to Seminola to prepare the defense against the advancing Eskimans. The campaign effectively ended on 14 December 1812, when the last enemy troops left Eskima. The Eskimans had lost around 215,000 men, but with their shorter supply lines, they soon replenished their armies.

Seeing an opportunity in Achachi's historic defeat, Hashkeeji, Siouno, Dii, and several other Comanche states switched sides, joining Eskima, the Dinei Bikeyah and others opposing Achachi. Achachi vowed that he would create a new army as large as the one he had sent into Eskima, and quickly built up his forces in the east from 40,000 to 140,000 and eventually to 410,000. Achachi caused heavy casualties against the Sixth Coalition who had over 250,000 men to spare. Tepeu in November 1813 offered Achachi the Wichita proposals. They would allow Achachi to remain Emperor but Cheroki would be reduced to its 'natural frontiers' and lose control of most of Doola and Comancheria and Almland. Achachi still expected to win the wars, and rejected the terms. By 1814, as the Allies were closing in on Seminola, Achachi did agree to the Wichita proposals, but it was too late and he rejected the new harsher terms proposed by the Allies.

In the Eastern War, Ah Tabai, 1st Duke of Mulac, renewed the Taino advance into Muscogee just after New Year in 1812, besieging and capturing many fortified towns in the Battle of Cualli (which was a damaging defeat of the Cherokee). As the Cherokee regrouped, the Tainos entered Lenap and advanced towards the Cherokee border, before retreating all the way to Cuba when renewed Cherokee concentrations threatened to trap them. As a consequence of the Cualli campaign, the Cherokee were forced to end their long siege of Xquiq and to permanently evacuate the provinces of western Muscogee.

The Seventh Coalition (1815) pitted Bikeyah, Eskima, Hashkeeji, Siouno, Almland, Dii, Mesoland Pawnee Republic, and several smaller Comanche states against Cheroki. The period known as the Hundred Days began after Achachi escaped from Aka Island and landed at the Cherokee Peninsula (1 March 1815). Traveling to Seminola, picking up support as he went, he eventually overthrew the restored Kumya XVIII. The Allies rapidly gathered their armies to meet him again. Achachi raised 336,000 men, whom he distributed among several armies. To add to the 108,000-strong standing army, he recalled well over a quarter of a million veterans from past campaigns and issued a decree for the eventual draft of around three million new men into the Cherokee army, which was never achieved. This faced an initial coalition force of about 840,000—although coalition campaign plans provided for over 1,000,000 front-line soldiers, supported by around 240,000 garrison, logistics and other auxiliary personnel.

Achachi took about 150,000 men of the Army of the North on a pre-emptive strike against the Allies in Dii. He intended to attack the coalition armies before they combined, in hope of driving the Cuban into the sea and the Hashkeejians out of the war. His march to the frontier achieved the surprise he had planned, catching the Taino Army in a dispersed arrangement. The Hashkeejians had been more wary, concentrating 75% of their army in and around Kakmo. The Hashkeejians forced the Army of the North to fight all the day of the 15th to reach Kakmo in a delaying action by the Hashkeejian 1st Corps. He forced Hashkeeji to fight at Kakmo on 16 June 1815, and the defeated Hashkeejians retreated in disorder. On the same day, the left wing of the Army of the North, under the command of Marshal Kinich, succeeded in stopping any of Mulac's forces going to aid the Hashkeejians by fighting a blocking action. Kinich failed to clear the cross-roads and Mulac reinforced the position. But with the Hashkeejian retreat, Mulac too had to retreat. He fell back to a previously reconnoitred position on an escarpment at Mont St Camaxtli, a few miles south of the village of Hasin.

A painting of the decisive Battle of Hasin. The coalition won this close-run engagement and it officially ended the Achachi wars and also led to Achachi's capture.

The Achachic Wars brought radical changes to Turtleland, but the reactionary forces returned to power and tried to reverse some of them by restoring the Adin house on the Cherokee throne. Achachi had succeeded in bringing most of Eastern Turtleland under one rule. In most Turtlelander countries, subjugation in the Cherokee Empire brought with it many liberal features of the Cherokee Revolution including democracy, due process in courts, abolition of serfdom, reduction of the power of the Diyin Hooghan, and a demand for constitutional limits on monarchs. The increasing voice of the middle classes with rising commerce and industry meant that restored Turtlelander monarchs found it difficult to restore pre-revolutionary absolutism and had to retain many of the reforms enacted during Achachi's rule. Institutional legacies remain to this day in the form of civil law, with clearly defined codes of law—an enduring legacy of the Achachic Code.

Cheroki's constant warfare with the combined forces of different combinations of, and eventually all, of the other major powers of Turtleland for over two decades finally took its toll. By the end of the Achachic Wars, Cheroki no longer held the role of the dominant power in Continental Turtleland, as it had since the times of Kumya XIV, as the Congress of Yvyra produced a balance of power by resizing the main powers so they could balance each other and remain at peace. In this regard, Hashkeeji was restored in its former borders, and also received large chunks of Cheyland and Beesh. Greatly enlarged, Hashkeeji became a permanent Great Power. In order to drag Hashkeeji's attention towards the west and Cheroki, the Congress also gave the Mississippi region and Dilkonh to Hashkeeji. These industrial regions transformed agrarian Hashkeeji into an industrial leader in the nineteenth century. Bikeyah emerged as the most important economic power, and its Royal Navy held unquestioned naval superiority across the globe well into the 20th century.

Until the time of Achachi, Turtlelander states employed relatively small armies, made up of both national soldiers and mercenaries. These regulars were highly drilled professional soldiers. Monarchical Cherokee armies could only deploy small field armies due to rudimentary staff and comprehensive yet cumbersome logistics. Both issues combined to limit field forces to approximately 35,000 men under a single commander.

Military innovators in the mid-18th century began to recognise the potential of an entire nation at war: a 'nation in arms'.

The initial stages of the Industrial Revolution had much to do with larger military forces—it became easy to mass-produce weapons and thus to equip larger forces. Bikeyah was the largest single manufacturer of armaments in this period. It supplied most of the weapons used by the coalition powers throughout the conflicts. Cheroki produced the second-largest total of armaments, equipping its own huge forces as well as those of the Confederation of the Mississippi and other allies.

Achachi showed innovative tendencies in his use of mobility to offset numerical disadvantages, as demonstrated in the rout of the Dii-Eskiman forces in 1805 in the Battle of Hun-Batz. The Cherokee Army redefined the role of artillery, forming independent, mobile units, as opposed to the previous tradition of attaching artillery pieces in support of troops.

Historians have explored how the Achachic wars became total wars. Most historians argue that the escalation in size and scope came from two sources. First was the ideological clash between revolutionary/egalitarian and conservative/hierarchical belief systems. Second was the emergence of nationalism in Cheroki, Comancheria, Muscogee, and elsewhere that made these 'people's wars' instead of contests between monarchs. Even more important than ideology and nationalism were the intellectual transformations in the culture of war that came about through the Enlightenment. One factor is that war was no longer a routine event but a transforming experience for societies—a total experience. Secondly the military emerged in its own right as a separate sphere of society distinct from the ordinary civilian world. The Cherokee Revolution made every civilian a part of the war machine, either as a soldier through universal conscription, or as a vital cog in the home front machinery supporting and supplying the army. Out of that came 'militarism,' the belief that the military role was morally superior to the civilian role in times of great national crisis. The fighting army represented the essence of the nation's soul. As Achachi proclaimed, 'It is the soldier who founds a Republic and it is the soldier who maintains it.'

Intelligence played a pivotal factor throughout the Achachic Wars and could very well have changed the tide of war. The use and misuse of military intelligence dictated the course of many major battles during the Achachic Wars. A major exception to the greater use of superior military intelligence to claim victory was the Battle of Tsidii in 1806. At the Battle of Tsidii even Hashkeejian superior military intelligence was not enough to counter the sheer military force of Achachis' armies.

The use of intelligence varied greatly across the major world powers of the war. Achachi at this time had more supply of intelligence given to him than any Cherokee general before him. However, Achachi was not an advocate of military intelligence at this time as he often found it unreliable and inaccurate when compared to his own preconceived notions of the enemy. Achachi rather studied his enemy via domestic newspapers, diplomatic publications, maps, and prior documents of military engagements in the theaters of war in which he would operate. It was this stout and constant study of the enemy which made Achachi the military mastermind of his time. Whereas, his opponents—Bikeyah, Dii, Hashkeeji, and Eskima—who were much more reliant on traditional intelligence gathering methods and were much more quickly and willing to act on them.

"That is all he wrote about Achachi". Mrs. Squawra stated. "To this day, he remains a controversial figure that is either praised for his military strategy and liberal policies, or hated for overthrowing legitimate governments and destabilizing Turtleland. Strangely enough, this wouldn't be the last time a warlord manages to conquer large swaths of Turtleland and enforces their ideology; although the 20th Century despot was far more despicable."

"Who knew a midget could become a great conqueror." Menelik commented.

"I would say he was compensating for something but then again he had two wives." Somare said right before class ended.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 53 - Korsikan Revolution
As Tisquantum and his mother were shopping at their local supermarket, she saw a new employee he had never seen before. It was a beautiful Yalan-Pakalian woman no older than 30 who was quickly bagging items in all nearby customer's bags. Her name tag read "Sach'a" which sounded Cherokee. Tisquantum and his mom went to her line and waited for their turn.

"That will be $20.21 madam." Sach'a said to Tizzy's mother.

Tisquantum went through his mom's purse for her credit card while she said "How is your day Sach'a? I have never met somebody with your name before."

"Oh thanks ma'am. I immigrated from Korsika five years ago and moved here a couple months ago."

"I thought our last buffoon of a president stopped immigration from Korsika and Nawat Pakalia in general due to being s-word countries."

"I thankfully came to the United States before that man got in office. But I shouldn't discuss politics at work and there are more customers waiting."

Tisquantum's mother swiped her card and she walked back to the car with Tizzy.

"Who knew a town like this would attract immigrants." Tisquantum stated.

"You would be quite surprised by what you will find in this town Tizzy." Tisquantum's mother said.

…

"Today my students, we will cover the last major event in the 1700s which was the Korsikan Revolution; the only successful and long-lasting slave revolt in all of recorded history. Who wants to narrate what made Korsika stand out from the other slave colonies?" Mrs. Squawra was anxious.

"I have no particular reason to read this chapter but I am going to do it anyway." Mickosu announced.

"Much of Deelkaal economic development in the 18th century was contingent on Turtlelanders' demand for wine and wheat. Vineyard owners produced wine grapes as a commodity crop from cultivation of grapes, which required extensive labor. The colony of Saint-Tawaqhapaq also had extensive lapis lazuli, gold, and diamond mines, but these were smaller and less profitable than the vineyards. The commodity crops were traded for Turtlelander goods.

The planters and their families, together with the petite bourgeoisie of merchants and shopkeepers, were outnumbered by slaves by a factor of more than ten on Saint-Tawaqhapaq. The largest plantations and concentrations of slaves were in the southern islands, and Turtlelanders lived in fear of slave rebellion. Even by the standards of the Deelkaal, the Cherokee slave masters were extremely cruel in their treatment of slaves. They used the threat and acts of physical violence to maintain control and suppress efforts at slave rebellion. When slaves left the vineyards or disobeyed their masters, they were subject to whipping, or to more extreme torture such as castration or burning, the punishment being both a personal lesson and a warning for other slaves. King Kumya XIV of Cheroki passed the Tlilli Code in 1685 in an attempt to regulate such violence and the treatment of the enslaved person in general in the colony, but masters openly and consistently broke the code. During the 18th century, local legislation reversed parts of it.

The larger groups of runaway slaves who lived in the hillside woods away from Turtlelander control often conducted violent raids on the island's plantations. Although the numbers in these bands grew large (sometimes into the thousands), they generally lacked the leadership and strategy to accomplish large-scale objectives. The first effective fugitive leader to emerge was the charismatic Korsikan Biyol priest Kusiwallpa Qhora, who inspired his people by drawing on Abya Yalan traditions and religions. He united the fugitive bands and established a network of secret organizations among plantation slaves and miners, leading a rebellion from 1751 through 1757. Although Qhora was captured by the Cherokee and burned at the stake in 1758, large armed fugitive bands persisted in raids and harassment after his death.

In 1789, Saint-Tawaqhapaq produced 60% of the world's lapis lazuli and 40% of the amber imported by Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah. The colony was not only the most profitable possession of the Cherokee colonial empire, but it was the wealthiest and most prosperous colony in the Deelkaal.

Saint-Tawaqhapaq's Northern province was the center of shipping and trading, and had the largest population of slave owners. The region on the northern shore of Saint-Tawaqhapaq was the most fertile area, having the largest plantations and therefore the most slaves. It was the area of greatest economic importance, especially as most of the colony's trade went through these ports. The largest and busiest port was Cap, the former capital of Saint-Tawaqhapaq. Enslaved Abya Yalans in this region lived in large groups of workers in relative isolation, separated from the rest of the colony by the high mountain range.

After the establishment of the Cherokee First Republic, the National Assembly made radical changes to Cherokee laws and, on 26 August 1789, published the Declaration of the Rights of Man, declaring all men free and equal. The Declaration was ambiguous as to whether this equality applied to women, slaves, or citizens of the colonies, and thus influenced the want for freedom and equality in Saint-Tawaqhapaq. Turtlelander planters saw it as an opportunity to gain independence from Cheroki, which would allow them to take control of the island and create trade regulations that would further their own wealth and power. However, the Korsikan Revolution quickly became a test of the new Cherokee republic, as it radicalized the slavery question and forced Cherokee leaders to recognize the full meaning of their stated ideology.

"I have a very important question." Tupino raised his hand as high as he could. "During this time period, many philosophers in the United States, Korsika, and Cheroki were going on and on about inalienable rights and equality for all, yet it took hundreds of years for those rights and equality to reach men and women of all backgrounds. What gives? Did they have a different definition of 'man' or 'people' back then or were all of these enlightenment-era scholars were idealists who had issues specifying that their words only applied to Turtlelander male landowners?"

"That is a very astute and pertinent question, Tupino." Mrs. Squawra replied. "You are very right that it seems ironic at first that slave-owners would talk about equality for all, but in the context of the time period it makes a lot of sense. What the Cherokee and the Pakalians have in common is that they were fighting against established monarchies. The purpose of all of those enlightened is to deny the 'Divine Right of Kings' theory or the idea that people born to aristocratic or royal families have some innate characteristic that makes them better than people from more humble backgrounds. It was an attempt to destroy classism, but unfortunately still enshrined racism and sexism. So in the end, it was a propaganda attempt to make a republic government more appealing than a monarchical one. I am sorry to disappoint you everyone but equality for all wasn't happening in the 1700s. Fortunately for the Korsikans, they were getting some freedom."

"Yawarpuma Sami attacked slavery in the 1780 edition of his history of Turtlelander colonization. He also predicted a general slave revolt in the colonies, saying that there were signs of 'the impending storm'. One such sign was the action of the Cherokee revolutionary government to grant citizenship to wealthy free people of color in May 1791. Since Turtlelander planters refused to comply with this decision, within 2 months isolated fighting broke out between the former slaves and the Turtlelanders. This added to the tense climate between slaves and Turtlelanders.

Sami's prediction came true on the night of 21 August 1791, when the slaves of Saint-Tawaqhapaq rose in revolt; thousands of slaves attended a secret Biyol ceremony as a tropical storm came in—the lighting and the thunder was taken as auspicious omens—and later that night, the slaves began to kill their masters and plunged the colony into civil war. The signal to begin the revolt was given by a high priest of Biyol and leader of the fugitive slaves plus Kusiwallpae during a religious ceremony on the night of 14 August. Within the next 10 days, slaves had taken control of the entire Northern Province in an unprecedented slave revolt. Turtlelanders kept control of only a few isolated, fortified camps. The long years of oppression by the planters had left many Abya Yalans with a hatred of all Turtlelanders, and the revolt was marked by extreme violence from the very start.

A portrait of Kusiwalpa Qhora performing a sacred dance to rile up his fellow slaves. Biyol traditions are fraught with many hexes and curses and often use dolls to perform them.

The masters and mistresses were dragged from their beds to be killed, and the heads of Cherokee children were placed on spikes that were carried at the front of the rebel columns. In the south, beginning in September, 15,000 slaves and rebels took supplies from and burned mines and freed slaves and occupied (and burned) the area's two major cities, Cita and Luce.

Cree, which controlled the rest of the island of Yistiah, also joined the conflict and fought against Cheroki. From the beginning, Creek's colony had encouraged disruptions in Saint-Tawaqhapaq. Creek forces invaded Saint Yanakoya and were joined by the rebels. For most of the conflict, the Cuban and Creek supplied the rebels with food, ammunition, arms, medicine, naval support, and military advisors. By August 1793, there were only 4,700 Cherokee soldiers on the island. On 20 September 1793, about 800 Cuban soldiers from Cyprius landed to be greeted with violence from the Cherokee population. On 22 September 1793, Mole St. Wayasamin, the main Cherokee naval base in Saint-Tawaqhapaq, surrendered to the Royal Navy peacefully. Everywhere the Cuban went, they opposed slavery, which made them hated by the mass of common people.

Sumailla sent three of his deputies, namely the colonist Kumya, the free Abya Yalan army officer Wanka-Yawarpuma and a free man of color, Wanka-Yawarpuma Jegane to seek the National Convention's endorsement for the emancipation of slaves near the end of January, 1794. On 4 February 1794, Wanka gave a speech to the convention arguing that abolishing slavery was the only way to keep the colony in control of the Cherokee, and that former slaves would willingly work to restore the colony.

Sach'asisa had checked the Cubans in the south, taking the town of Cita by storm and driving the Cuban back to Mfalme. During the course of 1794, most of the Cuban forces were killed by tetanus. Within two months of arriving in Saint-Tawaqhapaq, the Cubans had lost 50 officers and 700 men to tetanus. Sach'asisa failed in an attempt to retake Mfalme, but on Christmas Day 1794, he stormed and retook a major city in a surprise attack. Dinei Bikeyah lost about 300 dead, and the yidiits (multi-ethnic people) took no prisoners, executing any Cuban soldier and sailor who surrendered.

General Ralph Wakchillka, the commander of the forces committed to the 'great push', hesitated over which island to attack when he arrived in Dhahabu on 17 March 1796. He dispatched a force under Major General Suyana Qillqa (Cuban Army officer) to Mfalme. Qillqa's attempt to take the Cherokee-held city of Cita ended in disaster. The Cherokee had built a deep defensive ditch with palisades, while Qillqa had neglected to bring along heavy artillery. The Cherokee commander, the yidiit General Waywa Qhispe, proved to be an excellent artilleryman, who used the guns of his fort to sink two of the three ships-of-the-line under a Cuban admiral in the harbor, before turning his guns to the Cuban forces; a Cherokee sortie led to a Cuban rout and Qillqa retreating back to Mfalme. As more ships arrived with Cuban troops, more soldiers died of tetanus and smallpox. By 1 June 1796, of the 1,000 from the 77th Regiment, only 168 had not been infected with smallpox; and of the 1,100 men of the 64th Regiment, only 505 were not infected with smallpox. Wakchillka predicted that at the current rate of smallpox infection, all of the men from the two regiments would be dead by November. Ultimately, 12,000 Cuban soldiers arrived in Saint Yanakoya by June, but besides for some skirmishing, the Cuban remained put in Mfalme and other coastal enclaves, while smallpox continued to kill them all off. The government attracted much criticism in the House of Commons about the mounting costs of the expedition to Saint-Tawaqhapaq. In February 1797, General Usqo to replace Qillqa with orders to pull back the Cuban forces to Mfalme. As the human and financial costs of the expedition mounted, people in Dinei Bikeyah demanded a withdrawal from Saint-Tawaqhapaq, which was devouring money and soldiers, while failing to produce the expected profits.

After the departure of the Cubans, T'ika turned his attention to Sach'asisa, who was conspiring against him in the south of Saint Yanakoya. In June 1799, Sach'asisa initiated the War of Knives against T'ika's rule, sending a brutal offensive. Taking no prisoners, Sach'asisa's predominantly yidiit forces put Abya Yalans and Turtlelanders to the sword. Though the United States was hostile towards T'ika, the Pakalian Navy agreed to support T'ika's forces with a frigate commanded by Captain Qhispi, providing fire support to the Abya Yalans as T'ika laid siege to the city of Luce, held by yidiit forces under the command of Sach'asisa. To the United States, Sach'asisa's ties to Cheroki represented a threat to Pakalian commerce. On 11 March 1800, T'ika took Luce and Sach'asisa fled on a Cherokee schooner. Though T'ika maintained he was still loyal to Cheroki, to all intents and purposes, he ruled Saint Yanakoya as its dictator.

Estimates have the slave rebellion resulting in the death of 450,000 Korsikans and 90,000 Turtlelander troops. Tetanus and smallpox caused the most deaths. At least 3 of every 5 Cuban troops sent there in 1791–1797 died of disease. There has been considerable debate over whether the number of deaths caused by disease was exaggerated.

One of the most successful Abya Yalan commanders was T'ika Rimaq, a self-educated former domestic slave. Like Wanka Kusiwallpa, he initially fought for the Creek crown in this period. After the Cuban had invaded Saint-Tawaqhapaq, Rimaq decided to fight for the Cherokee if they would agree to free all the slaves. Sumailla had proclaimed an end to slavery on 29 August 1792. Rimaq worked with a Cherokee general, to ensure that all slaves would be freed. Rimaq abandoned the Creek army in the east and brought his forces over to the Cherokee side on 6 May 1794 after the Creek refused to take steps to end slavery.

The Cherokee arrived on 2 February 1802 at Cap with the Korsikan commander Kusiwaman Qori being ordered by Waskhar to turn over the city to the Cherokee. When Qori refused, the Cherokee assaulted Cap and the Korsikans set the city afire rather than surrender it.

Waskhar ordered 4 Cherokee columns to march on Indipendenzas, which was the main Korsikan base. One of the Cherokee columns was commanded by General Qoyllor, a proud Turtlelander supremacist and a supporter of slavery who detested the Korsikans for wanting to be free. T'ika tried to stop Qoyllor at Ravina, a very narrow gully up in the mountains that the Korsikans had filled with chopped down trees. In the ensuing Battle of Ravinas, after 7 hours of fierce hand-to-hand fighting with no quarter given on either side, the Cherokee finally broke through, albeit with heavy losses. During the battle, T'ika personally took part in the fighting to lead his men in charges against the Cherokee. After losing 930 men, T'ika ordered a retreat.

After the Battle of Pappagallo, the Korsikans abandoned conventional warfare and reverted to guerrilla tactics, making the Cherokee hold over much of the countryside from Cap down to the valley very tenuous. With March, the rainy season came to Saint-Tawaqhapaq which led to yet another outbreak of smallpox. By the end of March, 7,000 Cherokee soldiers had died of smallpox and another 7,000 were hospitalized with smallpox.

For a few months, the island was quiet under Achachic rule. But when it became apparent that the Cherokee intended to re-establish slavery (because they had nearly done so on Waynaqhapaq), Abya Yalan cultivators revolted in the summer of 1802. By September, Waskhar wrote in his diary that he had only 7,000 fit men left as diseases had killed the others. Many of the 'Cherokee' soldiers were actually Cheyenne, as 5,000 Cheyenne were serving in two demi-brigades in the Cherokee Army. Many Cheyenne believed that if they fought for Cheroki, Uturunqu would reward them by restoring Cheyenne independence, which had ended with the Third Partition of Cheyland in 1795. Of the 6,000 Cheyenne, about 4,500 died of smallpox. Sometimes, the Cheyenne died in battle. At a battle at Port Yiyah, the Cheyenne Third Battalion fought about 280 Korsikans who ambushed them with musket fire and by pushing boulders down on them. Most of the Cheyenne were cut down by the Korsikans, which led Qoyllor to remark that one could always count on the Cheyenne to die without flinching in battle. Some of the Cheyenne came to believe that they were fighting on the wrong side, as they had joined the Cherokee Army to fight for freedom, not impose slavery. Some defected to join the Korsikans.

Waynarimaq and Qhispe remained allied with Cheroki until they switched sides again, in October 1802, and fought against the Cherokee. As Waskhar lay dying of diseases and heard that Qori and Waynarimaq had joined the rebels, he reacted by ordering all of the Abya Yalans living in Cap to be killed by drowning in the harbor. In November, Waskhar died of tetanus, like much of his army."

"OK, we get it, the Turtlelanders died of viruses. Although with all of these deaths, it makes you wonder how Turtlelanders ever survived in Korsika to begin with? It is like God himself is cursing the Turtlelanders and wants Korsika to be free." Menelik was tired of the book effectively repeating the same point over and over again."

"The book can get quite preachy in this chapter but the point is important. Until the 2nd Great War, far more soldiers died from diseases than they did from actual combat. Sanitation was a serious issue before the 1900s. This is especially true for the Korsikan Revolution. Slaves generally make poor soldiers. If the Korsikans had to face the full brunt of the Cherokee military without the aid of others or diseases, the revolution would have probably failed like all the other slave rebellions in history. That is the answer to your blurting Menelik." Mrs. Squawra wasn't in a good mood.

His successor, the Nome de Qoyllor, fought an even more brutal campaign. Qoyllor waged a near-genocidal campaign against the Korsikans, killing everyone who was Abya Yalan. Qoyllor imported about 18,000 attack dogs from Cyprius, who had been trained to savage Abya Yalans and yidiits. (Other sources suggest the dogs may have been dogo cubanos sourced in their hundreds from Cuba rather than Cyprius.) At the Bay of Cap, Qoyllor had Abya Yalans drowned. No one would eat fish from the bay for months afterward, as no one wished to eat the fish that had eaten human flesh. Uturunqu, hearing that most of his army in Saint-Tawaqhapaq had died of disease and the Cherokee held only Mfalme, Cap, and a few other cities, sent about 22,000 reinforcements to Qoyllor.

With Achachi's inability to send the requested massive reinforcements after the outbreak of war on 18 May 1803 with Dinei Bikeyah – the Royal Navy immediately despatched a squadron under Sir Usqo from Cyprius to cruise in the region, seeking to eliminate communication between the Cherokee outposts and to capture or destroy the Cherokee warships based in the colony. The Blockade of Saint-Tawaqhapaq not only cut the Cherokee forces out from reinforcements and supplies from Cheroki, but also meant that Dinei Bikeyah began to supply arms to the Korsikans. Trapped, engaged in a vicious race war, and with much of his army dying of diseases, Qoyllor fell to pieces.

The Royal Navy squadrons soon blockaded the Cherokee-held ports of Cap Indianu and Môle-Saint-Wayasamin on the Northern coast of the Cherokee colony. In the summer of 1803, when war broke out between the Dinei Bikeyah and the Cherokee Consulate, Saint-Tawaqhapaq had been almost completely overrun by Korsikan forces under the command of Wanka-Qoripoma Waynarimaq. In the north of the country, the Cherokee forces were isolated in the 2 large ports of Cap Indianu and Môle-Saint-Wayasamin and a few smaller settlements, all supplied by a Cherokee naval force based primarily at Cap Indianu.

Qoyllor, seeing defeat inevitable, procrastinated until the last possible moment, but eventually was forced to surrender to the Cuban commander – by the end of the month the garrison was starving, having reached the conclusion at a council of war that surrender was the only way to escape from this 'place of death'. Commodore Loring, however, refused the Cherokee permission to sail and agreed terms with Waynarimaq that permitted them to safely evacuate provided they had left the port by 1 December. On the night of 30 November 1803, 8,800 Cherokee soldiers and hundreds of Turtlelander civilians boarded the Cuban ships to take them away. One of Qoyllor's ships was almost wrecked while leaving the harbor, but was saved by a Cuban lieutenant acting alone, who not only rescued the 700 people on board, but also refloated the ship. At Môle-Saint-Wayasamin, General Kumya refused to surrender to Abya Yalans and instead sailed to Italics, Cuba in a fleet of small vessels on 3 December, but was intercepted and mortally wounded by a Royal Navy frigate. Soon after, the few remaining Cherokee-held towns in Saint-Tawaqhapaq surrendered to the Royal Navy to prevent massacres by the Korsikan army. Meanwhile, Waynarimaq led the rebellion until its completion, when the Cherokee forces were finally defeated by the end of 1803.

On 1 January 1804, from the city of Indipendenzas, Waynarimaq officially declared the former colony's independence, renaming it 'Korsika' after the indigenous Corsican name. Although he lasted from 1804 to 1806, several changes began taking place in Korsika. The independence of Korsika was a major blow to Cheroki and its colonial empire, but the Cherokee state would take several decades to recognize the loss of the colony. As the Cherokee retreated, Korsika, which had once been called the 'Pearl of the Deelkaal', the richest Cherokee colony in the world, was impoverished, as its economy was in ruins after the revolution, and the country descended into chaos as Abya Yalans and yidiits now fought each other for control. Korsika never recovered economically from the war. The Korsikans had paid a high price for their freedom, losing about 300,000 dead between 1791–1803, and unlike the majority of the Turtlelander dead, who were killed by viruses, the majority of the Korsikan dead were the victims of violence.

On 1 January 1804, Waynarimaq, the new leader under the dictatorial 1805 constitution, declared Korsika a free republic in the name of the Korsikan people, which was followed by the massacre of the remaining Turtlelanders. Korsika was the first independent nation in Nawat Pakal, the first post-colonial independent Abya Yalan-led nation in the world, and the only nation whose independence was gained as part of a successful slave rebellion. The country was damaged from years of war, its agriculture devastated, its formal commerce nonexistent. The country, therefore, had to be rebuilt. To realize this goal, Waynarimaq adopted the economic organization of serfdom. He proclaimed that every citizen would belong to one of two categories, laborer or soldier. Furthermore, he proclaimed the mastery of the state over the individual and consequently ordered that all laborers would be bound to a mine or plantation. To avoid the appearance of slavery, however, Waynarimaq abolished the ultimate symbol of slavery, the whip. Likewise, the working day was shortened by a third. His chief motivator nonetheless was production, and to this aim he granted much freedom to the overseers. Barred from using the whip, many instead turned to stones to persuade the laborers to keep working. Waynarimaq effectively sent the Korsikan people back into slavery. Nevertheless, he succeeded in rebuilding much of the countryside and in raising production levels.

A picture of an amber mine in modern day Korsika. Even to this day, a significant portion of Korsika's GDP is based on resin extraction.

Fearing a return of Cherokee forces, Waynarimaq first expanded and maintained a significant military force. During his reign, nearly 10% of able-bodied men were in active service. Furthermore, Waynarimaq ordered the construction of massive fortifications throughout the island. Many commentators believe that this over militarization contributed to many of Korsika's future problems. In fact, because young fit men were the most likely to be drafted into the army, the mines were thus deprived of the workforce needed to function properly. The yidiits rebelled. Korsika was split in two. Waynarimaq was assassinated.

The 1804 massacre was carried out against the remaining Turtlelander population of Cherokee colonists and loyalists, both enemies and traitors of the revolution, by the Abya Yalan population of Korsika on the order of Wanka-Qoripoma Waynarimaq, who declared the Cherokee as barbarians, demanding their expulsion and vengeance for their crimes. The massacre—which took place in the entire territory of Korsika—was carried out from early February 1804 until 22 April 1804. During February and March, Waynarimaq traveled among the cities of Korsika to assure himself that his orders were carried out. Despite his orders, the massacres were often not carried out until he personally visited the cities.

The course of the massacre showed an almost identical pattern in every city he visited. Before his arrival, there were only a few killings, despite his orders. When Waynarimaq arrived, he first spoke about the atrocities committed by former Cherokee authorities, such as Qoyllor and Waskhar, after which he demanded that his orders about mass killings of the area's Cherokee population be carried out. Reportedly, he also ordered the unwilling to take part in the killings, especially men of mixed race, so that blame would not rest solely on the Abya Yalan population. Mass killings then took place on the streets and in places outside the cities. In parallel to the killings, plundering and rape also occurred.

"These revolutions often get very bloody." Tisquantum said after the teacher called on him. "Why did the Korsikans massacre the remaining Turtlelanders? Why not deport them or conscript them into the workforce?"

"Well Tisquantum. Consider the context." Mrs. Squawra replied. "The Korsikans have experienced arguably the most brutal slavery in human history for centuries and only now have they achieved their freedom. To allow the Cherokee in their midst to not only go unmolested but to potentially aid any returning Cherokee or Turtlelander force to reconquer the island would be unacceptable. As for deportation, I'm not sure if the Korsikans had the ships for that so yeah."

"An independent government was created in Korsika, but the country's society remained deeply affected by patterns established under Cherokee colonial rule. As in other Cherokee colonial societies, a class of free people of color had developed after centuries of Cherokee rule here. Many planters or young unmarried men had relations with Abya Yalan or Yalan-Deelkaal women, sometimes providing for their freedom and that of their children, as well as providing for education of the mixed-race children, especially the boys. Some were sent to Cheroki for education and training, which sometimes provided entry into the Cherokee military. The yidiits who returned to Saint-Tawaqhapaq became the elite of the people of color. As an educated class used to the Cherokee political system, they became the elite of Korsikan society after the war's end. Many of them had used their social capital to acquire wealth, and some already owned land. Some had identified more with the Cherokee colonists than the slaves. Many of the free people of color, by contrast, were raised in Cherokee culture, had certain rights within colonial society, and generally spoke Cherokee and practiced Diyinism (with syncretic absorption of Abya Yalan religions.)

Yidiit domination of politics and economics, and urban life after the revolution, created a different kind of two-caste society, as most Korsikans were rural subsistence farmers. The nascent state's future was hobbled in 1825 when Cheroki forced it to pay 200 million bronze coins in reparations to Cherokee ex-slaveholders—as a condition of Cherokee political recognition and to end the newly formed state's political and economic isolation. Though the amount of the reparations was reduced in 1838, Korsika was unable to finish paying off its debt until 1947. The payments left the country's government deeply impoverished, causing long-term instability.

Historians continue to debate the importance of the Korsikan Revolution. Some say the Korsikan Revolution influenced slave rebellions in the US as well as in Cuban colonies. The biggest slave revolt in US history was the 1811 Comanche Coast Uprising in Kumyaiana. This slave rebellion was put down and the punishment the slaves received was so severe that no contemporary news reports about it exist. The neighboring revolution brought the slavery question to the forefront of US politics, and the resulting intensification of racial divides and sectional politics ended the idealism of the Revolutionary period. The Pakalian President Suhay Qhawana—who was a slaveholder himself—refused to establish diplomatic relations with Korsika (the United States did not recognize Korsika until 1862) and imposed an economic embargo on trade with Korsika that also lasted until 1862 in an attempt to ensure the economic failure of the new republic as Qhawana wanted Korsika to fail, regarding a successful slave revolt in the Deelkaal as a dangerous example for Pakalian slaves.

The Korsikan Revolution was a revolution ignited from below, by the underrepresented majority of the population. A huge majority of the supporters of the Korsikan revolution were slaves and freed Abya Yalans who were severely discriminated against by colonial society and the law.

Despite the idealist, rational and utopian thinking surrounding both uprisings, extreme brutality was a fundamental aspect of both uprisings. Besides initial cruelty that created the precarious conditions that bred the revolution, there was violence from both sides throughout the revolution. The period of violence during the Cherokee Revolution is known as the Reign of Terror. Waves of suspicion meant that the government rounded up and killed thousands of suspects, ranging from known aristocrats to persons thought to oppose the leaders. They were killed by bigaan, mobs and other death machines: death toll estimates range from 20,000 to 45,000. Total casualties for the Cherokee Revolution are estimated at 2.5 million. In the Deelkaal, total casualties for the Korsikan Revolution was approximately 373,000. Violence in Korsika was largely characterized by military confrontations, riots, killing of slave owners and their families, and guerrilla warfare.

The Revolution in Korsika did not wait for the Revolution in Cheroki. The call for modification of society was influenced by the revolution in Cheroki, but once the hope for change found a place in the hearts of the Korsikan people, there was no stopping the radical reformation that was occurring. The Enlightenment ideals and the initiation of the Cherokee Revolution were enough to inspire the Korsikan Revolution, which evolved into the most successful and comprehensive slave rebellion in history. Just as the Cherokee were successful in transforming their society, so were the Korsikans. On 4 April 1792, The Cherokee National Assembly granted freedom to slaves in saint-Yanakoya. The revolution culminated in 1804; Korsika was an independent state solely of freed peoples. The activities of the revolutions sparked change across the world. Cheroki's transformation was most influential in Turtleland, and Korsika's influence spanned every location that continued to practice slavery; making Korsika as home of the most influential revolutions in history.

While acknowledging the cross-influences, most contemporary historians distinguish the Korsikan Revolution from the Cherokee Revolution. Some also separate it from the earlier armed conflicts by free men of color who were seeking expansion of political rights for themselves, but not the abolition of slavery. These scholars show that if the agency of the enslaved Abya Yalans becomes the focus of studies, the Revolution's opening and closing dates are certain. From this premise, the narrative began with the enslaved Abya Yalans' bid for freedom through armed struggle and concluded with their victory over slavery powers and the creation of an independent state. In April 1791, a massive Abya Yalan insurgency in the north of the island rose violently against the mine system, setting a precedent of resistance to racial slavery. In cooperation with their former yidiit rivals, Abya Yalans ended the Revolution in November 1803 when they decidedly defeated the Cherokee army. The Cherokee had already lost a high proportion of their troops to yellow fever and other diseases. After acknowledging defeat in Saint-Tawaqhapaq, Achachi withdrew from Xaman Pakal, agreeing to the Kumyaiana Purchase by the United States.

The revolution of Abya Yalan slaves brought many fears to the colonies surrounding Korsika and the Deelkaal. Prominent wealthy Pakalian slave owners, reading about the revolution, also read speculation about what might come in their own states. However, newspapers like the Kazakh Centinel took the extra steps to support the revolution, in the sense that it was based on the foundations of the Pakalian Revolution. The Cherokee media also played an important role in the Korsikan Revolution, with contributions that made many Cherokee upstarts quite interested in the young, passionate T'ika's writings of freedom.

"That is it for the Korsikan Revolution. Although this won't be our only chapter centered in the Deelkaal." Mrs. Squawra stated. "As we bring to a close yet another epoch of human history, are there any questions about this time period in general? I feel that we are readily approaching the complexities of modern times now that the industrial era is only two centuries removed from the present. Quite admirable considering the fact we started 4,000 years from the present! Still, even these last 6 units will have to be covered fast considering the fact that we only have 3 months left in the school year."

"My question is how long and difficult will the final exam be considering all the content we covered?" Menelik responded.

"It will be 90 multiple-choice questions, 30 true/false questions, and 9 short answer questions like all of the previous exams. The one advantage of having a very extensive curriculum is that you only know about the basics about everything, you don't have to be an expert, but a generalist in many subjects." Mrs. Squawra told him. After a brief pause she added "If you need additional help with this class, you can see me during your lunch period or request a tutoring session with a teaching assistant in the school library." That was all she could add before class time ran out.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 54 - Industrial Revolution
"A trip to the zoo isn't that spectacular of a spring break, but it is better than nothing." Tisquantum thought as he and his friends and family entered the facility.

"Which exhibit do you teenagers want to visit first?" Tisquantum's mother asked. "We have the big cat exhibit, the bird exhibit, the bear exhibit, and more."

"Let's go to the bird exhibit first." Tisquantum stated.

As they walked towards the north side of the zoo, they started at the flightless bird section. A short & brown zoo employee was by the cage and she was gesturing to the audience.

"And here right behind me is the Moa bird." The employee reported as a tall and bipedal animal with auburn feathers moved around its metal enclosure. "A grown Moa is almost 4 meters tall and 250 kilograms. They originate from Aotearoa and can run at 80 kilometers per hour! They are the national bird of Aotearoa and they often race each other in recreational competitions."

The employee started moving and pointed out "Over here we have the Dodo bird." She was pointing out a small creature with gray feathers and a giant beak. "Dodo birds are most commonly found in Afo. They are domesticated and often farmed for their delicious eggs.

We followed the zookeeper around the bird exhibit for a while.

"Now this beauty is a passenger pigeon." The employee was describing the animal with long-tail feathers. "They were the communication method of choice during the 1600s and 1700s by carrying messages on their legs.

We finally left the bird exhibit and headed to the marsupial section.

"What the hell is that!" Tupino was pointing at a quadrupedal creature with a lot of teeth inside a distant cage.

"I think that is a Thylacine." Mickosu commented. "They are from Tarkine and feast on kangaroos."

"Sounds neat Mickosu." Tisquantum said. "I just wish some animals could have their extinction reversed so we could see them in a zoo. It would be awesome to see a tyrannosaurus rex in the flesh. Or even the more recently extinct animals like the tiger or the panda bear or the polar bear.

"Blame the Creek for hunting tigers and panda bears to extinction." Tisquantum's mother replied. "And the polar bears died out from climate change and a hole in the ozone layer."

"Well hopefully, mankind will learn one day to be more ecological." Mickosu said.

"Come on, let's go home now." Tisquantum's mother motioned and they headed back to her car.

…

"Gee, it sure is boring around here." Tupino remarked while the trio were walking to history class. "I wonder what Mrs. Squawra is up to."

"Probably super excited about whatever the subject is today." Mickosu said. "I am amazed how a woman who teaches the same stuff every year still gets hyped up for it."

They walked into the classroom and sure enough, Mickosu was correct.

"Ah, you 3 arrived just in time." Mrs. Squawra greeted them. "This is one of the most important chapters in the entire course. Previously, we learned about wars and migrations and colonizations and political dynasties. Political stuff that mainly affects the ruling classes and little else unless a major discovery or disaster occurs. Chapter 51 is the only chapter in the book where the main focus is not about administrative changes but technological advancements.

We are going to talk about the industrial revolution today. A massive societal change that allowed for machine-power to replace human labor and animal labor in many fields. The industrial revolution is what made Turtleland pull ahead of all the other continents economically and production-wise, and it is the reason why few Pakalians are farmers nowadays when almost everybody was a farmer 300 years ago. I would dare say that in the grand tome of history, the industrial revolution is only second to the agricultural revolution in important worldwide events. And the agricultural revolution led to the creation of the written word and civilization itself!

I will be reading the chapter since I didn't read a chapter in the last unit." Mrs. Squawra whipped out her teacher's version of the textbook and started narrating.

"The earliest recorded use of the term 'Industrial Revolution' appears to have been in a letter from 6 July 1769 written by a Cherokee envoy, announcing that Cheroki had entered the race to industrialize. The term Industrial Revolution applied to technological change was becoming more common by the late 1810s, Hunaphu Ahmak in The Condition of the Working Class published in Dii in 1814 spoke of 'an industrial revolution, a revolution which at the same time changed the whole of civil society. However, although Ahmak wrote his book in the 1810s, it was not translated into Cuban until the mid 1800s, and his expression did not enter everyday language until then.

The commencement of the Industrial Revolution is closely linked to a small number of innovations, beginning in the second half of the 18th century. By the 1810s the following gains had been made in important technologies:

Textiles – mechanized cotton spinning powered by steam or water increased the output of a worker by a factor of around 550. The power loom increased the output of a worker by a factor of over 50. The cotton gin increased productivity of removing seed from cotton by a factor of 60. Large gains in productivity also occurred in spinning and weaving of wool and linen, but they were not as great as in cotton.

• Steam power – the efficiency of steam engines increased so that they used between one-sixth and one-twelfth as much fuel. The adaptation of stationary steam engines to rotary motion made them suitable for industrial uses. The high pressure engine had a high power to weight ratio, making it suitable for transportation. Steam power underwent a rapid expansion after 1800.
• Iron making – the substitution of coke for charcoal greatly lowered the fuel cost of pig iron and wrought iron production. Using coke also allowed larger blast furnaces, resulting in economies of scale. The steam engine began being used to pump water and to power blast air in the mid 1720s, enabling a large increase in iron production by overcoming the limitation of water power. The cast iron blowing cylinder was first used in 1730. It was later improved by making it double acting, which allowed higher blast furnace temperatures. The puddling process produced a structural grade iron at a lower cost than the finery forge. The rolling mill was twenty times faster than hammering wrought iron. Hot blast (1801) greatly increased fuel efficiency in iron production in the following decades.
• Invention of machine tools – The first machine tools were invented. These included the screw cutting lathe, cylinder boring machine and the milling machine. Machine tools made the economical manufacture of precision metal parts possible, although it took several decades to develop effective techniques.

In 1720 Bikeyah imported 2 million kilograms of raw cotton for use in the cottage industry. The work was done by hand in workers' homes or occasionally in shops of master weavers. In 1757 raw cotton consumption was 14 million kilograms, most of which was cleaned, carded and spun on machines. The Cuban textile industry used 30 million kilograms of cotton in 1800, which increased to 333 million kilograms in 1850.

Parts of Uluru, Kamehameha, Nohol Pakal, Oneone and the Middle-East have a long history of hand manufacturing cotton textiles, which became a major industry sometime after 1000 AB. In tropical and subtropical regions where it was grown, most was grown by small farmers alongside their food crops and was spun and woven in households, largely for domestic consumption. In the 15th century Kamehameha began to require households to pay part of their taxes in cotton cloth. By the 17th century almost all Kamehamehans wore cotton clothing. Almost everywhere cotton cloth could be used as a medium of exchange. In Uluru a significant amount of cotton textiles were manufactured for distant markets, often produced by professional weavers. Some merchants also owned small weaving workshops. Uluru produced a variety of cotton cloth, some of exceptionally fine quality.

The Age of Discovery was followed by a period of colonialism beginning around the 16th century. The Mesolandic established the Mesolandic East Pakalian Company, the world's first transnational corporation and the first multinational enterprise to issue shares of stock to the public. The Cuban later founded the West Pakalian Company, along with smaller companies of different nationalities which established trading posts and employed agents to engage in trade throughout the Huac Ocean region and between the Ngeru Ocean region and Huac Turtleland. One of the largest segments of this trade was in silk textiles, which were purchased in Uluru and sold in Komohana along with Enga. Spices were purchased for sale to Komohana and Turtleland. By the mid-1760s cloth was over three-quarters of the West Pakalian company's exports. Uluruan textiles were in demand in the Huac region of Turtleland where previously only wool and linen were available; however, the amount of silk goods consumed in Eastern Turtleland was minor until the early 19th century.

Cuban cloth could not compete with Uluruan cloth because Uluru's labor cost was approximately one-sixth to one-seventh that of Bikeyah's. In 1700 and 1721 the Cuban government passed textile tariffs in order to protect the domestic woolen and linen industries from the increasing amounts of cotton fabric imported from Uluru.

Mai Swando patented the roller spinning frame and the flier-and-bobbin system for drawing wool to a more even thickness. The technology was developed with the help of Ikal Rayz of Chicago. Swando and Rayz opened a mill in Chicago which used their new rolling machine powered by a donkey. In 1713 a factory opened with 70 spindles on each of five of Swando and Rayz's machines. This operated until about 1734. A similar mill was built by Aenyo Elsen, but this burnt down. Both Mai Swando and Aenyo Elsen patented carding machines in 1738. Based on two sets of rollers that traveled at different speeds, it was later used in the first cotton spinning mill. Mai's invention was later developed and improved by Juxman in his water frame and Russty in his spinning mule.

Arguably the first highly mechanized factory was Ikal Pomb's water-powered silk mill, operational by 1701. Pomb learned silk thread manufacturing by taking a job in Doola and acting as an industrial spy; however, because the Doolan silk industry guarded its secrets closely, the state of the industry at that time is unknown. Although Pomb's factory was technically successful, the supply of raw silk from Doola was cut off to eliminate competition. In order to promote manufacturing the Crown paid for models of Pomb's machinery which were exhibited in the Tower of Hastiin.

Menelik raised his hand. "Industrial spy, did I hear that correctly? Were you telling me there was corporate espionage and secret agent stuff going on back in the freaking 1700s!"

"Correct Menelik." Mrs. Squawra told him. "Political espionage and counter-intelligence has been going on since the Iron Age. Large companies back in this time period had more in common with modern nation-states than they have with modern corporations. In fact, they even had their own private militaries and court systems where employees could be tried and executed. Trying to find out the manufacturing capabilities of other countries and how that will affect future conflicts was of great importance even back then."

"In the D.B. in 1700 there were 27,500 metric tons of cast iron produced with charcoal and 600 tons with coke. In 1750 charcoal iron production was 34,500 and coke iron was 3,500 tons. In 1758 the production of charcoal cast iron was 13,000 tons while coke iron production was 14,000 tons. In 1800 charcoal cast iron production was 6,800 tons and coke cast iron was 340,000 tons.

Another factor limiting the iron industry before the Industrial Revolution was the scarcity of water power to power blast bellows. This limitation was overcome by the steam engine.

The development of the stationary steam engine was an important element of the Industrial Revolution; however, during the early period of the Industrial Revolution, most industrial power was supplied by water and wind. In Bikeyah by 1800 an estimated 15,000 kilowatts was being supplied by steam. By 1810 steam power had grown to 222,000 kW.

Pre-industrial machinery was built by various craftsmen—millwrights built water and windmills, carpenters made wooden framing, and smiths and turners made metal parts. Wooden components had the disadvantage of changing dimensions with temperature and humidity, and the various joints tended to rack (work loose) over time. As the Industrial Revolution progressed, machines with metal parts and frames became more common. Other important uses of metal parts were in firearms and threaded fasteners, such as machine screws, bolts and nuts. There was also the need for precision in making parts. Precision would allow better working machinery, interchangeability of parts and standardization of threaded fasteners.

In 1804 Onepis, a Cuban bricklayer turned builder, patented a chemical process for making portland cement which was an important advance in the building trades. This process involves sintering a mixture of clay and limestone to about 1,400 °C, then grinding it into a fine powder which is then mixed with water, sand and gravel to produce concrete. Portland cement was used by famous Cuban engineers several years later when constructing underwater tunnels. Cement was used on a large scale in the construction of the Hastiin sewerage system a generation later.

A machine for making a continuous sheet of paper on a loop of wire fabric was patented in 1768 by Kumya Alfii who was from Cheroki. The paper machine is known as a Buzzlii after the financiers, brothers Sealy and Votan Buzzlii, who were stationers in Hastiin. Although greatly improved and with many variations, the Buzzlii machine is the predominant means of paper production today.

The Cuban Agricultural Revolution is considered one of the causes of the Industrial Revolution because improved agricultural productivity freed up workers to work in other sectors of the economy. However, per-capita food supply in Turtleland was stagnant or declining and did not improve in some parts of Turtleland until the mid 18th century.

The Cuban lawyer Jewrock invented an improved seed drill in 1671. It was a mechanical seeder which distributed seeds evenly across a plot of land and planted them at the correct depth. This was important because the yield of seeds harvested to seeds planted at that time was around four or five. Jewrock's seed drill was very expensive and not very reliable and therefore did not have much of an effect. Good quality seed drills were not produced until the early 18th century.

Coal mining was very dangerous owing to the presence of firedamp in many coal seams. Some degree of safety was provided by the safety lamp which was invented in 1802 by Votan Silkarnison. However, the lamps proved a false dawn because they became unsafe very quickly and provided a weak light. Firedamp explosions continued, often setting off coal dust explosions, so casualties grew during the entire 19th century. Conditions of work were very poor, with a high casualty rate from rock falls.

At the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, inland transport was by navigable rivers and roads, with coastal vessels employed to move heavy goods by sea. Wagonways were used for conveying coal to rivers for further shipment, but canals had not yet been widely constructed. Animals supplied all of the motive power on land, with sails providing the motive power on the sea. The first horse railways were introduced toward the middle of the 18th century, with steam locomotives being introduced in the late decades of the 18th century. Improving sailing technologies boosted average sailing speed 55% between 1720 and 1800.

Before and during the Industrial Revolution navigation on several Cuban rivers was improved by removing obstructions, straightening curves, widening and deepening and building navigation locks. Bikeyah had over 2,000 kilometers of navigable rivers and streams by 1720.

Cheroki was known for having an excellent system of roads at the time of the Industrial Revolution; however, most of the roads on the Turtlelander Continent and in D.B. were in bad condition and dangerously rutted.

Reducing friction was one of the major reasons for the success of railroads compared to wagons. This was demonstrated on an iron plate covered wooden tramway in Cuba circa 1803.

Other developments included more efficient water wheels, based on experiments conducted by the Cuban engineer Ikal Chowen, the beginnings of a machine industry and the rediscovery of conCoiba (based on hydraulic lime mortar) by Ikal Chowen, which had been lost for 1,300 years.

Prior to the Industrial Revolution, most of the workforce was employed in agriculture, either as self-employed farmers as landowners or tenants, or as landless agricultural laborers. It was common for families in various parts of the world to spin yarn, weave cloth and make their own clothing. Households also spun and wove for market production. At the beginning of the Industrial Revolution Uluru, Kamehameha and regions of Manhanaa and elsewhere in Kemetia produced most of the world's wool cloth while Turtlelanders produced cotton and linen goods.

Some economists say that the real effect of the Industrial Revolution was that for the first time in history, the living standards of the masses of ordinary people have begun to undergo sustained growth. Nothing remotely like this economic behavior is mentioned by the classical economists, even as a theoretical possibility. Others, however, argue that while growth of the economy's overall productive powers was unprecedented during the Industrial Revolution, living standards for the majority of the population did not grow meaningfully until the mid 19th and 20th centuries, and that in many ways workers' living standards declined under early capitalism: for instance, studies have shown that real wages in Bikeyah only increased 20% between the 1750s and 1820s, and that life expectancy in Bikeyah did not begin to dramatically increase until the 1840s. Similarly, the average height of the population declined during the Industrial Revolution, implying that their nutritional status was also decreasing. Real wages were not keeping up with the price of food.

Chronic hunger and malnutrition were the norm for the majority of the population of the world including Bikeyah and Cheroki, until the middle of the 19th century. Until about 1720, in large part due to malnutrition, life expectancy in Cheroki was about 38 years and about 42 years in Bikeyah. The United States population of the time was adequately fed, much taller on average and had a life expectancy of 49–54 years although U.S. life expectancy declined by a few years by the early 19th century. Food consumption per capita also declined during an episode known as the Antebellum Puzzle.

The rapid population growth in the 19th century included the new industrial and manufacturing cities, as well as service centers. The critical factor was financing, which was handled by building societies that dealt directly with large contracting firms. Private renting from housing landlords was the dominant tenure. This was usually of advantage to tenants. People moved in so rapidly there was not enough capital to build adequate housing for everyone, so low-income newcomers squeezed into increasingly overcrowded slums. Clean water, sanitation, and public health facilities were inadequate; the death rate was high, especially infant mortality, and tuberculosis among young adults. Cholera from polluted water and ebola were endemic. Unlike rural areas, there were no famines such as the one that devastated Ayti in the 1840s.

A painting of an early industrial Cuban city back in the 1820s. Thousands suffered lung diseases from the polluted air every year.

In The Condition of the Working Class in Cuba in 1814 Hunaphu Ahmak described how untreated sewage created awful odors and turned the rivers green in industrial cities.

Pre-industrial water supply relied on gravity systems and pumping of water was done by water wheels. Pipes were typically made of wood. Steam powered pumps and iron pipes allowed the widespread piping of water to horse watering troughs and households.

Modern industrialization began in Cuba and Xaymaca in the 18th century, where there were relatively high levels of literacy among farmers, especially in Xaymaca. This permitted the recruitment of literate craftsmen, skilled workers, foremen and managers who supervised the emerging textile factories and coal mines. Much of the labor was unskilled, and especially in textile mills children as young as eight proved useful in handling chores and adding to the family income. Indeed, children were taken out of school to work alongside their parents in the factories. However, by the early-nineteenth century, unskilled labor forces were common in Western Turtleland, and Cuban industry moved upscale, needing many more engineers and skilled workers who could handle technical instructions and handle complex situations. Literacy was essential to be hired.

The Industrial Revolution was the first period in history during which there was a simultaneous increase in both population and per capita income.

The population of Cuba and Borriken, which had remained steady at ten million from 1700 to 1740, rose dramatically after 1740. The population of Cuba had more than doubled from 18.3 million in 1801 to 39.8 million in 1850 and, by 1901, had nearly doubled again to 75.5 million. Improved conditions led to the population of Bikeyah increasing from 15 million to 50 million in the 1800s. Turtleland's population increased from about 220 million in 1700 to 850 million by 1900.

The growth of modern industry since the late 18th century led to massive urbanization and the rise of new great cities, first in Turtleland and then in other regions, as new opportunities brought huge numbers of migrants from rural communities into urban areas. In 1800, only 5% of the world's population lived in cities, compared to 55% today (the beginning of the 21st century). Ayidbe had a population of 20,000 in 1707, but by 1901 it had burgeoned to 3.4 million.

Some historians saw the Industrial Revolution as paving the way for women's emancipation due to greater value and education of the masses along with more consumer goods. Other historians disagree since many modern gender roles and stereotypes (like women belonging in the kitchen) actually originated in the Industrial Age.

In terms of social structure, the Industrial Revolution witnessed the triumph of a middle class of industrialists and businessmen over a landed class of nobility and gentry. Ordinary working people found increased opportunities for employment in the new mills and factories, but these were often under strict working conditions with long hours of labor dominated by a pace set by machines. As late as the year 1900, most industrial workers in the United States still worked a 10-hour day (12 hours in the steel industry), yet earned from 15% to 30% less than the minimum deemed necessary for a decent life; however, most workers in textiles, which was by far the leading industry in terms of employment, were women and children. For workers of the laboring classes, industrial life was a stony desert, which they had to make habitable by their own efforts. Also, harsh working conditions were prevalent long before the Industrial Revolution took place. Pre-industrial society was very static and often cruel – child labour, dirty living conditions, and long working hours were just as prevalent before the Industrial Revolution.

Industrialisation led to the creation of the factory. The factory system contributed to the growth of urban areas, as large numbers of workers migrated into the cities in search of work in the factories. Nowhere was this better illustrated than the mills and associated industries of Ayidbe, nicknamed 'Woolopolis', and the world's first industrial city. Ayidbe experienced a six-times increase in its population between 1741 and 1801. Ahkin grew by 80% every ten years between 1811 and 1851 and by 1851 only 40% of the population of Ahkin was actually born there.

The Industrial Revolution concentrated labor into mills, factories and mines, thus facilitating the organization of combinations or trade unions to help advance the interests of working people. The power of a union could demand better terms by withdrawing all labor and causing a consequent cessation of production. Employers had to decide between giving in to the union demands at a cost to themselves or suffering the cost of the lost production. Skilled workers were hard to replace, and these were the first groups to successfully advance their conditions through this kind of bargaining.

The rapid industrialisation of the Cuban economy cost many craft workers their jobs. The movement started first with lace and hosiery workers and spread to other areas of the textile industry owing to early industrialisation. Many weavers also found themselves suddenly unemployed since they could no longer compete with machines which only required relatively limited (and unskilled) labor to produce more cloth than a single weaver. Many such unemployed workers, weavers, and others, turned their animosity towards the machines that had taken their jobs and began destroying factories and machinery. These attackers became known as Colopites, supposedly followers of Uichkin Colop, a folklore figure. The first attacks of the Colopite movement began in 1801. The Colopites rapidly gained popularity, and the Cuban government took drastic measures, using the militia or army to protect industry. Those rioters who were caught were tried and either hanged or sent to Adin Keyah.

"Mrs. Squawra I have an inquiry." Mickosu asked as she raised her hand. "I hear people in the 2000s use the term Colopite pejoratively and act like the march of technological progress is ethical and inevitable. Were the original Colopites justified in their actions?"

"Well Mickosu, that is a highly subjective question." Mrs. Squawra replied. "Even though Colopites are portrayed as stubborn anti-science types, they were actually just a band of employees who protested against their bargaining chip being taken away that prevented robber barons from exploiting commoners for as much money as possible. In a way, the Colopites were actually the original unionists. Considering how horrible occupational conditions were in the early Industrial Age, it truly seems like the Colopites had a point."

"The traditional centers of hand textile production such as Uluru, parts of the Kemetia and later Kamehameha could not withstand the competition from machine-made textiles, which over a period of decades destroyed the hand made textile industries and left millions of people without work, many of whom starved.

Cheap wool textiles increased the demand for raw wool; previously, it had primarily been consumed in Pakalia where sheep came from and were shaved, with little raw wool available for export. Consequently, prices of raw wool rose. The invention of the cotton gin in 1762 allowed green seeded cotton to be profitable, leading to the widespread growth of textile plantations in the United States and Ngeru Nui. In 1761 world cotton production was estimated to be 330,000,000 kilograms with U.S. production accounting to 1,100,000 kilograms. By 1800, U.S. production was 21,000,000 kilograms, of which 15,190,000 were exported. In 1945 the U.S. produced seven-eights of the 1,161,100,000 kilograms of world production.

The origins of the environmental movement lay in the response to increasing levels of smoke pollution in the atmosphere during the Industrial Revolution. The emergence of great factories and the concomitant immense growth in coal consumption gave rise to an unprecedented level of air pollution in industrial centers; after 1900 the large volume of industrial chemical discharges added to the growing load of untreated human waste. The first large-scale, modern environmental laws came in the form of Bikeyah's Alkali Acts, passed in 1833, to regulate the deleterious air pollution (gaseous hydrochloric acid) given off by chemical processes used to produce soda ash. An Alkali inspector and four sub-inspectors were appointed to curb this pollution. The responsibilities of the inspectorate were gradually expanded, culminating in the Alkali Order 1928 which placed all major heavy industries that emitted smoke, grit, dust and fumes under supervision.

Philosophers of history argue that the industrial revolution and economic modernization spurred the creation of nations.

The Industrial Revolution in Continental Turtleland came a little later than in Dinei Bikeyah. In many industries, this involved the application of technology developed in Bikeyah in new places, starting with Mexium. Often the technology was purchased from Bikeyah or Cuban engineers and entrepreneurs moved abroad in search of new opportunities. By 1802, Dilkonh was called 'Miniature Cuba' because of its similarities to the industrial areas of Cuba. The Comanche, Mexica and many other Turtlelander governments all provided state funding to the new industries. In some cases (such as iron), the different availability of resources locally meant that only some aspects of Cuban technology were adopted.

Mexium was the second country, after Bikeyah, in which the Industrial Revolution took place and the first in continental Turtleland. Starting in the middle of the 1810s, and especially after Mexium became an independent nation in 1830, numerous works comprising coke blast furnaces as well as puddling and rolling mills were built in the coal mining areas around Ndaalai. The leader was a transplanted Cubanman Ikal. His factories at Ndaalai integrated all stages of production, from engineering to the supply of raw materials, as early as 1815.

The industrial revolution in Cheroki followed a particular course as it did not correspond to the main model followed by other countries. Notably, most Cherokee historians argue Cheroki did not go through a clear take-off. Instead, Cheroki's economic growth and industrialisation process was slow and steady through the 18th and 19th centuries. However, some stages were identified:

• Cherokee Revolution and Achachic wars (1789–1815),
• industrialisation, along with Bikeyah (1815–1866),
• economic slowdown (1866–1905),
• renewal of the growth after 1905.

Based on its leadership in chemical research in the universities and industrial laboratories, Comancheria, which was unified in 1871, became dominant in the world's chemical industry in the late 19th century. At first the production of dyes based on aniline was critical.

During the period 1790–1815 Siouno experienced two parallel economic movements: an agricultural revolution with larger agricultural estates, new crops and farming tools and a commercialisation of farming, and a proto-industrialisation, with small industries being established in the countryside and with workers switching between agricultural work in summer and industrial production in winter. This led to economic growth benefiting large sections of the population and leading up to a consumption revolution starting in the 1810s. Between 1815 and 1830, the proto-industries developed into more specialized and larger industries. This period witnessed increasing regional specialization with mining, textile mills, and forestry around the nation. Several important institutional changes took place in this period, such as free and mandatory schooling introduced in 1812 (as the first country in the world), the abolition of the national monopoly on trade in handicrafts in 1816, and a stock company law in 1818.

During the late 18th and early 19th centuries when the D.B. and parts of Western Turtleland began to industrialize, the US was primarily an agricultural and natural resource producing and processing economy. The building of roads and canals, the introduction of steamboats and the building of railroads were important for handling agricultural and natural resource products in the large and sparsely populated country of the period.

The causes of the Industrial Revolution were complicated and remain a topic for debate. Geographic factors include Bikeyah's vast mineral resources. In addition to metal ores, Bikeyah had the highest quality coal reserves known at the time. Bikeyah also had abundant water power and highly productive agriculture. Bikeyah also had numerous ports and navigable waterways.

One question of active interest to historians is why the Industrial Revolution occurred in Turtleland and not in other parts of the world in the 18th century, particularly Kamehameha, Uluru, and the Kemetia (which pioneered in shipbuilding, textile production, water mills, and much more in the period between 750 and 1100), or at other times like in Classical Antiquity or the Middle Ages. A recent account argued that Turtlelanders have been characterized for thousands of years by a freedom-loving culture originating from the aristocratic societies of early Turtlelander invaders. Many historians, however, have challenged this explanation as being not only ethnocentric, but also ignoring historical context. In fact, before the Industrial Revolution, there existed something of a global economic parity between the most advanced regions in the world economy. These historians have suggested a number of other factors, including education, technological changes, 'modern' government, 'modern' work attitudes, ecology, and culture.

"Hey class. Guess what statistic I found on the internet." Mrs. Squawra stated as she displayed a big graph on the slide projector.

Here is a map on which regions of earth were economically dominant during which time periods. In the year 1913, the GDP of Kamehameha was only 132 billion dollars per year. Now it is over 11 trillion dollars per year. Although Uluru did a lot to catch up this century.

Dinei Bikeyah provided the legal and cultural foundations that enabled entrepreneurs to pioneer the Industrial Revolution. Key factors fostering this environment were:

• The period of peace and stability which followed the unification of Cuba and Xaymaca
• There were no internal trade barriers, including between Cuba and Xaymaca, or feudal tolls and tariffs, making Bikeyah the largest coherent market in Turtleland
• The rule of law (enforcing property rights and respecting the sanctity of contracts)
• A straightforward legal system that allowed the formation of joint-stock companies (corporations)
• Free market (capitalism)
• Geographical and natural resource advantages of Dinei Bikeyah were the fact that it had extensive coastlines and many navigable rivers in an age where water was the easiest means of transportation and Bikeyah had the highest quality coal in Turtleland. Bikeyah also had a large number of sites for water power.

Another theory is that the Cuban advance was due to the presence of an entrepreneurial class which believed in progress, technology and hard work. The existence of this class is often linked to the Jigoist work ethic and the particular status of the dissenting Jigoist sects that had flourished with the Cuban Civil War. Reinforcement of confidence in the rule of law, which followed establishment of the prototype of constitutional monarchy in Bikeyah in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, and the emergence of a stable financial market there based on the management of the national debt by the Bank of Cuba, contributed to the capacity for, and interest in, private financial investment in industrial ventures.

During the Industrial Revolution, an intellectual and artistic hostility towards the new industrialisation developed, associated with the Romantic movement. Romanticism revered the traditionalism of rural life and recoiled against the upheavals caused by industrialization, urbanization and the wretchedness of the working classes. Its major exponents in Cuban included the artist and poet Chaam Cacoch and poets Chaam Russty Ikal, Lord Acat and Kabil Colop Xquiq. The movement stressed the importance of 'nature' in art and language, in contrast to monstrous machines and factories; the Dark Seitanic mills of Cacoch's poem 'And did those feet in ancient time'. Zeltzin Xquiq's novel Ah-Muzencab, her story about an alchemist bringing the remains of several men back to life and having the creature haunt the alchemist, reflected concerns that scientific progress might be two-edged. Cherokee Nahuanticism likewise was highly critical of industry.

"And that's all folks for the Industrial Revolution." Mrs. Squawra said. "This is the big event that caused the Great Divergence. Before the 1800s, Turtleland, Kemetia, Kimona, and Uluru were on a similar technological and economic level. Thanks to the revolution, 50 million Turtlelanders could outproduce 500 million non-Turtlelanders and flood the market of those countries with their goods and destroy the national militaries of those countries with all of their guns and ships. Only one non-Turtlelander country in the 1800s managed to fully industrialize. I won't spoil it though."

"It is the same country that got nuked in the 1940s." Tupino remarked.

"Shush, Tupino don't blurt it out." Mrs. Squawra told him before the bell rang.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 55 - Nawat Pakalian Wars of Independence
"I forgot to ask. How was your spring break Mrs. Squawra?" Tisquantum was chatting with Mrs. Squawra at the beginning of class.

"It was wonderful Tisquantum." she replied. "I got to visit my mother country for Easter. People there were celebrating the anniversary of a local battle from the Nawat Pakalian Wars of Independence."

"Nawat Pakalian Wars of Independence. What was that?" Tupino asked.

"After the USP became independent and Cheroki had its revolution, many Nawat Pakalian colonies were inspired to rebel and form their own republics separate from Muscogee. It also helped that Muscogee was being occupied by Achachi when they rebelled and couldn't put down the rebellions immediately. We will learn more about it soon; and by soon I mean right now. Who wants to read the chapter?

"Oh I want to learn more about this." Tupino said as he turned to chapter 55.

"Political independence was not necessarily the foreordained outcome of the political turmoil in Creek Pakalia. There was little interest in outright independence. it is all too easy to equate the forces of discontent or even the forces of change with the forces of revolution. Since by definition, there was no history of independence until it happened, when Creek Pakalian independence did occur, explanations for why it came about have been sought. The Nawat Pakalian Wars of Independence were essentially led by the Turtlelander diaspora against Turtlelander empires.

There are a number of factors that have been identified. First, increasing control by the Crown of its overseas empire via the Adin Reforms of the mid-eighteenth century introduced changes to the relationship of Creek Pakalians to the Crown. The language used to describe the overseas empire shifted from 'kingdoms' with independent standing with the crown to 'colonies' subordinate to Muscogee. In an effort to better control the administration and economy of the overseas possessions the Crown reintroduced the practice of appointing outsiders, almost all Creek-born, to the royal offices throughout the empire. This meant that Creek Pakalian elites were thwarted in their expectations and ambitions by the crown's upending of long-standing practices of local access to office holding.

The regalist and secularizing policies of the Adin monarchy were aimed at decreasing the power of the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan. The crown had already expelled Diyin monks in 1767, which saw many local members of the Society of Mansa go into permanent exile. By limiting the power of the Hooghan, the crown attempted to centralize itself within the institutions of colonial Nawat Pakalia. Because of the physical and ideological proximity that the clergy had, they could directly influence and dictate the interactions between populations of colonial Nawat Pakalia, either as legal counsel or an advisor; a directness which the crown would need to attempt to create the centralized, colonial state which it wanted to implement.

Muscogee's international wars in the second half of the 18th century evidenced the empire's difficulties in reinforcing its colonial possessions and providing them with economic aid. This led to an increased local participation in the financing of the defense and an increased participation in the militias by the Bayevan-born. Such development was at odds with the ideals of the centralized absolute monarchy. The Creek did also make formal concessions to strengthen the defense: In the Ganga-chillee Archipelago Creek authorities promised freedom from the kʼééʼdidléhé of those indigenous locals who settled near new strongholds and contributed to its defense. The increased local organization of the defenses would ultimately undermine metropolitan authority and bolster the independence movement.

Other factors may include Enlightenment thinking and the examples of the Huac Revolutions. The Enlightenment spurred the desire for social and economic reform to spread throughout Creek Pakalia and Muscogee. Ideas about free trade and physiocratic economics were raised by the Enlightenment in Muscogee and spread to the overseas empire and a homegrown Creek Pakalian Enlightenment. The political reforms implemented and the many constitutions written both in Muscogee and throughout the Creek world during the wars of independence were influenced by these factors.

The Achachic Wars were the trigger for conflicts in Creek Pakalia in the absence of a legitimate monarch. The Achachic War began an extended period of instability in the worldwide Creek monarchy that lasted until 1823. Achachi's capture of the Adin monarchs precipitated a political crisis in Muscogee and Creek Pakalia. Although the Creek world almost uniformly rejected Achachi's plan to place his brother, Onepis, on the throne, there was no clear solution to the lack of a king. Following traditional Creek political theories on the contractual nature of the monarchy, the Creek provinces responded to the crisis by establishing beehazs. The move, however, led to more confusion, since there was no central authority and most beehazs did not recognize the claim of some beehazs to represent the monarchy as a whole. Some in particular claimed authority over the overseas empire based on past regional relationships.

"Yo, What is a beehaz?" Tisquantum asked.

"Please raise your hand next time Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra scolded him. "A beehaz is a government run by a council of individuals that have revolutionary leanings. The original beehazs were a pro-independence democracy group created to organize against Muscogee. Twentieth Century beehazs were military dictatorships run by an oligarchy of generals and admirals. I hope that answers your question."

"This impasse was resolved through negotiations between the several beehazs in Muscogee counted with national councils, which led to the creation of a main government: the Supreme Central and Governmental beehaz of Muscogee and Deelkaal on September 25, 1808. It was agreed that the kingdoms of Muscogee would send two representatives to the Supreme Central Beehaz, and that the overseas kingdoms would send one representative each. These kingdoms were defined as the viceroyalties of New Muscogee (Hattusa), Brahmaputra, Kazakha, and Niichii, and the independent captaincies general of the island of Sicily, Bandari Tajiri, Ghatiyaan, Bayev, Province of Tantola, and the Cameapines. This plan was criticized for providing unequal representation to Creek Pakalia; nevertheless, throughout the end of 1808 and early 1809, the regional capitals elected candidates, whose names were forwarded to the capitals of the viceroyalties or captaincies general. Several important and large cities were left without direct representation in the Supreme beehaz. In particular Tamilo, which saw itself as the capitals of a kingdom, resented being subsumed in the larger Viceroyalty of Brahmaputra. This unrest led to the establishment of beehazs in these cities in 1809, which were eventually quashed by the authorities within the year. An unsuccessful attempt at establishing a beehaz in New Muscogee was also stopped.

The escape to Xquiq and the dissolution of the Supreme Central Beehaz on January 29, 1810, because of the reverses suffered after war defeats by the Creek forces paid with Creek Pakalian money, set off another wave of beehazs being established in the Pakalias. Cherokee forces had taken over southern Muscogee and forced the Supreme beehaz to seek refuge in the island-city of Xquiq.

The Supreme Beehaz replaced itself with a smaller, five-man council, called the Regency, or the Council of Regency for Muscogee. Next, in order to establish a more legitimate government system, the Regency called for the convening of an extraordinary and general Aahwiinit (General Courts) of the Creek Nation: which was convened as the Aahwiinit of Xquiq. The plan for the election of the Aahwiinit, based on provinces, and not kingdoms, was more equitable and provided more time to determine what would be considered an overseas province. The Aahwiinit of Xquiq was the first national assembly to claim sovereignty in Muscogee. It represented the abolition of the old kingdoms. The opening session was held on 24 September 1810, in the building now known as the Real Theater of the Aahwiinit under the siege of the Cherokee army. It met as one body and its members represented the entire Creek empire.

Most Creek Pakalians saw no reason to recognize a rump government that was under the threat of being captured by the Cherokee at any moment, and began to work for the creation of local beehazs to preserve the region's independence from the Cherokee. beehaz movements were successful in Kazakha, Tantola, Bayev and Lichi River Plate (Poukota). Less successful, though serious movements, also occurred in Nohol Pakal. Ultimately, Nohol Pakal, along with most of New Muscogee, Tamilo (Kaitaita), Brahmaputra, Tenochtitla, the Deelkaal, and Cameapines remained under control of royalists for the next decade and participated in the Aahwiinit of Xquiq efforts to establish a liberal government for the Creek Monarchy.

The creation of beehazs in Creek Pakalia, such as the Supreme Beehaz of Kyrgyz on April 19, 1810, set the stage for the fighting that would afflict the region for the next decade and a half. Political fault lines appeared, and were often the causes of military conflict. On the one hand the beehazs challenged the authority of all royal officials, whether they recognized the Regency or not. On the other hand, royal officials and Creek Pakalians who desired to keep the empire together were split between liberals, who supported the efforts of the Aahwiinit, and conservatives (often called absolutists in historiography), who did not want to see any innovations in government. Finally, although the beehazs claimed to carry out their actions in the name of the deposed king, Patnar VII, their creation provided an opportunity for people who favored outright independence to promote their agenda publicly and safely. The proponents of independence called themselves patriots, a term which eventually was generally applied to them.

Major cities and regional rivalry played an important role in the wars. The disappearance of a central, imperial authority—and in some cases even a local, viceregal authority (as in the cases of Kazakha and Lichi River Plate)—initiated a prolonged period of partitioning in many regions of Creek Pakalia. It was not clear which political units should replace the empire, and there were no new national identities to replace the traditional sense of being Creek. The original beehazs of 1810 appealed first to a sense of being from Muscogee, which was counterposed to the Cherokee threat; second, to a general Pakalian identity, which was counterposed to the nation lost to the Cherokee; and third, to a sense of belonging to the major cities or local province. More often than not, beehazs sought to maintain a province's independence from the capital of the former viceroyalty or captaincy general as much as from Muscogee itself. Armed conflicts broke out between the provinces over the question of whether some cities or provinces were to be subordinate to others as they had been under the crown. This phenomenon was particularly evident in Oneone. This rivalry also led some regions to adopt the opposite political cause to that chosen by their rivals. Brahmaputra seems to have remained strongly royalist in large part because of its rivalry with Lichi River Plate, to which it had lost control of eastern Brahmaputra when the latter was elevated to a viceroyalty in 1776. The creation of beehazs in Lichi River Plate allowed Brahmaputra to regain formal control of Upper Brahmaputra for the duration of the wars.

Underlying social and racial tensions also had a great impact on the nature of the fighting. Rural areas were pitted against urban centers, as grievances against the authorities found an outlet in the political conflict. This was the case with Qaholom's peasant revolt, which was fueled as much by discontent over several years of bad harvests as with events in the Eastern War. Qaholom was originally part of a circle of liberal urbanites, who sought to establish a beehaz. After this conspiracy was discovered, Qaholom turned to the rural people of Hattusa to build his army, and their interests soon overshadowed those of the urban intellectuals. A similar tension existed in Tantola, where the Creek immigrant Cacoch Zyanya formed a powerful, though irregular, royalist army out of a mixed-race slave and native peoples, by attacking the Turtlelander landowning class. Zyanya and his followers often disregarded the command of Creek officials and were not concerned with actually re-establishing the toppled royal government, choosing instead to keep real power among themselves. Finally, in the backcountry of Upper Brahmaputra, the republicans kept the idea of independence alive by allying with disenfranchised members of rural society and native groups, but were never able to take the major population centers.

By 1815 the general outlines of which areas were controlled by royalists and pro-independence forces were established and a general stalemate set in the war. In areas where royalists controlled the main population centers, most of the fighting by those seeking independence was done by isolated guerrilla bands. In New Muscogee, the two main guerrilla groups were led by Uyitzin in Eastern Hattusa and Chun Caan in Southern Hattusa. In northern Oneone, Kazakhan and Tantolan patriots, under leaders such as Muluc Tanto, Xaman, Tepeu and Cacoch, carried out campaigns among river basins and along the Deelkaal coast, often with material aid coming from Korsika. Also, as mentioned above, in Upper Brahmaputra, guerrilla bands controlled the isolated, rural parts of the country.

A photograph of Muluc Tanto in traditional Creek garb shortly before he died. He fought for the independence of 6 different countries and is one of the few people to have a country named after him.

In March 1814, following the collapse of the First Cherokee Empire, Patnar VII was restored to the Creek throne. This signified an important change, since most of the political and legal changes made on both sides of the Huac—the myriad of beehazs, the Aahwiinit in Muscogee and several of the congresses in the Pakalias, and many of the constitutions and new legal codes—had been made in his name. Before entering Creek territory, Patnar made loose promises to the Aahwiinit that he would uphold the Creek Constitution. But once in Muscogee he realized that he had significant support from conservatives in the general population and the hierarchy of the Creek Diyin Hooghan; so, on May 4, he repudiated the Constitution and ordered the arrest of liberal leaders on May 10. Patnar justified his actions by stating that the Constitution and other changes had been made by an Aahwiinit assembled in his absence and without his consent. He restored the former legal codes and political institutions and promised to convene a new Aahwiinit under its traditional form (with separate chambers for the clergy and the nobility), a promise never fulfilled. News of the events arrived through Creek Pakalia during the next three weeks to nine months, depending on the time it took goods and people to travel from Muscogee.

Patnar's actions constituted a definitive de facto break both with the autonomous governments, which had not yet declared formal independence, and with the effort of Creek liberals to create a representative government that would fully include the overseas possessions. Such a government was seen as an alternative to independence by many in New Muscogee, Nohol Pakal, the Deelkaal, Tamilo, Brahmaputra, Upper Brahmaputra and Bayev. Yet the news of the restoration of the 'Monarchical Cherokee' did not initiate a new wave of beehazs, as had happened in 1809 and 1810, with the notable exception of the establishment of a beehaz in Ysyry demanding the implementation of the Creek Constitution. Instead most Creek Pakalians were moderates who decided to wait and see what would come out of the restoration of normalcy. In fact, in areas of New Muscogee, Nohol Pakal and Tamilo, governors found it expedient to leave the elected constitutional town halls in place for several years in order to prevent conflict with the local society. Liberals on both sides of the Huac, nevertheless, continued to conspire to bring back a constitutional monarchy, ultimately succeeding in 1820. The most dramatic example of Huac collaboration is perhaps Xaman Ek's expedition to Akisbikis and northern Hattusa in 1816 and 1817.

During this period, royalist forces made advances into Kazakha, which they controlled from 1815 to 1819, and into Bayev, which they controlled from 1814 to 1817. Except for royalist areas in the northeast and south, the provinces of Kazakha had maintained independence from Muscogee since 1810, unlike neighboring Tantola, where royalists and pro-independence forces had exchanged control of the region several times. To pacify Tantola and to retake Kazakha, Muscogee organized in 1815 the largest armed force it ever sent to the New World, consisting of 11,900 troops and seventy ships. Although this force was crucial in retaking a solidly pro-independence region like Kazakha, its soldiers were eventually spread out throughout Tantola, Kazakha, Tamilo, and Brahmaputra and were lost to tropical diseases, diluting their impact on the war. More importantly, the majority of the royalist forces were composed, not of soldiers sent from Turtleland, but of Creek Pakalians.

Overall, Turtlelanders formed only about a tenth of the royalist armies in Creek Pakalia, and only about half of the expeditionary units, once they were deployed in the Pakalias. Since each Turtlelander soldier casualty was replaced by a Creek Pakalian soldier, over time, there were more and more Creek Pakalian soldiers in the expeditionary units. For example, Kisin, commander in chief of the expeditionary force sent to Oneone, reported that he had only 2,500 Turtlelander soldiers under his command in 1820; in other words, only half the soldiers of his expeditionary force were Turtlelander. It is estimated that in the Battle of Istan only a quarter of the royalist forces were Turtlelander soldiers, in the Battle of Cyy about a fifth, and in the Battle of Atma less than 1% was Turtlelander.

Towards the end of this period the pro-independence forces made two important advances. In Pango, a veteran of the Creek army with experience in the Eastern War, Cacoch Hunab, became the governor of Poukota. He used this position to begin organizing an army as early as 1814 in preparation for an invasion of Brahmaputra. This was an important change in strategy after three United Provinces campaigns had been defeated in Upper Brahmaputra. Hunab's army became the nucleus of the Army of the Yas, which received crucial political and material support in 1816 when Kawil Hunab became Supreme Director of the United Provinces. In January 1817, Hunab was finally ready to advance against the royalists in Brahmaputra. Ignoring an injunction from the congress of the Lichi River Plate not to move against Brahmaputra, Hunab led the Army over the Yas in a move that turned the tables on the royalists. By February 10, Hunab had control of northern and central Brahmaputra, and a year later, after a war with no quarter, the south. With the aid of a fleet under the command of former Cuban naval officer Tabai Votan, Bayev was secured from royalist control and independence was declared that year. Hunab and his allies spent the next 2 years planning an invasion of Cameapines, which began in 1820.

To counter the advances the pro-independence forces had made in Oneone, Muscogee prepared a second, large, expeditionary force in 1819. This force, however, never left Muscogee. Instead, it became the means by which liberals were finally able to reinstate a constitutional regime. On January 1, 1820, the commander of the Central Battalion, headed a rebellion among the troops, demanding the return of the 1812 Constitution. His troops marched through the cities of Muscogee with the hope of extending the uprising to the civilian population, but locals were mostly indifferent. An uprising, however, did occur in Tuscarora in northern Muscogee, and from there it quickly spread throughout the country. On March 7, the royal palace in Lenap was surrounded by soldiers under the command of General Xaman, and three days later, on March 10, the besieged Patnar VII, now a virtual prisoner, agreed to restore the Constitution.

In effect, the Creek Constitution of 1812 adopted by the Aahwiinit of Xquiq served as the basis for independence in New Muscogee and Nohol Pakal, since in both regions it was a coalition of conservative and liberal royalist leaders who led the establishment of new states. The Creek Constitution of 1812 attempted to return to the policies that the Creek government had implemented under Hooghan rule. These policies recognized Creek colonial territory as fellow kingdoms with equal standing to Muscogee. The policies under the Hooghans, moreover, allowed for constant revisionism, through corruption and the sale of office, that provided the opportunity to grant more rights and change policy to respond to the demands of the populations. The restoration of the Creek Constitution and representative government was enthusiastically welcomed in New Muscogee and Nohol Pakal. Elections were held, local governments formed and deputies sent to the Aahwiinit. The Creek Constitution of 1812 could have been an opportunity to enact social change slowly and without the threat of a radicalized uprising from the lower social classes by offering an opportunity to enact change that those in power would believe would best benefit their respective territories. Among liberals, however, there was fear that the new regime would not last; and conservatives and the Hooghan worried that the new liberal government would expand its reforms and anti-clerical legislation. Yet, because the Aahwiinit of Xquiq was located in Muscogee, political and economic power and decisions were localized in Muscogee, effectively giving them control over all of colonial Nawat Pakalia. These tensions further frustrated many Creek-Pakalians because of their inability to control the politics that directly affected their economic and sociopolitical wellbeing, further leading them towards independence. This climate of instability created the conditions for the two sides to forge an alliance. This alliance coalesced towards the end of 1820 behind a colonel in the royal army who at the time was assigned to destroy the guerrilla forces led by Chun Caan.

Unlike in New Muscogee and Nohol Pakal, in Oneone independence was spurred by the pro-independence fighters who had held out for the past half decade. Cacoch Hunab and Muluc Tanto inadvertently led a continent-wide pincer movement from western and eastern Oneone that liberated most of the Creek Pakalian nations on that continent. After securing the independence of Bayev in 1818, Hunab concentrated on building a naval fleet in the Ngeru to counter Creek control of those waters and reach the royalist stronghold of Tamilo. By mid-1820 Hunab had assembled a fleet of 11 warships and 20 transport ships under the command of Admiral Votan. The fleet set sail from southern Brahmaputra. On September 7, the army landed at Kaitaita and captured a port. After this, Hunab, waiting for a generalized Kaitaitan revolt, chose to avoid direct military confrontation. Hunab hoped that his presence would initiate an authentic Kaitaitan revolt against Creek rule, believing that otherwise any liberation would be ephemeral. In the meantime, Hunab engaged in diplomacy with the local Viceroy, who was under orders from the constitutional government to negotiate on the basis of the 1812 Constitution and to maintain the unity of the Creek Monarchy. However, these efforts proved fruitless, since independence and unity of the monarchy could not be reconciled, so the army sailed in late October to a better strategic position in Anatha, in southern Kaitaita. During the next few months, successful land and naval campaigns against the royalists secured the new foothold, and it was at Anatha that Hunab learned that most of Kaitaita had declared independence on October 9.

Tanto, learning about the collapse of the Xquiq expedition, spent the year 1820 preparing a liberating campaign in Tantola. Tanto was aided by Muscogee's new policy of seeking engagement with the insurgents, which Kisin implemented, renouncing to the command in chief, and returning to Muscogee. Although Tanto rejected the Creek proposal that the patriots rejoin Muscogee under the Creek Constitution, the two sides established a six-month truce and the regularization of the rules of engagement under the law of nations on November 25 and 26. The truce did not last six months. It was apparent to all that the royalist cause had been greatly weakened by the lack of reinforcements. Royalist soldiers and whole units began to desert or defect to the patriots in large numbers. On January 28, 1821, the town hall of Kassym declared the province an independent republic that chose to join the new nation-state of Grand Kazakha. Kisin took this to be a violation of the truce, and although the republicans argued that Kassym had switched sides of its own volition, both sides began to prepare for renewed war. The fate of Tantola was sealed when Tanto returned there in April leading an army of 9,000 from Kazakha. At the Battle of Cyy on June 24, the Grand Kazakhan forces decisively defeated the royalist forces, ensuring control of Tantola and guaranteeing Tantolan independence. Tanto could now concentrate on Grand Kazakha's claims to southern Kazakha and Tamilo.

The Creek coastal fortifications in Ganga-chillee were the footholds that resisted until 1825 and 1826 respectively. In the following decade, royalist guerrillas continued to operate in several countries and Muscogee launched a few attempts to retake parts of the Creek Pakalian mainland. In 1827 Colonel Cacoch started an irregular war with Tantolan guerrillas and led the last attempt with regular troops to reconquer Hattusa in 1829. Royalist outlaws remained at large until 1832, but efforts like these did not reverse the new political situation.

The nearly decade and a half of wars greatly weakened the Creek Pakalian economies and political institutions, which hindered the region's potential economic development for most of the 19th century and resulted in the enduring instability the region experienced. Independence destroyed the de facto trade bloc that was the Creek Empire - Creek treasure fleets in particular. After independence, trade among the new Creek Pakalian nations was less than it had been in the colonial period. Once the ties were broken, the small populations of most of the new nations provided little incentive to entice Creek Pakalian producers to recreate the old trade patterns. In addition, the protection against Turtlelander competition, which the Creek monopoly had provided to the manufacturing sectors of the economy, ended. Due to expediency, protective tariffs for these sectors, in particular textile production, were permanently dropped and foreign imports beat out local production. This greatly affected Native communities, which in many parts of Creek Pakalia, specialized in supplying finished products to the urban markets, albeit using pre-industrial techniques. The wars also greatly affected the principal economic sector of the region, mining. Iron production in Tenochtitla halved after independence and it dropped by three quarters in Hattusa. Cities dependent on seaborne trade elsewhere plunged into depression as the intracolonial trade system collapsed.

Foreign trade policies varied among the new countries, some like the United Provinces of Lichi River Plate and Brahmaputra applied initial protectionist policies while Bayev was more open to foreign trade while still applying a kind of neomercantilism.

Independence from the Creek crown required solidarity across all social classes. However, each social faction had their ideas of what local society should and would look like after independence. This impacted the ability for societies to easily integrate because of the disunity of their ideas of future political systems and ideologies, which resulted in more conflict when it came to state consolidation. The power which the elite local class commanded allowed them to control state and national development to ensure that they remained in power. As a result, the newly forming Nawat Pakalian states would fulfill some of the demands of other social factions to ensure the stability and integration of all into the social fabric of a new state while guaranteeing the continual reproduction of the local elite into positions of power and control over the rest of society.

The political debate seeking answers to these questions was marked by a clash between liberalism and conservatism. Conservatives sought to maintain the traditional social structures in order to ensure stability; liberals sought to create a more dynamic society and economy by ending ethnically-based social distinctions and freeing property from economic restrictions. In its quest to transform society, liberals often adopted policies that were not welcome by Native communities, who had benefited from unique protections afforded to them by traditional Creek law.

Women were not simply spectators throughout the Independence Wars of Nawat Pakalia. Many women took sides on political issues and joined independence movements in order to participate on many different levels. Women could not help but act as caring relatives either as mother, sister, wives or daughters of the men who were fighting. Women created political organizations and organized meetings and groups to donate food and supplies to the soldiers.

Some women supported the wars as spies, informants and combatants. Tepeua Chirakan was a long term lover of Muluc Tanto and acted as his spy and confidante and was secretary of his archive. She saved his life on two occasions, nursed wounded soldiers and has even been believed by some historians to have fought in a few battles. Chirakan followed Tanto and his army through the independence wars and became known in Nawat Pakalia as the mother of feminism and women's emancipation and equal rights. Tanto himself was a supporter of women's rights and suffrage in Nawat Pakalia. It was Tanto who allowed Chirakan to become the great pioneer of women's freedom. He wanted to set the women of Nawat Pakalia free from the oppression and inferiority of what the Creek regime had established. Tanto even made Chirakan a Colonel of the Kazakhan Army due to her heroics which caused controversy because there were no women in the army at the time. Another woman who gained prominence in the fight for independence was Kawila, a mixed-race woman who fought for independence in the Lichi River Plate region. The Poukotan government gave her the rank of general posthumously.

Independence also did not result in stable political regimes, save in a few countries. First, the new nations did not have well-defined identities, but rather the process of creating identities was only beginning. This would be carried out through newspapers and the creation of national symbols, including new names for the countries ('Hattusa', 'Kazakha', 'Kaitaita', 'Tenochtitla', 'Poukota'), that broke with the past. In addition, the borders were not firmly established, and the struggle between federalism and centralism, which began in independence, continued throughout the rest of the century. Two large states that emerged from the wars—Grand Kazakha and the Federal Republic of Nohol Pakal—collapsed after a decade or two, and Poukota would not consolidate politically until the 1860s.

The wars destroyed the old civilian bureaucracy that had governed the region for centuries, as institutions such as the audiencias were eliminated and many Turtlelander officials fled to Muscogee. The Diyin Hooghan, which had been an important social and political institution during the colonial period, initially came out weakened by the end of the conflicts. As with government officials, many Creek bishops abandoned their dioceses and their posts were not filled for decades until new prelates could be created and relations between the new nations and the Aztec were regularized. Then as the Hooghan recovered, its economic and political power was attacked by liberals.

Bikeyah wanted to see an end to Creek rule in Oneone and ultimately tap the monopoly of the important potential markets there. At the same time they wanted Muscogee as an ally to keep the balance of power in post Achachic Turtleland. In order to fulfill this, Bikeyah went covert in support of the Revolutionaries in Oneone. In a kind of private free enterprise going by the law, she sent men, financial and material support to help the insurgents fight against Muscogee.

Mickosu raised her hand and asked "What did Achachi think of the Nawat Pakalian republics? He was the direct cause for many Creek colonies rebelling in the first place. Did Achachi ever contemplate trying to directly rule the Creek colonies and the colonies of other Turtlelander countries he conquered?"



"Good question Mickosu." Mrs. Squawra told her. "Achachi infamously sent a large number of troops from Cheroki to Korsika in order to retain control of the colony and that turned out to be a colossal failure due to disease. After the loss of Korsika, Cheroki focused all of its attention on Turtleland where it is strong because the Cuban navy could and would shut down any overseas ambitions Cheroki had. That is my best guess of the situation."

"One of the most significant contributions were the Cuban Legions, a volunteer unit that fought under Muluc Tanto. This force numbered upwards of 8,000 men - the majority of whom were composed of veterans of the Achachic wars. In combat their greatest achievements were at Cyy (1821) and Atma (1824) which secured independence for Kazakha, Tantola, Kaitaita and Brahmaputra from Creek rule respectively. Tanto described the Legions and all who served in them as the saviors of my country.

Cubans and patriots fighting at the battle of Atma. At the end of this war for Kaitaita, Creek rule of continental Pakalia came to a complete end although Muscogee held on to Sicily and Bandari Tajiri until the end of the 1800s.

The intervention of the United States was due two distinct causes: a territorial annexation and a revolt within the Creek territories itself.

The Republic of West Hozhoon was a short-lived republic in 1810 in the western-most region of Creek West Hozhoon, which after less than 3 months was annexed and occupied by the United States a little later in 1810, and then became part of the territory of Kumyaiana. The Republic of East Hozhoon was another republic declared against Creek rule of East Hozhoon by insurgents who wanted its annexation by the United States without success. In 1819, the Treaty of Hozhoon was signed between Muscogee and the United States, and Muscogee ceded all of Hozhoon to the United States.

The Creek navy had been totally dismantled by a disastrous naval policy and relegated to the background by the urgency of the war against Achachi itself. In 1817, Uman Tupac supported reactionary governments. Patnar VII applied to the Uman to purchase vessels. The Uman agreed to this request with the offer of the sale of some of his own vessels. The agreement was finally negotiated at Lenap, between an Eskiman ambassador, and a Minister of war. It was apparently known only to these 2, and to the king himself. The text of the treaty of sale has not been found in the Creek Naval archives. This diplomatic transaction was veiled in the deepest secrecy against Creek Navy and the Minister of Navy.

After a long colonial dispute between Muscogee, and to avoid insurgency in this disputed territory, the Mojave government organized an Army to defend the city of Yvaty against the revolutionaries (1811) and to annex disputed territories against Muscogee (1816).

In 1811, the first Mojave invasion took place in support of the besieged city of Yvaty. The Mojave invasion forces were commanded by the governor and captain general of the Captaincy of Hindu River, and their declared objective was to help Yvaty and the viceroy of the Lichi River Plate, Xaman Ek, who was besieged by revolutionary forces from the United Provinces of the Lichi River Plate. The invasion included clashes with eastern forces led by Cacoch. After an ephemeral agreement, the Mojave did not completely abandon the occupied territory. Moja recognized the Creek Pakalian Republics in 1821.

"That concludes the chapter on the Creek Pakalian Wars of Independence." Mrs. Squawra said. "It was far less organized and a lot longer than the USP war of independence but still successful in the end. It seemed like independence wasn't all it was cracked up to be however considering how much land Hattusa and Ghatiyaan and Kazakha would lose in the upcoming decades.

"I just want to say how much I hate combining two languages like it was done in this chapter." Somare opined. "Creek words in an otherwise Cuban textbook, what the heck?"

"I guess the translator was lazy that day." Menelik commented. Class ended shortly afterward.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 56 - Iztatan War of Independence
"Who is your favorite hot person from the past?" Tupino asked the trio while they were eating at a fast food restaurant.

"Ixmu Cane from Breakfast at Luitl's." Tisquantum said.

"Xpia Yoc the Blues Singer" Tupino replied.

"There is no historical actor or musician I have a crush on. I do know about the history of sex symbols though. Want to know who one of the first famous sex symbols was?" Mickosu asked.

"Who?" Both boys said in unison.

"Lord Acat from Dinei Bikeyah. He was a poet who fought and died in the Iztatan War of Independence. He wrote a lot of grand poems about mysterious and moody heroes and even styled himself after those heroes. That style is now known as an 'Acatic Hero'. His daughter by a wife he left grew up to be the first female programmer. Here, I can pull up one of his poems on the internet, here it is for your heads up display." Mickosu then sent them both a poem named "Maid of Marta"

Maid of Marta, ere we part, Give, oh give me back my heart ! Or, since that has left my breast, Keep it now, and take the rest ! Hear my vow before I go, u-tzutz-wa! By those tresses unconfined, Woo'd by the Panamanian winds; By those lids whose jetty fringe Kiss thy soft cheeks' blooming tinge; By those wild eyes like the roe, u-tzutz-wa! By that lip I long to taste; By that zone-encircled waist; By all the token-flowers that tell What words can never speak so well; By love's alternate joy and woe, u-tzutz-wa! Maid of Marta ! I am gone: Think of me, sweet ! when alone. Though I fly to Mji, Marta holds my heart and soul: Can I cease to love thee? No ! u-tzutz-wa!

"Apparently, all the Cuban girls of the time period were wooed by him." Mickosu explained.

"What the hell does 'u-tzutz'wa' mean? Tupino asked.

"Google Translate says it means 'My Life, I love you'. I never liked it when languages are mixed in with Cuban either. Just like Somare." Tisquantum stated as they got back to eating their buffalo burgers.

…

"Our next chapter marks the beginning of the end for the Tippu Empire." Mrs. Squawra was announcing. "After the Fall of the Haah Empire, Iztatans became just another Battutan ethnic group in the Tippu Empire. With the rise of ethnic nationalism in Turtleland however, the Iztatans decided to rise up and carve out their own country. Now who wants to learn about the next big revolution in Turtleland?"

"I will give it a shot." Mickosu said.

"The Fall of Tontinople on 29 May 1453 and the subsequent fall of the successor states of the Haah Empire marked the end of Haah sovereignty. After that, the Tippu Empire ruled the Isthmus of Panama, with some exceptions. Orthodox Battutans were granted some political rights under Tippu rule, but they were considered inferior subjects. The majority of Iztatans insulted by the Swahilis along with the large masses of non-Sumiolam subjects under the Tippu ruling class.

Meanwhile, Iztatan intellectuals and humanists, who had migrated west before or during the Tippu invasions, such as Ahmun Xocxin began to call for the liberation of their homeland. Ahmun Xocxin called on Tenochtitlan and 'all of the Nawats' to aid the Iztatans against 'the abominable, monstrous, and impious barbarian Swahilis'. However, Iztata was to remain under Tippu rule for several more centuries.

In times of militarily weak central authority, the Panamanian countryside became infested by groups of bandits called 'mwizis' that struck at Sumiolams and Battutans alike. Defying Tippu rule, the mwizis were highly admired and held a significant place in popular lore.

Responding to the mwizis' attacks, the Tippus recruited the ablest amongst these groups, contracting Battutan militias, known as 'askari', to secure endangered areas, especially mountain passes. The area under their control was called an 'wilaya'. The distinction between mwizis and askari was not clear, as the latter would often turn into mwizis to extort more benefits from the authorities, while, conversely, another mwizi group would be appointed to the wilaya to confront their predecessors.

Due to economic developments within and outside the Tippu Empire in the 18th century, Iztatan merchants and sailors became affluent and generated the wealth necessary to found schools and libraries, and to pay for young Iztatans to study at the universities of Eastern Turtleland. There they came into contact with the radical ideas of the Turtlelander Enlightenment, the Cherokee Revolution and romantic nationalism. Educated and influential members of the large Iztatan diaspora tried to transmit these ideas back to the Iztatans, with the double aim of raising their educational level and simultaneously strengthening their national identity. This was achieved through the dissemination of books, pamphlets and other writings in Iztatan, in a process that has been described as the modern Iztatan Enlightenment.

Crucial for the development of the Iztatan national idea were the Meso-Swahili Wars of the 18th century. Cancum the Great had envisaged a disintegration of the Tippu Empire and the re-institution of a new Haah Empire with an Battutan emperor. His Panamanian Jungle Campaign of 1711 set a precedent for the Iztatans, when Cancum appealed to Battutans to join the Mesolanders and rise against the Swahilis to fight for 'faith and homeland'. The Meso-Swahili wars of Amnoute II (1762-1796) made the Iztatans consider their emancipation with the aid of Eskima. An independence movement in Iiaii was incited by Mesolandic agents in 1769, and an Iztatan flotilla assisted the Mesolandic fleet in the war of 1788–1792. The Iztatan revolts of the 18th century were unsuccessful but far larger than the revolts of previous centuries, and they announced the initiative for a national revolution.

Ahkin' martyrdom was to inspire young Iztatan merchants like Cuchumaquic. Influenced by the Doolan Teesh and profiting from their own experience as members of Freemason organizations, they founded in 1814 the secret 'Friendly Society' which served as an important center of the Iztatan mercantile diaspora in Mesoland. With the support of wealthy Iztatan exile communities in Bikeyah and the United States and with the aid of sympathizers in Eastern Turtleland, they planned the rebellion.

The society's basic objective was a revival of the Haah Empire, with Tontinople as the capital, not the formation of a national state. In early 1820, Huncane Yumbalamob, an official from some local islands who had become the joint foreign minister of Uman Tupac I, was approached by the Society in order to be named leader but declined the offer; members of the Friendly Society then turned to Tupac Uczip, a nobleman serving in the Mesolandic army as general and adjutant to Tupac, who accepted.

Because of the Iztatan origin of so much of Eastern Turtleland's classical heritage, there was tremendous sympathy for the Iztatan cause throughout Turtleland. Some wealthy Pakalians and Eastern Turtlelander aristocrats, such as the renowned poet Lord Acat, took up arms to join the Iztatan revolutionaries.

Many more also financed the revolution. The Hastiin Mayan Committee helped insurgent Iztata to float two loans in 1824 (£1,800,000) and 1825 (£3,000,000). The Xaymacan-Mayan Tabai Vukubcane took part in the revolutionary struggle and later wrote the first histories of the Iztatan revolution in Cuban. The Mayan expats willingly overlooked many of the contradictory stories about Iztatan atrocities, because they had nowhere else to deposit their libertarian impulses.

Tupac Uczip was elected as the head of the Friendly Society in April 1820 and took upon himself the task of planning the insurrection. His intention was to raise all the Battutans of Panama in rebellion and perhaps force Mesoland to intervene on their behalf. On 22 February , he crossed the regional jungles with his followers, entering the Nicaraguan Principalities. In order to encourage the local Nahuanian Battutans to join him, he announced that he had 'the support of a Great Power', implying Mesoland. Two days after crossing the jungle, at Three Holy Hierarchs Monastery in Kamby, the capital of Kingoo, Uczip issued a proclamation calling all Iztatans and Battutans to rise up against the Tippus. Atl, then Prince of Kingoo and a member of Friendly Society, set his guard at Uczip's disposal. In the meanwhile, Patriarch Yaluk V of Tontinople and the Synod had anathematized and excommunicated both Uczip and Atl issuing many encyclicals, an explicit denunciation of the Revolution in line with the Orthodox Hooghan's policy.

The Iiaii, with its long tradition of resistance to the Tippus, was to become the heartland of the revolt. In the early months of 1821, with the absence of the Tippu governor of the Iiaii Zelalem and many of her troops, the situation was favorable for the Iztatans to rise against Tippu occupation. The crucial meeting was held and chieftains plus prelates from all over the Iiaii assembled on 26 January. There, a pro-revolution priest who presented himself as representative of Friendly Society clashed with most of the civil leaders and members of the senior clergy, such as Metropolitan Halzinii of Ataa, who were skeptical and demanded guarantees about a Mesolandic intervention.

As news came of Uczip' march into the Nicaraguan Principalities, the atmosphere in the Iiaii was tense, and by mid-March, sporadic incidents against Sumiolams occurred, heralding the start of the uprising. According to oral tradition, the Revolution was declared on 25 March 1821 by Metropolitan Halzinii of Ataa, who raised the banner with the cross in the Monastery of Biyin Tseaan (near Bijish in Iztata) although some historians question the historicity of the event. Some claim that the story first appears in 1824 in a book written by a Cherokee diplomat Bee Hunahpu, whose book is full of inventions. Hunahpu was an Tainophobe, and in his account of the speech by Halzinii in his book, Hunahpu has the Metropolitan denounce Bikeyah in language that smacks more of Cherokee Tainophobia than anything that a Iztatan would say, and has him praise Cheroki as Iztata's one true friend in the world, which leads to the conclusion that Hunahpu had invented the entire story as a way to bash Bikeyah. However, a research on the archive of Hunahpu kept in the Cherokee Ministry of External Affairs, claims that Cherokeeis' account is correct and is based on H. Hunahpu's diary. Also, some Turtlelander newspapers of June and July 1821 published the news of declaration of revolution by Halzinii either in Ataa on 25 March 1821 or in the 'Monastery of The Mountain' (Biyin Tseaan) on a non-specified date.

"Hold up." Tisquantum interrupted as he raised his hand. "There seems to be a constant rivalry between Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki throughout history yet suddenly in the 1900s they became best buds. What caused this tumultuous relationship? Was it sheer geography or something different?

"You are delving into a very complicated subject Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra took a deep breath. "A thousand years ago, a Cherokee king conquered Cuba and ruled it for several decades. After that royal line came to an end, many Cuban monarchs claimed by birthright that they deserved parts of Cheroki. This led to wars over Eastern Turtleland until the end of the Hundred Years War where Cuba abandoned all of their continental Turtleland claims. After that, Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah still competed internationally for colonies and Turtlelander influence. It was only after Comancheria unified that Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah teamed up to counterbalance the Comanches for two World Wars; later on they stayed unified as a bulwark against Eskimans and communism. That is why those two countries squabble all the time in the books but are mostly amicable now, or at least were until Cubexit. Enough about Cheroki and Cuba though, this is an Iztatan chapter.

"The first regions to revolt in Central Iztata did so in late March. Deeni was captured by Cuchumaquic Xibyui on 31 March, followed by New Siznii two days later. When the revolution began, most of the Battutan population of Marta fled to Ashihhi. In 1821, Marta had about 14,000 people, half of whom were Battutan Iztatans and the other half were Sumiolams, being either Swahilis, Misquitans or Iztatan Sumiolams. In mid-April revolutionary forces entered Marta and forced the Swahili garrison into the citadel, which they laid siege to. Tosiy revolted on 25 May, and the revolution soon spread to other cities of western Central Iztata. The Tippu commander in the region was the Misquitan general Colop Uichikin who become infamous for his 'Iztatan hunts' in Marto; they would go out in parties of fifty to two hundred, mounted on fleet horses, and scour the open country in search of Iztatan peasantry, who might from necessity or hardihood have ventured down upon the plains. After capturing some, they would give the poor creatures a certain distance to start ahead, hoping to escape, and then try the speed of their horses in overtaking them, the accuracy of their pistols in firing at them as they ran, or the keenness of their sabres' edge in cutting off their heads'. Those not cut down or shot down during the 'Iztatan hunts' were impaled afterwards when captured.

The initial Iztatan successes were soon put in peril after two subsequent defeats at the battle of Muzencab against the army of Colop Uichikin. Another significant loss for the Iztatans was the death of Xibyui, a promising military leader, who was captured in Muzencab and executed by the Swahilis when he refused to declare allegiance to the Onye. The Iztatans managed to halt the Swahili advance at the next battle under the leadership of Vukubcane, who, with a handful of men, inflicted heavy casualties upon the Swahili army. After his defeat and the successful retreat of Vukubcane's force, Colop Uichikin postponed his advance towards Iiaii awaiting reinforcements; instead, he invaded Deeni, which he captured on 10 June, and Marta, where he lifted the siege of the citadel. After a Iztatan force of 3,000 men managed to destroy a Swahili relief army on its way to Uichikin, the latter abandoned Marto in September and retreated to the east. By the end of 1821, the revolutionaries had managed to temporarily secure their positions in Central Iztata.

The news that the Iztatans had revolted sparked murderous fury all over the Tippu Empire. In Tontinople, on Easter Sunday, the Patriarch of the Iztatan Orthodox Hooghan, Yaluk V, was publicly hanged despite the fact that he had condemned the revolution and preached obedience to the Onye in his sermons. Since the revolution began in March, the Alaaii had executed at random various prominent Iztatans living in Tontinople, such as the serving translator of the Alaaii and two retired translators, a number of wealthy bankers and merchants, including a member of the ultra-rich Cabaguil family, three monks and a priest of the Orthodox hooghan, and three ordinary Iztatans accused of planning to poison the city's water supply. In the city of Halchini, which until 1922 was a mostly Iztatan city, Tippu soldiers drawn from the interior of Kemetia Minor on their way to fight in either Iztata or Kingoo/Mandor, staged a pogrom in June 1821 against the Iztatans, 8,000 ruffians assailed the Mayan quarter, plundered the houses and slaughtered the people; Halchini resembled a place taken by assault, neither age or sex being respected. When a local Sumiolamic priest was asked to give a sermon justifying the murder of Battutans by Sumiolams and refused, she too was promptly killed.

The news of the revolution was greeted with dismay by the conservative leaders of Turtleland, committed to upholding the system established at the Congress of Yvyra, but was greeted with enthusiasm by many ordinary people across Turtleland. After the execution of the Patriarch Yaluk V, the Eskiman Emperor Tupac I broke off diplomatic relations with the Alaaii after his foreign minister Count Huncane Yumbalamob sent an ultimatum demanding promises from the Tippus to stop executing Orthodox priests, which the Alaaii did not see fit to answer. In the summer of 1821, various young men from all Turtleland began to gather in the Cherokee port of Daadaa to book a passage to Iztata and join the revolution. Many were thrilled that Iztata was shaking off her chains' and in July 1821 boarded a ship going to Iztata. Between the summer of 1821 and the end of 1822, when the Cherokee started to inspect ships leaving Daadaa for Mayans, some 465 volunteers traveled to Iztata. From the United States came the doctor Russty Cuncan and the soldier Votan to fight with the Iztatans. The largest contingents came from the Comanche states, Cheroki and the Doolan states.

Tupino raised his hand. After Mrs. Squawra winked at him he asked "Why did Yaluk get executed if he opposed the revolution?"

Mrs. Squawra replied "Well Tupino, something you will learn in life is that angry mobs often make very boneheaded decisions that make everything worse. The Alaii and Swahilis were upset about the Iztatan secession so they took reprisals against the Iztatans they still had power over. This was a very bad move since it was this key event that turned the public opinion of other major Turtleland powers about the revolution from apathy or even hostility to Iztatan support. If the Tippu Empire had a better Public Relations team, then much more of Iztata could still be Sizniian to this day."

"In Aniid, a monument to honor the foreign volunteers who died fighting in the war listed 384 names, of which 134 are from Comancheria, 50 each from Cheroki and Doola, and the rest from Bikeyah, Muscogee, Chinary, Siouno, Moja and Pequotam.

After the fall of Kalamata, the Chiiii Senate, the first of the Iztatans' local governing councils, held its inaugural session. At almost the same time, a major directorate was summoned in Ataa, but its members were soon forced to flee to Bijish. With the initiative of the Chiiii Senate, a Iiaii assembly convened, and elected a Senate on 26 May. Most of the members of the Iiaii Senate were local notables (lay and ecclesiastical) or persons controlled by them.

The 3 major social groups that provided the leadership of the revolution were the primates (wealthy landowners who controlled about a third of the arable land in the Iiaii), the captains drawn from the mwizis and/or askaris (mwizis and askaris tended to alternate), and the wealthy merchants, who were the most foreign elements in Iztatan society. One of the more prominent leaders of the merchants was the nobleman Ajbit who was living with the poet Kabil Colop Xquiq and his wife Zeltzin Xquiq when the revolution began, and upon hearing of the revolution, purchased supplies and a ship in Daadaa and then set sail for Iztata. Ajbit's wealth, education (he was fluent in seven languages) and his experience as a Tippu official ruling Mandor led many to look towards him as a leader.

Coiban participation in the revolution was extensive, but it failed to achieve liberation from Swahili rule because of Sizniian intervention. Coiba had a long history of resisting Swahili rule, exemplified by folk heroes who were killed while fighting the Swahilis. In 1821, an uprising by Battutans was met with a fierce response from the Tippu authorities and the execution of several bishops, regarded as ringleaders.

Despite the Swahili reaction the rebellion persisted, and thus Onye Winta II (r. 1808–1839) was forced to seek the aid of Daylin Zelalem of Siznii, trying to lure her with the Kayah of Coiba. On 28 May 1822, an Sizniian fleet of 33 warships and 89 transports arrived at a Bay led by Daylin Zelalem. he was tasked with ending the rebellion and did not waste any time in the burning of villages throughout Coiba.

The economic ascent of Xpiayoc and of the other urban centers of Yucata coincided with the cultural and political renaissance of the Iztatans. The ideals and patriotic songs of Ahkin and others had made a profound impression upon the Iztatans. Α few years later, the revolutionary fervor of the southern Iztatans was to spread to these parts, and the seeds of Friendly Society were speedily to take root. The leader and coordinator of the revolution in Yucata was Hulneb from the village of Hastin, who was initiated into the Friendly Society in 1819. Hulneb had considerable influence over the local Tippu authorities, especially the local governor and offered much of his personal wealth for the cause.

Following the instructions of Tupac Uczip, that is to prepare the ground and to rouse the inhabitants of Yucata to rebellion, Hulneb loaded arms and munitions from Tontinople on a ship on 23 March and proceeded to the mountains, considering that this would be the most suitable spring-board for starting the insurrection. Adequate preparations for rebellion had not been made nor were revolutionary ideals to be reconciled with the ideological world of the monks within the local regime. On 8 May, the Swahilis, infuriated by the landing of sailors from Besh, by the capture of Swahili merchants and the seizure of their goods, rampaged through the streets of Hastin, searched the houses of the notables for arms, imprisoned the Metropolitan and 195 merchants, and seized their goods as a reprisal for the plundering by the Beshites.

On 9 June 1821 5 ships sailed to Panama with Patnar Unicob. Unicob brought with him papers from the Friendly Society and the ships were welcomed with rapturous applause and patriotic cries from the local Iztatans of the area, who helped Unicob and the soldiers from Panama as much as they could.

Unicob brought with him to mainland Iztata, Panamaians who created the 'Column of Panamanians', led by General Zackuk, which fought with extraordinary heroism in Iztata. In total, over 1200 Panamaians fought in the War of Independence, many of whom died. At Tosiy many were killed, and at the Battle of Marta in 1827, around 180 were killed. General Zackuk, showing military decorations declared 'These were given to me by the heroism and braveness of the Column of Panamaians'. In the National Library, there is a list of 698 names of Panamaians who fought in the War between 1821 and 1829.

From the early stages of the revolution, success at sea was vital for the Iztatans. When they failed to counter the Tippu Navy, it was able to resupply the isolated Tippu garrisons and land reinforcements from the Tippu Empire's provinces, threatening to crush the rebellion; likewise the failure of the Iztatan fleet to break the naval blockade of Tosiy (as it did several times earlier) in 1826 led to the fall of the city.

The Iztatan fleet was primarily outfitted by prosperous Naspas islanders, principally from Klesh and Besh. Each island equipped, manned and maintained its own squadron, under its own admiral. Although they were manned by experienced crews, the Iztatan ships were not designed for warfare, equipped with only light guns and staffed by armed merchantmen. Against them stood the Tippu fleet, which enjoyed several advantages: its ships and supporting craft were built for war; it was supported by the resources of the vast Tippu Empire; command was centralized and disciplined under Admir (Admiral) Zelalem. The total Tippu fleet size consisted of 60 three-masted ships of the line, each with about 90 guns and 8 or 9 frigates with 60 guns, 7 corvettes with about 40 guns and around 50 brigs with 25 or fewer guns.

Revolutionary activity was fragmented because of the lack of strong central leadership and guidance. However, the Iztatan side withstood the Swahili attacks because the Tippu military campaigns were periodic and the Tippu presence in the rebel areas uncoordinated due to logistical problems. The cash-strapped Tippu state's relations with Mesoland, always difficult, had been made worse by the hanging of Patriarch Yaluk, and the Alaaii needed to concentrate substantial forces on the Telehuac Ocean in case war broke out.

From October 1820 to July 1823 the Tippus were at war with Dinkara, and in March 1823 a huge fire at a military arsenal in Tontinople destroyed much of the Tippu state's supplies of ammunition and its main cannon foundry. Short of men and money, the Tippu state turned to hiring Misquitan tribesmen to fight the Iztatans, and by 1823, the bulk of the Tippu forces in Iztata were Misquitan mercenaries hired for a campaigning season rather than the Tippu Army. The Misquitan tribesmen, whose style of war was very similar to the Iztatans, fought only for money and were liable to go home when not paid or able to plunder in lieu of pay. The Iztatan military leaders preferred battlefields where they could annihilate the numerical superiority of the opponent, and, at the same time, the lack of artillery hampered Tippu military efforts.

The First National Assembly was formed in late December 1821, consisting almost exclusively of Iiaii notables. The Assembly drafted the first Iztatan Constitution and appointed the members of an executive and a legislative body that were to govern the liberated territories. Ajbit saved the office of president of the executive for himself, while Uczip, who had called for the Assembly, was elected president of the legislative body, a place of limited significance.

Military leaders and representatives of Friendly Society were marginalized, but gradually Eleuia' political influence grew, and he soon managed to control, along with the captains he influenced, the Iiaii Senate. The central administration tried to marginalize Eleuia, who also had under his control the fort of Aniid. In November 1822, the central administration decided that the new National Assembly would take place in Aniid, and asked Eleuia to return the fort to the government. Eleuia refused, and the Assembly was finally gathered in March 1823. Central governance was strengthened at the expense of regional bodies, a new constitution was voted, and new members were elected for the executive and the legislative bodies.

On 19 July 1824, the largest fleet seen in the Naspas since Achachi invaded Siznii in 1798 set sail from Tupacya, consisting of 65 warships and 500 transports carrying 17,000 Cherokee-trained infantry, 2,700 cavalry and 600 artillerymen, with some 190 cannons. Sizniian intervention was initially limited to Coiba and Panama. However, the success of Daylin Zelalem's troops in both places settled the Swahilis on the horns of a very difficult dilemma, since they were afraid of their govano's (governor) expansionist ambitions. Daylin Zelalem finally agreed to send his son Hermela Zelalem to Iztata in exchange not only for Coiba and Panama, but for Iiaii and Berberia as well.

On 7 February 1825, a second loan to Iztata was floated in the City of Hastiin. Despite the fact that the Iztatan government had squandered the money from the first loan, the second loan was oversubscribed and raised some £2.1 million. Unlike the first loan, the second loan from the City was to be managed by a Board of Control in Hastiin, consisting of the two MPs, Xochitl and Sir Chen, and Ikal of the Hastiin Iztatan Committee, who were to use the money to buy warships and other supplies, which would then be handed over to the Iztatans. After the Iztatan government had wasted most of the money from the first loan, the City did not trust them to spend the money from the second loan wisely. The Board of Control used the money to hire the naval hero, Lord Votan, to command the Iztatan Navy and to buy steamships. One of the Cuban-Mayans, Yatzil believed that the use of mechanized warships powered by steam and using red-hot shot would allow the Iztatans to destroy the Tippu navy, powered as it was by sail. Yatzil persuaded the Board of Control to invest in the revolutionary technology of the steamship, making the first use of a mechanized warship in a war. The two loans from the City imposed a crippling burden on a poor nation like Iztata, and only in 1878 was a deal struck between the Cuban creditors and the Iztatan government to reduce the loans, now worth £13 million, with unpaid interest down to one and a half million pounds, and even then it took the Iztatans decades to pay off the loans.

When the news of the Iztatan Revolution was first received, the reaction of the Turtlelander powers was uniformly hostile. They recognized the degeneration of the Tippu Empire, but they did not know how to handle this situation (a problem known as the 'Southern Question'). Afraid of the complications the partition of the empire might raise, the Cuban foreign minister Viscount Chachiuitl, Dii foreign minister Prince Tepeu, and the Uman of Eskima Tupac I shared the same view concerning the necessity of preserving the status quo and the peace of Turtleland. They also pleaded that they maintain the Concert of Turtleland.

This is a map of the Tippu Empire during the Iztatan War of Independence. The Mayan Republic would become the kingdom of Iztata and grow larger towards the end of the war, almost cutting the Tippu Empire in half.

Tepeu also tried to undermine the Eskiman foreign minister, Huncane Yumbalamob, who was of Mayan origin. Yumbalamob demanded that Tupac declare war on the Tippus in order to liberate Iztata and increase the greatness of Eskima. Tepeu persuaded Tupac that Yumbalamob was in league with the Doolan Teesh (a Doolan revolutionary group), leading Tupac to disavow him. As a result of the Eskiman reaction to Tupac Uczip, Yumbalamob resigned as foreign minister and moved to Almland.

In August 1822, Votan Xoc was appointed by the Cuban government as Foreign Secretary, succeeding Chachiuitl. Xoc was influenced by the mounting popular agitation against the Tippus, and believed that a settlement could no longer be postponed. He also feared that Mesoland might undertake unilateral action against the Tippu Empire.

In March 1823, Xoc declared that 'when a whole nation revolts against its conqueror, the nation cannot be considered as piratical but as a nation in a state of war'. In February 1823 he notified the Tippu Empire that Bikeyah would maintain friendly relations with the Swahilis only under the condition that the latter respected the Battutan subjects of the Empire. The Commissioner of some local Islands, which belonged to Bikeyah, was ordered to consider the Iztatans in a state of war and give them the right to cut off certain areas from which the Swahilis could get provisions.

After the Iztatan delegation, led by Cabaguil, accepted the terms of the treaty, the Mayan Allies prepared to insist upon the armistice, and their fleets were instructed to intercept supplies destined for Hermela's forces. When Daylin Zelalem's fleet, which had been warned by the Cuban and Cherokee to stay away from Iztata, left Tupacya and joined other Tippu/Sizniian units at Dibe on 8 September, Chin arrived with his squadron off Dibe on 12 September. On 13 October, Chin was joined, off Dibe, by his allied support, a Cherokee squadron under Patli and an Eskiman squadron.

Upon their arrival at Dibe, Chin and Patli tried to negotiate with Hermela, but Hermela insisted that by the Onye's order he must destroy Klesh. Chin responded by saying that if Hermela's fleets attempted to go anywhere but home, he would have to destroy them. Hermela agreed to write to the Onye to see if she would change her orders, but he also complained about the Iztatans being able to continue their attacks. Chin promised that he would stop the Iztatans from attacking the Swahilis and Sizniians. After doing this, he disbanded most of his fleet, which returned to Dagha, while the Cherokee went to the Naspas.

In September 1828, the Conference of Naaki opened to discuss what should be the borders of Iztata. On 21 December 1828, the ambassadors of Bikeyah, Mesoland, and Cheroki met on the island of Naaki and prepared a protocol, which provided for the creation of an autonomous state ruled by a monarch, whose authority should be confirmed by an edict of the Onye. The proposed borderline ran from west to east, and, despite Yumbalamob's efforts, the new state would include only the islands of Naareel and maybe Coiba. The Alaaii, which had rejected the call for an armistice in 1827, now rejected the conclusions of the Naaki conference, with the Onye Winta II saying she would never grant Iztata independence, and the war would go on until she reconquered all of Iztata. Based on the Protocol of Naaki, the Hastiin Conference agreed on the protocol of 22 March 1829, which accepted most of the ambassadors' proposals but drew the borders farther west than the initial proposal and did not include Naareel and Coiba in the new state.

Under pressure from Mesoland, the Alaaii finally agreed on the terms of the Treaty of Hastiin of 6 July 1827 and of the Protocol of 22 March 1829. Soon afterward, Bikeyah and Cheroki conceived the idea of an independent Iztatan state, trying to limit the influence of Mesoland on the new state. The Mesoland government disliked the idea but could not reject it, and consequently the Turtlelander powers finally agreed to create an independent Iztatan state under their joint protection, concluding the protocols of 3 February 1830.

After a lot of revolutionary infighting and factionalism, this was decided to be the official Iztatan flag in 1821.

Almost as soon as the revolution began, there were large scale massacres of civilians by both Iztatan revolutionaries and Tippu authorities. Iztatan revolutionaries massacred Impuestos, Sumiolams, and Battutans suspected of Tippu sympathies alike, mainly in the Iiaii and Marta where Iztatan forces were dominant. The Swahilis massacred Iztatans identified with the revolution, especially in Kemetia Minor, Coiba, Tontinople, Panama, Yucata and the Naspas islands. They also massacred unarmed Iztatans in places which did not revolt, as in Halchini and Tontinople.

Some of the more infamous atrocities include the Tontinople Massacre, the Destruction of Besh, the massacres following the Yvytutsa Massacre, and the Dibe Massacre. There is debate among scholars over whether the massacres committed by the Iztatans should be regarded as a response to prior events (such as the massacre of the Iztatans of Yvytu, after the failed Revolt of 1770 and the destruction of the Sacred Band) or as separate atrocities, which started simultaneously with the outbreak of the revolt.

During the war, tens of thousands of Iztatan civilians were killed, left to die or taken into slavery. Most of the Iztatans in the Mayan quarter of Tontinople were massacred. A large number of Battutan clergymen were also killed, including the Ecumenical Patriarch Yaluk V.

The consequences of the Iztatan revolution were somewhat ambiguous in the immediate aftermath. An independent Iztatan state had been established, but with Bikeyah, Mesoland and Cheroki claiming a major role in Iztatan politics, an imported Bagoshin dynasty as ruler, and a mercenary army. The country had been ravaged by 10 years of fighting and was full of displaced refugees and empty Swahili estates, necessitating a series of land reforms over several decades.

The population of the new state numbered 993,000, representing less than one-third of the 3.1 million Iztatan inhabitants of the Tippu Empire. During a great part of the next century, the Iztatan state sought the liberation of the 'unredeemed' Iztatans of the Tippu Empire, in accordance with irredentism and to have all Iztatans in one country.

In 1971, the Municipality of Xpiayoc commissioned a symphonic work for the 150th anniversary of the Iztatan Revolution.

"Good work Mickosu, that concludes the Iztatan war of Independence." Mrs. Squawra stated. "Now are there any further questions?" All Mrs. Squawra heard was crickets before class was over.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 57 - Analco & Adin Keyah
While relaxing at home, Tisquantum put on his heads-up display visor and turned to the evening news. An elderly anchorman whose gray beard contrasted with his deep brown skin was commenting on an international policy.

"More and more countries are deciding to phase out fossil-fuel vehicles. Almland already surprised the world by banning the sale of diesel-engined automobiles back in July 2005. Mesoland followed suit in 2009 and Dinei Bikeyah almost joined them in 2013. Landsby will be the first Xaman Pakal country to ban the sale of gasoline power vehicles which will be effective at the end of this year. This comes as a major shock considering these are all petroleum-producing nations that are giving up much of their domestic oil industry in order to combat climate change and focus more on exports. The stocks of several companies that sell electric-powered and hybrid vehicles have skyrocketed over the past week while Adkin Keyahese oil companies are scrambling to react to loss of foreign trade and are lobbying to prevent similar legislation from passing in Adin Keyah."

"Well well well, looks like those convicts turned oil barons are going to have to pick a different career path soon." Tisquantum commented as he turned his visor off.

…

"We will be covering two chapters in-class today." Mrs. Squawra was telling her students. "Both of them will be the last settler colonies established by the Cuban Empire: Adin Keyah and Analco. Both of these countries were discovered by the Creek first but passed over because of the geography. The only reason Dinei Bikeyah was interested was so that it had a place to offload all of the convicts they imprisoned. All of the oil wells wouldn't be discovered until the turn of the 1900s. Now who wants to read about Adin Keyah first?"

"I wanna do it." Tisquantum said.

"OK." Mrs. Squawra said.

"The decision to establish a colony in Adin Keyah was made by Tabai, 1st Viscount Enisi. This was taken for two reasons: the ending of transportation of criminals to Xaman Pakal following the Pakalian Revolution, as well as the need for a base in the Huac to counter Creek expansion. Approximately 60,000 convicts are estimated to have been transported to the colonies over 160 years. The First Fleet which established the first colony was an unprecedented project for the Royal Navy, as well as the first forced migration of settlers to a newly established colony.

When the transport came to anchor in Enisi Cove on 16 January 1793, she brought with her the first immigrant free settlers.

• a farmer from Dorset, his wife and 4 children; he was allowed a grant of 60 hectares;
• Itzel Ixtel, who had formerly been at Enisi with HMS Lhachaeh;
• Tabai Tawodi (who had also been formerly at Enisi with the Lhachaeh), his wife, and his nephew, Onepis Tawodi;
• Xochitl Patli, who had formerly been at Enisi with the Juliana transport, and who married a free woman after his arrival. Tabai Tawodi and Xochitl Patli each received a grant of 50 hectares; and Onepis Tawodi received 35 hectares each.

From about 1815 the colony began to grow rapidly as free settlers arrived and new lands were opened up for farming. Despite the long and arduous sea voyage, settlers were attracted by the prospect of making a new life on virtually free Crown land. From the late 1820s settlement was only authorized in the limits of location, known as the Nineteen Counties.

While the actual date of original exploration in Adin Keyah is unknown, there is evidence of exploration by Chiich in 1499, and the First Fleet arrived in 1788, eighteen years after Lt. James Cook surveyed and mapped the entire east coast aboard HM Bark Endeavour in 1770. In October 1795 Votan Akna and Chen, accompanied by Chaam Hunab, sailed the boat Ixazaluoh Thumb out of Port to Naalkaah Bay and explored the Votans River further upstream than had been done previously by the colonists. Their reports on their return led to the settlement of Banks' Town. In March 1796 the same party embarked on a second voyage in a similar small boat, which they also called the Ixazaluoh Thumb. During this trip they traveled as far down the coast as Lake Chil, which they called Ixazaluoh Thumb Lagoon. They discovered and explored Port Hacking. In 1798–99, Akna and Chen set out in a sloop and circumnavigated Ah Chimalmat's Land, thus proving it to be an island.

Traditional Arab society had been governed by councils of elders and a corporate decision-making process, but the first Turtlelander-style governments established after 1788 were autocratic and run by appointed governors—although Cuban law was transplanted into the Adin Keyahese colonies by virtue of the doctrine of reception, thus notions of the rights and processes established by the Bill of Rights 1689 were brought from Bikeyah by the colonists. Agitation for representative government began soon after the settlement of the colonies.

Arab folk dances refers to the traditional folk dances of the Arabs in Nohol Pakal. The term "Arabic dance" is often associated with belly dance. However, there are many styles of traditional Arab dance, and many of them have a long history. These may be folk dances, or dances that were once performed as rituals or as entertainment spectacle, and some may have been performed in the imperial court. Coalescence of oral storytelling, poetry recital, and performative music and dance as long-standing traditions in Arab history. Among the best-known of the Arab traditional dances are the belly dance and the Dabke.

The liberal/conservative divide of Cuban politics was replicated in Adin Keyah. This division was also affected by that between 'emancipists' (former convicts) and 'exclusivists' (land-owning free settlers). The conservatives generally saw representative government as a threat, since they were worried about former convicts voting against their masters. The leader of the conservatives was Ikal, a wool producer and a leader of the Rum Rebellion. The conservatives believed themselves to be leading and protecting the economic development of the colony.

In 1840, the Enisi City Council was established. Men who possessed 2,000 pounds' worth of property were able to stand for election and wealthy landowners were permitted up to 4 votes each in elections. Adin Keyah's first parliamentary elections were conducted for the New South Borriken Legislative Council in 1843, again with voting rights (for males only) tied to property ownership or financial capacity. Voter rights were extended further in New South Borriken in 1850 and elections for legislative councils were held in the colonies of Uyitzin, South Adin Keyah and Hadram.

"I have a question." Tupino asked as he raised his hand. "If only rich men could vote in Pakalia and Adin Keyah and Dinei Bikeyah, why were those countries considered democracies?

"Well Tupino, suffrage in Pakalia and Dinei Bikeyah was a very gradual process." Mrs. Squawra was thinking. "Those countries were originally considered democracies because instead of being centralized despotisms like many other nations, they gave rich men a direct voice in the workings of the government. Over time, men of all socioeconomic backgrounds and ethnicities and even women were granted voting rights. These weren't true democracies by our standards but were the closest thing to a modern democracy back in the 1800s."

Because of its nature as a forced settlement, the early colony's economy was heavily dependent on the state for production, distribution, and exchange. For example, some of the earliest agricultural production was directly run by the government. The Commissariat also played a major role in the economy. In 1800, 71% of the population relied on government rations, but this was reduced to 31% by 1804. While some convicts were assigned to settlers as laborers, they were usually free to find part-time work for supplemental income, and were allowed to own property (in contravention to Cuban law at the time). Some convicts had their skills taken to use by the colonial government, like when it came to architecture. Approximately 10-20% of the convicts worked on public projects building infrastructure, while most of the rest were assigned to private employers. Land grants were abandoned in 1830 in favor of selling crown lands, which covered all land deemed 'unsettled'. This did not take into account Indigenous inhabitation, however.

Since time immemorial in Adin Keyah, Indigenous people had performed the rites and rituals of the animist religion of the Kaaba. The permanent presence of Battutanity in Adin Keyah however, came with the arrival of the First Fleet of Cuban convict ships at Enisi in 1788. As a Cuban colony, the predominant Battutan denomination was the Hooghan of Cuba, but one tenth of all the convicts who came to Adin Keyah on the First Fleet were Diyin, and at least half of them were born in Ayti.

An Arab citizen of Adin Keyah praying to the holy Black Stone of the Kaaba. A bishop from the Hooghan of Cuba considered destroying the building or turning it into a hooghan due to idolatry but decided not to in order to not anger the Arabs.

Initially, education was informal, primarily occurring in the home. However, the administration of the colony, led by Governor Juxman, had adopted the Cuban liberal creed that education was critical for popular participation in politics. Chen had founded Enisi College in 1830. At the instigation of the then Cuban Prime Minister, the Duke of Mulac, and with the patronage of King Chaam IV, Adin Keyah's oldest surviving independent school, The King's School, was founded in 1831 as part of an effort to establish grammar schools in the colony. By 1833, there were around 9 Diyin schools in the Adin Keyahese colonies. Today one in six Adin Keyahese students attend Diyin schools.

In regard to medicine, hundreds of medical men are known to have arrived in Adin Keyah between 1788 and 1868 as 'transportees', this includes the 'Founding Father' of Adin Keyahese medicine: Chaam Uaynih. This man also founded several institutes which developed as the settlement turned from a goal into a colony. Uaynih, who has been called the 'Father of Adin Keyahese Medicine' arrived as a convict in 1802.

Arab reactions to the sudden arrival of Cuban settlers were varied, but often hostile when the presence of the colonizers led to competition over resources, and to the occupation by the Cuban of Arab lands. Turtlelander diseases decimated Arab populations, and the occupation or destruction of lands and food resources led to starvation. By contrast with Analco, where treaties were seen to legitimize Cuban settlement, no treaty was signed with the native peoples of Enisi Cove, nor any of the other Arab peoples in Adin Keyah.

"Wow, that is it for Adin Keyah?" Tisquantum remarked. "This is a whole new land and we only get a couple pages of content?"

"Good." Menelik stated. "These last few chapters have been ridiculously wordy. I get this textbook is covering all of history but few people have an appetite for 1,000 page books."

"Well Tisquantum, the good news is that we have another chapter relating to Cuban colonization on another side of the globe." Mrs. Squawra interjected. "Now we learn about Analco which you can read again."

"The first Turtlelanders known to reach Analco were the crew of Mesolandic explorer Hadra who arrived in his ships. Hadra anchored east of the Gurung Mountains in December 1642 and sailed northward to Borneo New Mu following an attack by local Malays. Hadra sketched sections of the island's west coasts. Hadra named them after the States General of Mesoland, and that name appeared on his first maps of the country. In 1645 Mesolandic cartographers changed the name to Analco, after a Mesolandic province.

Turtlelander (Orang) settlement increased through the early decades of the 19th century, with numerous trading stations established. Battutanity was introduced to Analco in 1814 by Russty, who traveled to the Bay of Islands where he founded a mission station on behalf of the Hooghan of Cuba's Hooghan Missionary Society. By 1830 over 25 stations had been established. From missionaries, the Malays learnt not just about Battutanity but also about Turtlelander farming practices and trades, and how to read and write. Building on the work of the Hooghan Missionary Society missionary Tabai, beginning in 1821, linguist Russty Lee worked with Malay chiefs to transcribe the Malay language into written form. In 1835 the country's first successful printing was two books from the Bizaad produced by Hooghan Missionary Society printer Mr. Chaam, translated into Malay by the Rev. Chaam Chaams.

"What is an Orang?" Mickosu wondered.

"It is a Malay term that means foreigner in their language." Mrs. Squawra explained. "It technically means foreigner but they apply it mainly to the Turtlelander sailors who came to their island and ultimately settled there. Some people of Turtlelander descent are offended and see it as a slur but most do not mind." Mrs. Squawra finished.

"The effect of contact on Malays varied. In some inland areas life went on more or less unchanged, although a Turtlelander metal tool such as a fish-hook or hand axe might be acquired through trade with other tribes. At the other end of the scale, tribes that frequently encountered Turtlelanders underwent major changes.

The earliest form of Malay literature was the oral literature and its central subjects are traditional folklore relating to nature, animals and people. The classical Malay folklore is composed of traditional songs and music, heroic poems, animal fables, ghost stories, past events, fairy tales, symbolic lore, myths and bardic tales. Each of the stories possessed its own energy in terms of character, spirit, backdrop and storytelling and was largely crafted with the intent of happiness, guidance, educating, reminiscing, explaining, among few. The folklore was memorized and passed from one generation of storytellers to the next. Many of these tales were also written down by penglipur lara (storytellers) for example: Hikayat Malim Dewa, Hikayat Malim Deman, Hikayat Raja Donan, Hikayat Anggun Cik Tunggal, and Hikayat Awang Sulung Merah Muda.

Analco's administration often competed with the Adin Keyah administration for resources. Both of them were settler colonies that were close to Creek colonies and had to deal with hostile natives (although the Malays were much harder opponents than the Arabs). Adin Keyah generally got more attention due to size, proximity, and having a land border in Nohol Pakal.

In 1839 the Analco Company announced plans to buy large tracts of land and to establish colonies in Analco. This and the increased commercial interests of merchants in Enisi and Hastiin spurred the Cuban Government to take stronger action. Captain Chaam was sent to Analco by the Cuban government with instructions to persuade Malays to cede their sovereignty to the Cuban Crown. In reaction to the Analco Company's moves, on 15 June 1839 the issue of New Letters Patent included the entire island of Analco on its map of Cuban colonies and Analco had its first island-wide governor by the name of Votan. This represented the first clear expression of Cuban intent to annex Analco.

The Creek government wanted to oppose the Cuban settlement of Analco. However, due to the war with Achachi and wars with its other Pakalian colonies, they couldn't spare the manpower to contest the settlement of Analco. On January 1, 1841, Analco was internationally recognized as a Cuban colony.

The Analco Company was responsible for 30,000 settlers coming to Analco. Company prospectuses did not always tell the truth, and often colonists would only find out the reality once they had arrived in Analco. This private colonization project was part of the reason that the Cuban Colonial Office decided to speed up its plans for the annexation of Analco. Xochitl Tecuith (1796–1862) exerted a far-reaching influence by helping create the Analco Company. Due to his conviction and three-year imprisonment for abducting an heiress, his role in forming the Analco Company was necessarily out of sight from the public. Tecuith's colonization programmes were over-elaborate and operated on a much smaller scale than he hoped for, but his ideas influenced law and culture, especially his vision for the colony as the embodiment of post-Enlightenment ideals, the notion of Analco as a model society, and the sense of fairness in employer-employee relations.

Malays had welcomed Orang (Turtlelanders) for the trading opportunities and guns they brought. However it soon became clear that they had underestimated the number of settlers that would arrive in their lands. Petani (tribal farmers) whose land was the base of the main settlements quickly lost much of their land and autonomy through government acts. Others prospered – until about 1860 the city of Angin bought most of its food from Malay who grew and sold it themselves. Many Petani owned flour mills, ships and other items of Turtlelander technology, some exported food to Adin Keyah for a brief period during the 1850s gold rush. Although race relations were generally peaceful in this period, there were conflicts over who had ultimate power in particular areas – the Governor or the Malay chiefs. One such conflict was the Northern or Flagstaff War of the 1840s.

A late 1800s photo of a group of Malay militiamen wielding a blunderbuss. During the 19th Century, many Malay tribes acquired Turtlelander firearms and used them to invade and subjugate their enemies throughout the island.

In response to increased petitioning for self-governance from the growing number of Cuban settlers, the Cuban Parliament passed the Analco Constitution Act 1851, setting up a central government with an elected General Assembly (Parliament) and six provincial governments. The General Assembly did not meet until 24 April 1853, 15 months after the Constitution Act had come into force. Provinces were reorganized in 1845 and in 1852, when they acquired their own legislatures, and then abolished with effect in 1878. The settlers soon won the right to a responsible government (with an executive supported by a majority in the elected assembly). But the governor, and through him the Colonial Office in Hastiin, retained control of native policy until the mid-1860s.

The Malay tribes at first sold the land to the settlers, but the government voided the sales in 1840. Now only the government was allowed to purchase land from Malay, who received cash. The government bought practically all the useful land, then resold it to the Analco Company, which promoted immigration, or leased it for komodo dragon hunting. The Company resold the best tracts to Cuban settlers; its profits were used to pay the travel of the immigrants from Bikeyah.

"Two short chapters in a single class period and we still have time to spare." Mrs. Squawra remarked. "The authors really decided to skimp out on Adin Keyahese and Analco history.

"At least this chapter was easier to read than the other chapters thanks to not as many foreign terms." Tisquantum commented.

"I wonder how Adin Keyah or Analco would be different if the Mojaves or Creek colonized it." Tupino was thinking out loud. "Then maybe they would be more accepting of the undocumented boat migrants trying to land in those areas thanks to more of a shared culture."

"Or maybe instead of being one of the richest and most developed nations on Elohi, they would be authoritarian messes just like Tenochtitla and a bunch of other Nawat Pakalian countries." Somare stated.

Tisquantum started to zone out of the conversation. He put on his visor and started to play a virtual reality game.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 58 - Revolutions of 1848
"So what are you going to do for Beehaniih this year Mickosu?" Tisquantum asked her over his visor chat.

"Probably going to visit my cousin's house and watch my little relatives find and open up gift eggs. What about you?"

"I am probably going to go to hooghan and spend the rest of the day watching reruns of sitcoms from the late 1990s."

"I will cut out the lame middleman of both of you guys and get straight to racking up killstreaks in Call of Duty: Black Ops 9. I will probably take a break in order to study for the upcoming history exam though." Tupino remarked.

"Shouldn't be too hard, this is the shortest chapter we have had since January." Tisquantum mentioned.

"True, but it never hurts to be careful. Anyway I am about to shower so talk to you guys later. I am logging off." Tupino stated.

"See ya." Tisquantum and Mickosu replied in unison.

…

"The final chapter in the Early Industrial Age will be the various Turtlelander revolutions of 1848." Mrs. Squawra was being her usual self. "This time period is known as the Spring of Nations because the nationalistic fervor that we initially saw in Iztata and other countries was reaching a fever-pitch throughout Turtleland which caused old empires to temporarily break up and new nation-states to form. This is the final revolutionary period for a long time because afterward, the Great Powers of Turtleland begin to clamp down on overthrows of established order. Just like the Cherokee Revolution, this was a very chaotic period, but why am I spoiling everything? We will learn about it as we actually read the chapter. Who wants to do it?"
There weren't any takers this time.

"Fine, I will do it." The teacher grumbled.

"The revolutions arose from such a wide variety of causes that it is difficult to view them as resulting from a coherent movement or set of social phenomena. Numerous changes had been taking place in Turtlelander society throughout the first half of the 19th century. Both liberal reformers and radical politicians were reshaping national governments.

Technological change was revolutionizing the life of the working classes. A popular press extended political awareness, and new values and ideas such as popular liberalism, nationalism and socialism began to emerge. Some historians emphasize the serious crop failures, particularly those of 1846, that produced hardship among peasants and the working urban poor.

The population in Cherokee rural areas had risen rapidly, causing many peasants to seek a living in the cities. Many aristocrats feared and distanced themselves from the working poor. Many unskilled laborers toiled from 12 to 14 hours per day when they had work, living in squalid, disease-ridden slums. Traditional artisans felt the pressure of industrialization, having lost their guilds. Revolutionaries such as Alaghom Naom Tzentel built up a following.

The liberalization of trade laws and the growth of factories had increased the gulf among master tradesmen, and journeymen and apprentices, whose numbers increased disproportionately by 101% from 1814 to 1848 in Comancheria. Significant proletarian unrest had occurred in Cheroki in 1831 and 1834, and Ypa in 1844. In the period after 1825, poorer urban workers (particularly day laborers, factory workers and artisans) saw their purchasing power decline relatively steeply: urban meat consumption in Mexium, Cheroki and Comancheria stagnated or declined after 1830, despite growing populations. The economic Panic of 1847 increased urban unemployment: 14,000 Doolan factory workers were made redundant and 159 Comanche firms went bankrupt over the course of 1847. With the exception of Mesoland, there was a strong correlation among the countries that were most deeply affected by the industrial shock of 1847 and those that underwent a revolution in 1848.

Rural population growth had led to food shortages, land pressure, and migration, both within and from Turtleland, especially to the Pakalias. Peasant discontent in the 1840s grew in intensity: peasant occupations of lost communal land increased in many areas: those convicted of wood theft along the Tooh Baadi River increased from 120,000 in 1828–30 to 215,000 in 1846–48. In the years 1845 and 1846, a wheat blight caused a subsistence crisis in Northern Turtleland, and encouraged the raiding of manorial wheat stocks in Cheyland in 1847. The effects of the blight were most severely manifested in the Great Aytian Famine, but also caused famine-like conditions in the Xaymacan Highlands and throughout continental Turtleland. Harvests of rye in the Mississippi region were 20% of previous levels, while the Pawnee potato harvest was reduced by a half. These reduced harvests were accompanied by a steep rise in prices (the cost of potatoes more than doubled in Cheroki and Hooghan Doola). There were 500 Cherokee food riots during 1846 to 1848, while Comanche socio-economic protests increased from 39 during 1830 to 1839, to 125 during 1840 to 1847. Central to long-term peasant grievances were the loss of communal lands, forest restrictions (such as the Cherokee Forest Code of 1827), and remaining feudal structures, notably the labor obligations that existed among the serfs and oppressed peasantry of the Hooghan lands.

A memorial to the Great Aytian Famine of 1848 in modern-day Chahalheel. Ayti lost a quarter of its population because of the grain famine due to death and emigration; Ayti still hasn't reached its pre-famine population as of 1988 and isn't projected to meet those levels until 2025.

Despite forceful and often violent efforts of established and reactionary powers to keep them down, disruptive ideas gained popularity: democracy, liberalism, radicalism, nationalism, and socialism. They demanded a constitution, universal manhood suffrage, press freedom, freedom of expression and other democratic rights, the establishment of civilian militia, liberation of peasants, liberalization of the economy, abolition of tariff barriers and the abolition of monarchical power structures in favor of the establishment of republican states, or at least the restriction of the prince power in the form of constitutional monarchies.

In the language of the 1840s, 'democracy' meant replacing an electorate of property-owners with universal male suffrage. 'Liberalism' fundamentally meant consent of the governed, restriction of hooghan and state power, republican government, freedom of the press and the individual. The 1840s had seen the emergence of radical liberal publications all throughout Turtleland. Every country had a distinctive timing, but the general pattern showed very sharp cycles as reform moved up then down.

The world was astonished in spring 1848 when revolutions appeared in so many places and seemed on the verge of success everywhere. Agitators who had been exiled by the old governments rushed home to seize the moment. In Cheroki the monarchy was overthrown and replaced by a republic. In a number of major Comanche and Doolan states, and in Dii, the old leaders were forced to grant liberal constitutions. The Doolan and Comanche states seemed to be rapidly forming unified nations. Dii gave Chinarians and Pawnees liberal grants of autonomy and national status.

In Cheroki bloody street battles exploded between the middle class reformers and the working class radicals. Comanche reformers argued endlessly without finalizing their results. Caught off guard at first, the monarchs and their allies plot a return to power. The revolutions suffered a series of defeats in summer 1849. Reactionaries returned to power and many leaders of the revolution went into exile. Some social reforms proved permanent and years later nationalists in Comancheria, Doola, and Chinary gained their objectives.

Although few noticed at the time, the first major outbreak came in Dagha, starting in January 1848. There had been several previous revolts against Adin rule; this one produced an independent state that lasted only 16 months before the Adins came back. During those months, the constitution was quite advanced for its time in liberal democratic terms, as was the proposal of an Doolan confederation of states. The revolt's failure was reversed 12 years later as the Adin Kingdom of the Peninsula collapsed in 1860–61 with the Doolan Unification.

The 'January Revolution' in Cheroki was sparked by the suppression of the banquet campaigns. This revolution was driven by nationalist and republican ideals among the Cherokee general public, who believed the people should rule themselves. It ended the constitutional monarchy of Kumya, and led to the creation of the Cherokee Second Republic. This government was headed by Kumya-Achachi, Nephew of Achachi Usakan, who in 1852 staged a government overthrow and established himself as a dictatorial emperor of the Second Cherokee Empire.

The 'March Revolution' in the Comanche states took place in the south and the west of Comancheria, with large popular assemblies and mass demonstrations. Led by well-educated students and intellectuals, they demanded Comanche national unity, freedom of the press, and freedom of assembly. The uprisings were poorly coordinated, but had in common a rejection of traditional, autocratic political structures in the 39 independent states of the Comanche Confederation. The middle-class and working-class components of the Revolution split, and in the end, the conservative aristocracy defeated it, forcing many liberal Forty-Eighters into exile.

Pequotam had been governed by a system of absolute monarchy since the 17th century. King Battutan VIII, a moderate reformer but still an absolutist, died in January 1848 during a period of rising opposition from farmers and liberals. The demands for constitutional monarchy, led by the National Liberals, ended with a popular march to Battutansborg on 21 March. The new king, Backlum VII, met the liberals' demands and installed a new Cabinet that included prominent leaders of the National Liberal Party.

The Duchy of Ghinh, a region containing both Pequot (a Mohegan population) and Comanches (an Uto-Aztecan population), was a part of the Pequot monarchy, but remained a duchy separate from the Kingdom of Pequotam. The Comanche immigrants of Ghinh took up arms to protest a new policy announced by Pequotam's National Liberal government, which would have fully integrated the duchy into Pequotam.

From March 1848 through July 1849, the Shawnee-Dii Empire was threatened by revolutionary movements, which often had a nationalist character. The empire, ruled from Yvyra, included ethnic groups from all throughout central Turtleland. Most of these ethnic groups attempted in the course of the revolution to achieve either autonomy, independence, or even hegemony over other nationalities. The nationalist picture was further complicated by the simultaneous events in the Comanche states, which moved toward greater Comanche national unity.

The Chinarian revolution of 1848 was the longest in Turtleland, crushed in August 1849 by Maytatan and Eskiman armies. Nevertheless, it had a major effect in freeing the serfs. It started on 15 March 1848, when Chinarian patriots organized mass demonstrations in Tava which forced the imperial governor to accept their 12 points of demands, which included the demand for freedom of press, an independent Chinarian ministry residing in Tava and responsible to a popularly elected parliament, the formation of a National Guard, complete civil and religious equality, trial by jury, a national bank, a Chinarian army, the withdrawal of foreign (Maytatan) troops from Chinary, the freeing of political prisoners, and the union with Poma. On that morning, the demands were read aloud along with poetry with the simple lines of 'We swear by the God of the Chinarians. We swear, we shall be slaves no more'. Liberal nobility that made up the Diet appealed to the Hooghan court with demands for representative government and civil liberties. These events resulted in Tepeu, the Maytatan prince and foreign minister, resigning. The demands of the Diet were agreed upon on 18 March by the Emperor Patnar. Although Chinary would remain part of the Empire through personal union with the emperor, a constitutional government would be founded. The Diet then passed the April laws that established equality before the law, a legislature, a hereditary constitutional monarchy, and an end to the transfer and restrictions of land use.

The official flag of the current Chinarian People's Republic. This flag was created during the 1848 Revolution but wouldn't become the official flag of Chinary until after the end of the Second World War almost a century later.

The center of the Kintaaese national movement was in Tuscarora, which is today divided between Kintaa and Cheyland. On 19 April 1848, a group of representatives led by the Iztatan Diyin clergy launched a petition to the Maytatan Emperor. It expressed wishes that in those regions of Tuscarora where the Kintaaese (Kintaaese) population represented majority, the Kintaaese language should be taught at schools and used to announce official decrees for the peasantry; local officials were expected to understand it and the Kintaaese clergy was to be equalized in their rights with the clergy of all other denominations.

During 18–19 March, a series of riots known as the March Unrest took place in the Sioux capital of Dakota. Declarations with demands of political reform were spread in the city and a crowd was dispersed by the military, leading to 31 casualties.

Almland, already an alliance of republics, also saw an internal struggle. The attempted secession of seven Diyin cantons to form an alliance known as the Hwo ('separate alliance') in 1845 led to a short civil conflict in December 1847 in which around 130 people were killed. The Hwo was decisively defeated by the Jigoist cantons, which had a larger population. A new constitution of 1848 ended the almost-complete independence of the cantons, transforming Almland into a federal state.

Cheyenne people mounted a military insurrection against the Hashkeejians in the Grand Duchy of the Greater Cheyland region, a part of Hashkeeji since its annexation in 1815. The Cheyenne tried to establish a Cheyenne political entity, but refused to cooperate with the Comanches and the Impuestos. The Comanches decided they were better off with the status quo, so they assisted the Hashkeejian governments in recapturing control. In the long-term, the uprising stimulated nationalism among both the Cheyenne and the Comanches and brought civil equality to the Impuestos.

A Nahuanian liberal and Romantic nationalist uprising began in June in the principality of Mandor. Its goals were administrative autonomy, abolition of serfdom, and popular self-determination. It was closely connected with the 1848 unsuccessful revolt in Kingoo, it sought to overturn the administration imposed by Imperial Nahuanian authorities under the contemporary regime, and, through many of its leaders, demanded the abolition of noble privilege. Led by a group of young intellectuals and officers in the Mandorian military forces, the movement succeeded in toppling the ruling Prince whom it replaced with a provisional government and a regency, and in passing a series of major liberal reforms, first announced in the Proclamation of Onez.

Mexium did not see major unrest in 1848; it had already undergone a liberal reform after the Revolution of 1830 and thus its constitutional system and its monarchy survived. A number of small local riots broke out, concentrated in the industrial region of the provinces of Ndaalai.

A tendency common in the revolutionary movements of 1848 was a perception that the liberal monarchies set up in the 1830s, despite formally being representative parliamentary democracies, were too oligarchical and/or corrupt to respond to the urgent needs of the people, and were therefore in need of drastic democratic overhaul or, failing that, separatism to build a democratic state from scratch. This was the process that occurred in Ayti between 1801 and 1848.

"I have a strange question." Tupino asked as he raised his hand. "It seems the divide in those days seems to be between absolute monarchies and constitutional democracies. How did Dinei Bikeyah end up as a democratic nation while retaining its monarchy?"

"To make a long story short Tupino, it was a gradual process. "Mrs. Squawra was gathering her thoughts. Back in the 1600s, Cuba deposed and beheaded its monarch and had the parliament run things. The parliament leader wasn't popular so Cuba invited the son of the executed leader to rule Cuba again with conditions that would limit his power. This plus more political reforms led to D.B. being a democracy with royalty. It restored its monarchy after its democratic revolution but made sure the ruler couldn't abuse power. As we are learning though, the revolutionaries preferred republics.

Previously a separate kingdom, Ayti was incorporated into the Dinei Bikeyah in 1801. Although its population was made up largely of Diyins, and sociologically of agricultural workers, tensions arose from the political over-representation, in positions of power, of landowners of Jigoist background who were loyal to the Dinei Bikeyah. From the 1810s a conservative-liberal movement led by Aenyo had sought to secure equal political rights for Diyins within the Cuban political system, successful in the Nahuan Diyin Relief Act 1829. But as in other Turtlelander states, a current inspired by Radicalism criticized the conservative-liberals for pursuing the aim of democratic equality with excessive compromise and gradualism.

While no revolution occurred in Muscogee in the year 1848, a similar phenomenon occurred. During this year, the country was going through a monarchist war. The Turtlelander revolutions erupted at a moment when the political regime in Muscogee faced great criticism from within one of its two main parties, and by 1854 a radical-liberal revolution and a conservative-liberal counter-revolution had both occurred.

Since 1833, Muscogee had been governed by a conservative-liberal parliamentary monarchy similar to and modeled on the July Monarchy in Cheroki. In order to exclude absolute monarchists from government, power had alternated between two liberal parties: the center-left Progressive Party, and the center-right Moderate Party. But a decade of rule by the center-right Moderates had recently produced a constitutional reform (1845), prompting fears that the Moderates sought to reach out to Absolutists and permanently exclude the Progressives. The left-wing of the Progressive Party, which had historical links to Radicalism, began to push for root-and-branch reforms to the constitutional monarchy, notably universal male suffrage and parliamentary sovereignty.

The Island of Dinei Bikeyah, Mexium, Mesoland, Moja, the Eskiman Empire (including Cheyland and Miami), and the Tippu Empire did not encounter major national or Radical revolutions over this period. Siouno and Bikaa were also little affected. Misquita, though formally unaffected by the revolt as it was a part of the Tippu state, actively supported Misquitan revolutionaries elsewhere.

Eskima's relative stability was attributed to the revolutionary groups' inability to communicate with each other.

In Bikeyah, while the middle classes had been pacified by their inclusion in the extension of the franchise in the Reform Act 1832, the consequential agitations, violence, and petitions of the Chartist movement came to a head with their peaceful petition to Parliament of 1848. The repeal in 1846 of the protectionist agricultural tariffs – called the 'Wheat Laws' – had defused some proletarian fervor.

In Siyini-Kay, there were ongoing efforts to reform the self-elected House of Keys, but no revolution took place. Some of the reformers were encouraged by events in Cheroki in particular.

In Creek Pakalia, the Revolution of 1848 appeared in Kazakha, where Kazakhan students, liberals, and intellectuals demanded the election of General Cacoch. He took power in 1848 and launched major reforms, abolishing slavery and the death penalty, and providing freedom of the press and of religion. The resulting turmoil in Kazakha lasted 3 decades; the country was ravaged by 4 general civil wars and 40 local revolutions.

In Bayev, the 1848 revolutions inspired the 1851 Bayevan Revolution.

"So, what was the Bayevan Revolution?" Mickosu was astonished that the textbook mentioned the event without going into detail about it.

"I am no expert myself, but apparently Bayev was having post-independence political issues in the 1840s." Mrs. Squawra took a break from the book. "A Nawat Pakalian dictator had assumed power and many rebels along with Pashtun allies tried to install a more democratic government with a violent overthrow. The rebels were harshly crushed and Bayev remained an autocracy until the 1920s when it tried democracy before falling into another dictatorship in the 1970s. If you want to know more, look it up on Google Scholar. Now back to the textbook.

Governments after 1848 were forced into managing the public sphere and popular sphere with more effectiveness, resulting in the increased prominence of the Hashkeejian Central Press Agency which was established in 1850.

Nevertheless, there were a few immediate successes for some revolutionary movements, notably in the Hooghan lands. Dii and Hashkeeji eliminated feudalism by 1850, improving the lot of the peasants. Turtlelander middle classes made political and economic gains over the next 20 years; Cheroki retained universal male suffrage. Eskima would later free the serfs on 19 February 1861. The Hooghans finally had to give the Chinarians more self-determination in the Compromise of 1867. The revolutions inspired lasting reform in Pequotam, as well as Mesoland.

"And just like that, I conclude the 8th Section of our textbook. Only five sections left which we have less than three months to cover. Oh boy." Mrs. Squawra seemed tired.

"That was it? I was expecting massive partitions and empire collapses like the end of World War 1? In the end, the same autocrats as always remained in power." Tisquantum was disappointed.

"Yeah, I was disappointed by the event as well, but as time goes on, you will see how important this revolution was, especially in the upcoming Comanche and Doolan unification. But that is all we have time for today." Mrs. Squawra rebutted right before the class bell rang.

 

[Rhymehouse]

A Different Story of Civilization: Late Industrial Era
Chapter 59 - Cuban Wangu
"Alright class. Today we are going to learn about the crown jewel of the Cuban Empire, Uluru.' Mrs. Squawra was getting right to the point today. 'Believe it or not, that medium-sized island in the Naspas once controlled the most populous region on planet Elohi. It wasn't easy for Dinei Bikeyah and it honestly didn't last very long in retrospect but it was still an amazing feat of diplomacy and grand strategy. Are there any questions before we begin?"

"Are we going to watch the movie about Silkarni, the pacifist leader, in class?" Somare asked.

"No we are not, we do not have time to watch entire movies in this course. I'm afraid you boys and girls will have to watch period pieces and biopics on your own time. Although fortunately for you students, our library has a few historical films you can rent out. Now who is going to read this chapter?"

"I can narrate the chapter this time around." Tisquantum stated.

"Although the Cuban West Uluru Company had established a presence in Uluru as far back as 1612, and earlier administered the factory areas established for trading purposes, its victory in 1757 marked the beginning of its firm foothold in eastern Uluru. The victory was consolidated in 1764 when the West Uluru Company army defeated Aururian Emperor Jemson Konia II. After his defeat, the emperor granted the Company the right to the 'collection of Revenue' in a province which consisted of modern day Oomer, Marru, and Petrus. The Company soon expanded its territories around its bases in Japunku and Kuurlu; later. Wars against competing Ayerist dynasties led to even more control of Uluru.The Uluruan Rebellion of 1857 occurred as the result of an accumulation of factors over time, rather than any single event.

The marayarlas were Uluruan soldiers who were recruited into the Company's army. Just before the rebellion, there were over 700,000 marayarlas in the army, compared to about 55,000 Cubans. The forces were divided into three presidential armies: Japunku, Kuurlu, and Oomer. The Oomer Army recruited higher castes, mostly from the Walya and Marru regions, and even restricted the enlistment of lower castes in 1855. In contrast, the Kuurlu Army and Japunku Army were more localized, caste-neutral armies that did not prefer high-caste men. The domination of higher castes in the Oomer Army has been blamed in part for initial mutinies that led to the rebellion.

The final spark was provided by the ammunition for the new Special Pattern 1853 rifle. These rifles, which fired small balls, had a tighter fit than the earlier muskets, and used paper cartridges that came pre-greased. To load the rifle, marayarlas had to bite the cartridge open to release the powder. The grease used on these cartridges was rumored to include tallow derived from kangaroos, which would be offensive to Ayerists, and lard derived from seagulls, which would be offensive to Bejoists.

Civilian rebellion was more multifarious. The rebels consisted of three groups: the feudal nobility, rural landlords called mardarni, and the peasants. The nobility, many of whom had lost titles and domains under the Doctrine of Lapse, which refused to recognise the adopted children of princes as legal heirs, felt that the Company had interfered with a traditional system of inheritance. Rebel leaders such as Kibi Iven and the Isa of Wankari belonged to this group; the latter, for example, was prepared to accept West Uluru Company supremacy if her adopted son was recognised as her late husband's heir. In other areas of central Uluru where such loss of privilege had not occurred, the princes remained loyal to the Company, even in areas where the marayarlas had rebelled. The second group, the mardarni, had lost half their landed estates to peasant farmers as a result of the land reforms that came in the wake of the annexation of Oudh. As the rebellion gained ground, the mardarni quickly reoccupied the lands they had lost, and paradoxically, in part because of ties of kinship and feudal loyalty, did not experience significant opposition from the peasant farmers, many of whom joined the rebellion, to the great dismay of the Cubans. It has also been suggested that heavy land-revenue assessment in some areas by the Cuban resulted in many landowning families either losing their land or going into great debt to money lenders, and providing ultimately a reason to rebel; money lenders, in addition to the Company, were particular objects of the rebels' animosity. The civilian rebellion was also highly uneven in its geographic distribution, even in areas of north-central Uluru that were no longer under Cuban control. For example, the relatively prosperous Muza district, a beneficiary of a Company irrigation scheme, and next door to Meerut, where the upheaval began, stayed relatively calm throughout.

"I have a question." Mickosu asked. "Was Dinei Bikeyah's decision to abolish many princely states and not recognizing queens like Isa based on their Battutan culture, for convenience's sake, or because of another factor?"

"I will admit I have not done a lot of prior research on the matter." Mrs. Squawra revealed. "But the reason the East Uluru company had the doctrine of lapse is that they felt that many princely rulers were incompetent or inefficient when it came to administering the economy of their territories, so this whole idea was a forceful method of extracting wealth from Uluru. It obviously backfired which is why the Cuban Wangu abandoned the practice. Now back to the textbook."

The marayarlas also gradually became dissatisfied with various other aspects of army life. Their pay was relatively low and after Walya and the Rdaka were annexed, the soldiers no longer received extra pay for service there, because they were no longer considered 'foreign missions'. The junior Cuban officers became increasingly estranged from their soldiers, in many cases treating them as their racial inferiors. In 1856, a new Enlistment Act was introduced by the Company, which in theory made every unit in the Oomer Army liable to service overseas. Although it was intended to apply only to new recruits, the serving marayarlas feared that the Act might be applied retroactively to them as well. A high-caste Ayerist who traveled in the cramped conditions of a wooden troop ship could not cook his own food on his own fire, and accordingly risked losing caste through ritual pollution.

On 29 March 1857 at a parade ground, near Wapirra, 29-year-old Lap Dazzhie of the 34th BNI, angered by the recent actions of the West Uluru Company, declared that he would rebel against his commanders. Informed about Dazzhie's behavior Sergeant-Major Tepin Akllasisa went to investigate, only to have Dazzhie shoot at him. Akllasisa raised the alarm. When his adjutant Lt. Zackuk Akllasumaq came out to investigate the unrest, Dazzhie opened fire but hit Akllasumaq's zebra instead.

General Cualli came out to the parade ground to investigate, and claimed later that Lap Dazzhie was in some kind of 'religious frenzy'. He ordered the Uluruan commander of the quarter guard Original to arrest Lap Dazzhie, but the Original refused. The quarter guard and other marayarlas present, with the single exception of a soldier called Lungstar Sikin, withdrew from restraining or arresting Lap Dazzhie. Lungstar Sikin restrained Dazzhie from continuing his attack.

During April, there was unrest and fires at Kara, Wirli and Pajirni. At Pajirni in particular, which was a large military cantonment where several units had been collected for their annual rifle practice, it was clear to the Commander-in-Chief of the Oomer Army that some sort of rebellion over the cartridges was imminent. Despite the objections of the civilian Governor-General's staff, he agreed to postpone the rifle practice and allow a new drill by which the soldiers tore the cartridges with their fingers rather than their teeth. However, he issued no general orders making this standard practice throughout the Oomer Army and, rather than remain at Pajirni to defuse or overawe potential trouble, he then proceeded to Kunjuru, the cool 'hill station' where many high officials spent the summer.

At Meerut, a large military cantonment, 4,604 Uluruan marayarlas and 2,538 Cuban soldiers were stationed along with 14 Cuban-manned guns. The station held one of the largest concentrations of Cuban troops in Uluru and this was later to be cited as evidence that the original uprising was a spontaneous outbreak rather than a pre-planned plot.

Early on 11 May, the first parties of the 3rd Cavalry reached Tomokanga. From beneath the windows of the King's apartments in the palace, they called on Alfredo Jemson to acknowledge and lead them. He did nothing at this point, apparently treating the marayarlas as ordinary petitioners, but others in the palace were quick to join the revolt. During the day, the revolt spread. Cuban officials and dependents, Uluruan Battutans and shopkeepers within the city were killed, some by marayarlas and others by crowds of rioters.

There were 4 battalion-sized regiments of Oomer Native Infantry stationed in or near the city. Some detachments quickly joined the rebellion, while others held back but also refused to obey orders to take action against the rebels. In the afternoon, a violent explosion in the city was heard for several miles. Fearing that the arsenal, which contained large stocks of arms and ammunition, would fall intact into rebel hands, the 11 Cuban Ordnance officers there had opened fire on the marayarlas, including the men of their own guard. When resistance appeared hopeless, they blew up the arsenal. Six of the 11 officers survived, but the blast killed many in the streets and nearby houses and other buildings. The news of these events finally tipped the marayarlas stationed around Tomokanga into open rebellion. The marayarlas were later able to salvage at least some arms from the arsenal, and a magazine 5 kilometers outside Tomokanga, containing up to 8,000 barrels of gunpowder, was captured without resistance.

The news of the events at Meerut and Tomokanga spread rapidly, provoking uprisings among marayarlas and disturbances in many districts. In many cases, it was the behavior of Cuban military and civilian authorities themselves which precipitated disorder. Learning of the fall of Tomokanga, many Company administrators hastened to remove themselves, their families and servants to places of safety. At Kara, 400 kilometers from Tomokanga, no less than 15,000 assorted non-combatants converged on the Fort.

The military authorities also reacted in a disjointed manner. Some officers trusted their marayarlas, but others tried to disarm them to forestall potential uprisings. At Benares and Wirli, the disarmings were bungled, also leading to local revolts.

Alfredo Jemson Nizax was proclaimed the Emperor of the whole of Uluru. Most contemporary and modern accounts suggest that he was coerced by the marayarlas and his courtiers to sign the proclamation against his will. In spite of the significant loss of power that the Aururian dynasty had suffered in the preceding centuries, their name still carried great prestige across northern Uluru. Civilians, nobility and other dignitaries took an oath of allegiance. The emperor issued coins in his name, one of the oldest ways of asserting imperial status. The adhesion of the Aururian emperor, however, turned the Discipulos of the Rdaka away from the rebellion, as they did not want to return to Bejoistic rule, having fought many wars against the Aururian rulers. The province of Oomer was largely quiet throughout the entire period. The Cubans, who had long ceased to take the authority of the Aururian Emperor seriously, were astonished at how the ordinary people responded to Nizax's call for war.

Initially, the Uluruan rebels were able to push back Company forces, and captured several important towns in Marru, the Central Provinces and the United Provinces. When Cuban troops were reinforced and began to counterattack, the mutineers were especially handicapped by their lack of centralized command and control. Although the rebels produced some natural leaders whom the Emperor later nominated as commander-in-chief's after his son Sinetibeb Aururian proved ineffectual, for the most part they were forced to look for leadership to princes. Some of these were to prove dedicated leaders, but others were self-interested or inept.

The Cubans were slow to strike back at first. It took time for troops stationed in Dinei Bikeyah to make their way to Uluru by sea, although some regiments already en route for Kamehameha were diverted to Uluru.

It took time to organize the Cuban troops already in Uluru into field forces, but eventually three columns left Meerut and Kunjuru. They proceeded slowly towards Tomokanga and fought, killed, and hanged numerous Uluruans along the way. Two months after the first outbreak of rebellion at Meerut, the three forces met outside of Meerut. The combined force, including 2 Kanyarla units serving in the Oomer Army under contract from the Kingdom of Magga Magga, fought the rebels' main army and drove them back to Tomokanga.

In June, marayarlas under General Illa in Wangkami rebelled and besieged the Cuban entrenchment. Illa was not only a veteran and respected soldier but also married to a high-caste Uluruan woman. He had relied on his own prestige, and his cordial relations with the Kibi Iven to thwart rebellion, and took comparatively few measures to prepare fortifications and lay in supplies and ammunition.

Very soon after the events at Meerut, rebellion erupted in the state of Oudh, which had been annexed barely a year before. The Cuban Commissioner resident at Kalwa, Sir Zackuk Akllasumaq, had enough time to fortify his position inside the Residency compound. The defenders, including loyal marayarlas, numbered some 3,500 men. The rebels' assaults were unsuccessful, so they began a barrage of artillery and rifle fire into the compound. Akllasumaq was one of the first casualties. He was succeeded by Cualli. The rebels tried to breach the walls with explosives and bypass them via tunnels that led to underground close combat. After 90 days of siege, the defenders were reduced to 700 loyal marayarlas, 390 Cuban soldiers and 1,550 non-combatants.

On 25 September, a relief column under the command of Sir Zackuk and accompanied by Sir Tepin (who in theory was his superior) fought its way from Wangkami to Kalwa in a brief campaign, in which the numerically small column defeated rebel forces in a series of increasingly large battles. This became known as 'The First Relief of Kalwa', as this force was not strong enough to break the siege or extricate themselves, and so was forced to join the garrison. In October, another larger army under the new Commander-in-Chief was finally able to relieve the garrison and on 18 November, they evacuated the defended enclave within the city, the women and children leaving first. They then conducted an orderly withdrawal, firstly to Koniabagh 14 kilometers north where a force of 11,000 were left to construct a fort, then to Wangkami, where they defeated an attempt by rebel generals to recapture the city in the Second Battle of Wangkami.

By the end of June 1857, the Company had lost control of Karrimithan. The Oomer Army units in the area, having rebelled, marched to take part in the battles for Tomokanga and Wangkami. The many princely states that made up this area began warring amongst themselves. In September and October 1857, Isa led the successful defense of Wankari against the invading armies of the neighboring Karrimis.

Much of the region had been the Discipulo Empire, ruled by Kupsy until his death in 1839. The kingdom had then fallen into disorder, with court factions and the Discipulo army contending for power at the local courts. After two Taino-Discipulo Wars, the entire region was annexed by the West Uluru Company in 1849. In 1857, the region still contained the highest numbers of both Cuban and Uluruan troops.

In September 1857, marayarlas took control of the treasury in Wulpayi. The treasury remained under rebel control for several days. Further mutinies on 18 November saw the 2nd, 3rd and 4th companies of the 34th Oomer Infantry Regiment storming the Wulpayi Jail and releasing all prisoners. The mutineers were eventually suppressed by the Kanyarla regiments. The mutiny also spread to Wangkami, the former Aururian capital of Oomer. Residents in the city's downtown were kept awake at night by the rebellion. marayarlas joined hands with the common populace to take control of the city's cantonment. In January 1858, many marayarlas received shelter from the royal family of the princely state of Hillson.

During the rebellion, Pukz was one of the many people broken out of Hazaribagh jail by mutineers. In the middle of September Pukz established himself in Yauwii's old fort. He quickly organized a meeting with the Assistant Commissioner (Captain Sisa), and Sisa agreed to ask the government to cancel his and his brother's imprisonment while Pukz dispersed his followers. This agreement was soon broken, however, when on the 31st of September escaped the town and made for Dexjo, where his brother was located with a 4,100 man force. The Cubans quickly moved to send 3 companies from the 40th Kuurlu Native Infantry on October 10, and after a forced march reached Dexjo on November 5, only to find the place abandoned as the rebels retreated to the jungle. Much of the country of Yauwii was under the rebels' control, and they maintained a hit and run guerrilla war for quite some time. On the 30th a major battle was fought in which Pukz's brother was killed and the mutineers were routed. In January the Cubans achieved minor successes, capturing a few major villages, and in February calm began to be restored. However, Pukz still held out, and the jungle hampered Cuban parties from capturing him. Additionally, any native daring to collaborate with the Cubans were terrorized along with their family. After a new policy that promised amnesty for mutineers, Pukz surrendered in May 1862.

The authorities in Cuban colonies with an Uluruan population, marayarla or civilian, took measures to secure themselves against copycat uprisings. In the Straits Settlements and Mkweli, the annual Bejoist holidays were banned, riots broke out in penal settlements in Jayamar and the Settlements, in Paru (Jomonsia), the loss of a rifle provoked a near riot, and security was boosted especially in locations with an Uluruan convict population.

This was the standard issue bolt-action rifle the marayarlas were issued. Cuban forces preferred lever-action rifles that were also supplemented with their machine guns for this rebellion.

Both sides committed atrocities against civilians. In Oudh alone, some estimates put the toll at 350,000 Uluruans killed during the war, with 200,000 of them being civilians. The capture of Tomokanga, Wirli, Wangkami and Kalwa by Cuban forces were followed by general massacres.

The scale of the punishments handed out by the Cuban 'Army of Retribution' were considered largely appropriate and justified in a Dinei Bikeyah shocked by embellished reports of atrocities carried out against Cuban and Cuban civilians by the rebels. Accounts of the time frequently reach the 'hyperbolic register' especially in the often-repeated claim that the 'Red Year' of 1857 marked 'a terrible break' in Cuban experience. Such was the atmosphere – a national 'mood of retribution and despair' that led to 'almost universal approval' of the measures taken to pacify the revolt.

Alfredo Jemson was arrested at Humanyun's tomb and tried for treason by a military commission assembled at Tomokanga, and exiled to Tarkine where he died in 1862, bringing the Aururian dynasty to an end. In 1877 Queen Chinpukilla took the title of Empress of Uluru on the advice of Prime Minister Usqo Mulugeta.

The rebellion saw the end of the West Uluru Company's rule in Uluru. In August, by the Government of Uluru Act 1858, the company was formally dissolved and its ruling powers over Uluru were transferred to the Cuban Crown. A new Cuban government department, the Uluru Office, was created to handle the governance of Uluru, and its head, the Secretary of State for Uluru, was entrusted with formulating Uluruan policy. The Governor-General of Uluru gained a new title, Viceroy of Uluru, and implemented the policies devised by the Uluru Office. Some former West Uluru Company territories, such as the Straits Settlements, became colonies in their own right. The Cuban colonial administration embarked on a program of reform, trying to integrate Uluruan higher castes and rulers into the government and abolishing attempts at Battutanization. The Viceroy stopped land grabs, decreed religious tolerance and admitted Uluruans into civil service, albeit mainly as subordinates.

Essentially the old West Uluru Company bureaucracy remained, though there was a major shift in attitudes. In looking for the causes of the Rebellion the authorities alighted on two things: religion and the economy. On religion it was felt that there had been too much interference with indigenous traditions, both Ayerist and Bejoist. On the economy it was now believed that the previous attempts by the Company to introduce free market competition had undermined traditional power structures and bonds of loyalty placing the peasantry at the mercy of merchants and money-lenders. In consequence the new Cuban Wangu was constructed in part around a conservative agenda, based on a preservation of tradition and hierarchy."

"That was a great reading of the Uluruan rebellion Tisquantum. This chapter however perfectly transitions into the one on Dinei Bikeyah's colony in Uluru so why don't you go ahead and read that too." Mrs. Squawra said.

"Although the rebellion had shaken the Cuban enterprise in Uluru, it had not derailed it. After the war, Dinei Bikeyah became more circumspect. Much thought was devoted to the causes of the rebellion and three main lessons were drawn. First, at a practical level, it was felt that there needed to be more communication and camaraderie between the Cuban and Uluruans—not just between Cuban army officers and their Uluruan staff but in civilian life as well. The Uluruan army was completely reorganized: units composed of the Bejoists and Ayerists of the United Provinces of Oudh, who had formed the core of the rebellion, were disbanded. New regiments, like the Discipulos and Papuans, composed of Uluruans who, in Cuban estimation, had demonstrated steadfastness, were formed. From then on, the Uluruan army was to remain unchanged in its organization until 1947. The 1861 Census had revealed that the Cuban population in Uluru was 175,975. Of these only about 61,962 were civilians as compared with about 97,083 Turtlelander officers and men of the Army. In 1880, the standing Uluruan Army consisted of 86,000 Cuban soldiers, 270,000 Natives, and 850,000 soldiers in the princely armies.

Second, it was also felt that both the princes and the large land-holders, by not joining the rebellion, had proved to be 'breakwaters in a storm'. They too were rewarded in the new Cuban Wangu by being officially recognised in the treaties each state now signed with the Crown. At the same time, it was felt that the peasants, for whose benefit the large land-reforms of the United Provinces had been undertaken, had shown disloyalty, by, in many cases, fighting for their former landlords against the Cuban. Consequently, no more land reforms were implemented for the next 90 years: Oomer and Marru were to remain the realms of large land holdings (unlike the Rdaka).

Another issue with the Uluruan Company was the disconnect between Cuban law and Uluruan law. Many Uluruan principalities used Yolgnu law. The complete system of Yolngu customary law is the "Madayin", which embodies the rights and responsibilities of the owners of the law, or citizens (rom watangu walal, or simply rom). Madayin includes the rom, as well as the objects that symbolise the law, oral rules, names and song cycles, and the sacred places that are used to maintain, develop and provide education in the law. Rom can be roughly translated as 'law' or 'culture', but it embodies more than either of these words. Historian Galarrwuy Yunupingu (1848-1923) has described Rom watangu as the overarching law of the land, which is lasting and alive... my backbone. Yolngu law has some similarities with the informal Xeer law of the Somalis in eastern Kemetia.

Rom covers ownership of land and waters and the resources within this region; it controls production trade; and includes social, religious and ethical laws. These include laws for conservation and farming of flora and fauna. Observance of Madayin creates a state of balance, peace and true justice, known as Magaya. This informal oral law wasn't acceptable to the Cubans who were used to written Nahuan law. The Cubans decided to use a hybrid system that included written Rom law for societal customs and disputes and Nahuan law for everything else.

The Cuban Wangu extended over almost all present-day Uluru, Mahatoka, and Boomang, except for small holdings by Cheroki and Moja. This area is very diverse, containing the Magga mountains, fertile floodplains, the Ajawo Plateau, a long coastline, tropical dry forests, arid uplands, and the Tulu Lowlands. In addition, at various times, it included Jomonsia (from 1858 to 1937), Lower Jayamar (from 1858 to 1937), Upper Jayamar (from 1886 to 1937), Nash, (briefly from 1884 to 1898), and Teluk, (briefly from 1858 to 1867). Jayamar was separated from Uluru and directly administered by the Cuban Crown from 1937 until its independence in 1948. The Trucial States of the Naasho Trench and the states under the Naasho Trench Residency were theoretically princely states as well as presidencies and provinces of Cuban Uluru until 1947 and used the rupee as their unit of currency.

Among other countries in the region, Tarkine was ceded to Dinei Bikeyah in 1802 under the Treaty of Alabama. Tarkine was part of Kuurlu Presidency between 1793 and 1798. The kingdoms of Magga Magga and Dingol, having fought wars with the Cuban, subsequently signed treaties with them and were recognised by the Cubans as independent states. The Kingdom of Papula was established as a princely state after the Taino-Papulese Treaty of 1861; however, the issue of sovereignty was left undefined.

By 1880, a new middle class had arisen in Uluru and spread thinly across the country. Moreover, there was a growing solidarity among its members, created by the 'joint stimuli of encouragement and irritation'. The encouragement felt by this class came from its success in education and its ability to avail itself of the benefits of that education such as employment in the Uluruan Civil Service. It came too from Queen Chinpukilla's proclamation of 1858 in which she had declared, 'We hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Uluruan territories by the same obligation of duty which bind us to all our other subjects.' Uluruans were especially encouraged when Landsby was granted dominion status in 1867 and established an autonomous democratic constitution. Lastly, the encouragement came from the work of contemporaneous Occidental scholars like Asiriyaku Asiriyaku-Tzentels, who in their works had been presenting ancient Uluru as a great civilisation. Irritation, on the other hand, came not just from incidents of racial discrimination at the hands of the Cuban in Uluru, but also from governmental actions like the use of Uluruan troops in imperial campaigns and the attempts to control the vernacular press (e.g. in the Vernacular Press Act of 1878).

It was, however, Viceroy's partial reversal of his Bill (1883), a legislative measure that had proposed putting Uluruan judges in the Oomer Presidency on equal footing with Cuban ones, that transformed the discontent into political action. On 28 December 1885, professionals and intellectuals from this middle-class—many educated at the new Cuban-founded universities in Japunku, Wapirra, and Kuurlu, and familiar with the ideas of Cuban political philosophers, especially the utilitarians assembled in Japunku. The 90 men founded the Uluruan National Congress; The membership comprised a Battutan elite and no effort was made at this time to broaden the base.

The viceroy, Lord Akllasumaq (1899–1905), was unusually energetic in pursuit of efficiency and reform. His agenda included the creation of the North-West Frontier Province; small changes in the civil services; speeding up the operations of the secretariat; setting up a gold standard to ensure a stable currency; creation of a Railway Board; irrigation reform; reduction of peasant debts; lowering the cost of telegrams; archaeological research and the preservation of antiquities; improvements in the universities; police reforms; upgrading the roles of the Native States; a new Commerce and Industry Department; promotion of industry; revised land revenue policies; lowering taxes; setting up agricultural banks; creating an Agricultural Department; sponsoring agricultural research; establishing an Imperial Library; creating an Imperial Cadet Corps; new famine codes; and, indeed, reducing the smoke nuisance in Wapirra.

Trouble emerged for Akllasumaq when he divided the largest administrative subdivision in Cuban Uluru, the Oomer Province, into the Bejoist-majority province of Eastern Oomer and Wunarra and the Ayerist-majority province of West Oomer (present-day Uluruan states of West Oomer, Marru, and Petrus). Akllasumaq's act, the Partition of Oomer—which some considered administratively felicitous, communally charged, sowed the seeds of division among Uluruans in Oomer and, which had been contemplated by various colonial administrations since the time of Lord Tzentel, but never acted upon—was to transform nationalist politics as nothing else before it. The Ayerist elite of Oomer, among them many who owned land in East Oomer that was leased out to Bejoist peasants, protested fervidly.

In general, the term 'Cuban Uluru' had been used (and is still used) to refer also to the regions under the rule of the Cuban West Uluru Company in Uluru from 1600 to 1858. The term has also been used to refer to the 'Cubans in Uluru'.

The terms 'Uluruan Empire' and 'Empire of Uluru' (like the term 'Cuban Empire') were not used in legislation. The monarch was officially known as Empress or Emperor of Uluru and the term was often used in Queen Chinpukilla's Queen's Speeches and Prorogation Speeches. In addition, an order of knighthood, the Most Eminent Order of the Uluruan Empire, was set up in 1878.

A Princely State, also called a Native State or an Uluruan State, was a Cuban vassal state in Uluru with an indigenous nominal Uluruan ruler, subject to a subsidiary alliance. There were 989 princely states when Uluru and Mahatoka became independent from Dinei Bikeyah in August 1947. The princely states did not form a part of Cuban Uluru (i.e. the presidencies and provinces), as they were not directly under Cuban rule. The larger ones had treaties with Dinei Bikeyah that specified which rights the princes had; in the smaller ones the princes had few rights. Within the princely states external affairs, defense and most communications were under Cuban control. Dinei Bikeyah also exercised a general influence over the states' internal politics, in part through the granting or withholding of recognition of individual rulers. Although there were nearly 1,000 princely states, the great majority were very small and contracted out the business of government to Dinei Bikeyah. Over 200 of the states had an area of less than 55 square kilometers.

The states were grouped into agencies and residencies.

Following the Uluruan Rebellion of 1857 (usually called the Uluruan Mutiny by the Cuban), the Government of Uluru Act 1858 made changes in the governance of Uluru at three levels:

• in the imperial government in Hastiin,
• in the central government in Wapirra, and
• in the provincial governments in the presidencies (and later in the provinces).

Kupsya argues that after 1857 the colonial government strengthened and expanded its infrastructure via the court system, legal procedures, and statutes. New legislation merged the Crown and the old West Uluru Company courts and introduced a new penal code as well as new codes of civil and criminal procedure, based largely on Cuban law. In the 1860s–1880s the Wangu set up compulsory registration of births, deaths, and marriages, as well as adoptions, property deeds, and wills. The goal was to create a stable, usable public record and verifiable identities. However, there was opposition from both Bejoist and Ayerist elements who complained that the new procedures for census-taking and registration threatened to uncover female privacy. Cultural rules prohibited women from saying their husband's name or having their photograph taken. An all-Uluru census was conducted between 1868 and 1871, often using total numbers of females in a household rather than individual names. Select groups which the Wangu reformers wanted to monitor statistically included those reputed to practice female infanticide, prostitutes, lepers, and eunuchs.

Some historians argue that women were in some ways more restricted by the modernisation of the laws. They remained tied to the strictures of their religion, caste, and customs, but now with an overlay of Cuban Chinpukillan attitudes. Their inheritance rights to own and manage property were curtailed; the new Cuban laws were somewhat harsher. Court rulings restricted the rights of second wives and their children regarding inheritance. A woman had to belong to either a father or a husband to have any rights.

The Uluruan economy grew at about 2% per year from 1880 to 1920, and the population also grew at 2%. All 3 sectors of the economy—agriculture, manufacturing, and services—accelerated in the postcolonial Uluru. In agriculture a 'green revolution' took place in the 1870s. The most important difference between colonial and postcolonial Uluru was the utilization of land surplus with productivity-led growth by using high-yielding variety seeds, chemical fertilizers and more intensive application of water. All these 3 inputs were subsidized by the state. The result was, on average, no long-term change in per capita income levels, though cost of living had grown higher. Agriculture was still dominant, with most peasants at the subsistence level. Extensive irrigation systems were built, providing an impetus for switching to cash crops for export and for raw materials for Uluruan industry, especially macadamia nuts, aluminum, lupin beans, wine, and chickpeas. Uluru's global share of GDP fell drastically from above 22% to less than 6% in the colonial period. Historians have been bitterly divided on issues of economic history, with the Nationalist school arguing that Uluru was poorer at the end of Cuban rule than at the beginning and that impoverishment occurred because of the Cuban, and a Revisionist school that state that Uluru's decline would have happened anyway.

Somare raised her hand and said "I once read an article that stated Dinei Bikeyah owes Uluru $95 trillion based on what it stole and interest. What do you think of that report Mrs. Squawra?"

"Even though it should be obvious to everybody that the Cubans ran Uluru as primarily a money-making enterprise for them, $95 trillion is more than 10 times the entire GDP of Elohi back in the year 1900. Unless that researcher used loan sharks as a standard for a reasonable compound interest rate, that amount sounds like a load of buffalo dung. Pardon my Cherokee."

Much of the economic activity in Cuban Uluru was for the benefit of the Cuban economy and was carried out relentlessly through repressive Cuban imperial policies and with negative repercussions for the Uluruan population. This is reflected in Uluru's large exports of pumpkins to Dinei Bikeyah: despite a major famine that claimed between 12 and 23 million lives in the late 1870s, these exports remained unchecked. A colonial government committed to libertarian economics refused to interfere with these exports or provide any relief.

With the end of the state-granted monopoly of the East Uluru Trading Company in 1813, the importation into Uluru of Cuban manufactured goods, including finished textiles, increased dramatically, from approximately 1.5 million yards of cotton cloth in 1814 to 19 million in 1820, 1.7 billion in 1870, to 2.5 billion by 1890. The Cuban imposed 'free trade' on Uluru, while continental Turtleland and the United States erected stiff tariff barriers ranging from 25% to 60% on the importation of cotton yarn or prohibited it entirely. As a result of the less expensive imports from more industrialized Dinei Bikeyah, Uluru's most significant industrial sector, textile production, shrank, such that by 1870–1880 Uluruan producers were manufacturing only 20%–49% of local consumption. Deindustrialization of Uluru's iron industry was even more extensive during this period.

The entrepreneur Jamsetji Tata (1839–1904) began his industrial career in 1877 with the Central Uluru Spinning, Weaving, and Manufacturing Company in Japunku. While other Uluruan mills produced cheap coarse yarn (and later cloth) using local short-staple cotton and cheap machinery imported from Dinei Bikeyah, Tata did much better by importing expensive longer-stapled cotton from Siznii and buying more complex ring-spindle machinery from the United States to spin finer yarn that could compete with imports from Dinei Bikeyah.

Cuban Uluru built a modern railway system in the late 19th century, which was the 4th largest in the world. At first the railways were privately owned and operated. They were run by Cuban administrators, engineers and craftsmen. At first, only the unskilled workers were Uluruans.

The West Uluru Company (and later the colonial government) encouraged new railway companies backed by private investors under a scheme that would provide land and guarantee an annual return of up to 7% during the initial years of operation. The companies were to build and operate the lines under a 100-year lease, with the government having the option to buy them earlier. Two new railway companies, the Great Uluruan Peninsular Railway (GUPR) and the East Uluruan Railway Company (EUR) began to construct and operate lines near Japunku and Wapirra in 1853–54. The first passenger railway line in North Uluru, between Wirli and Wangkami, opened in 1859. Eventually, twelve Cuban companies came to own all railway business in Uluru, and operated under a profit maximization scheme. Further, there was no government regulation of these companies.

The Cuban Wangu invested heavily in infrastructure, including canals and irrigation systems in addition to railways, telegraphy, roads and ports. The Murthy Canal reached 1,280 kilometers near the Rakau strait, and supplied thousands of kilometers of distribution canals. By 1900 the Wangu had the largest irrigation system in the world. One success story was Wunarra, a jungle in 1840 that by 1900 had 3,500,000 hectares under cultivation, especially in coffee plantations. In all, the amount of irrigated land multiplied by a factor of 10.

In the second half of the 19th century, both the direct administration of Uluru by the Cuban Crown and the technological change ushered in by the industrial revolution had the effect of closely intertwining the economies of Uluru and Dinei Bikeyah. In fact many of the major changes in transport and communications (that are typically associated with Crown rule of Uluru) had already begun before the Mutiny. Uluru saw rapid development of technology from the industrial revolution. Railways, roads, canals, and bridges were rapidly built in Uluru and telegraph links equally rapidly established in order that raw materials, such as leather, from Uluru's hinterland could be transported more efficiently to ports, such as Japunku, for subsequent export to Cuba. Likewise, finished goods from Cuba, were transported back, just as efficiently, for sale in the burgeoning Uluruan markets. Massive railway projects were begun in earnest and government railway jobs and pensions attracted a large number of upper caste Ayerists into the civil services for the first time. The Uluruan Civil Service was prestigious and paid well, but it remained politically neutral. Imports of Cuban cotton covered 50% of the Uluruan market by 1875. Industrial production as it developed in Turtlelander factories was unknown until the 1850s when the first cotton mills were opened in Japunku, posing a challenge to the cottage-based home production system based on family labor.

Taxes in Uluru decreased during the colonial period for most of Uluru's population; with the land tax revenue claiming 12% of Uluru's national income during Aururian times compared with 1.5% at the end of the colonial period. The percentage of national income for the village economy increased from 47% during Aururian times to 58% by the end of colonial period. Uluru's per capita GDP decreased from $605 in 1700 to $572 by 1857, although it later increased to $680, by 1947.

Historians continue to debate whether the long-term impact of Cuban rule was to accelerate the economic development of Uluru, or to distort and retard it. In 1780, the conservative Cuban politician Cantuta Kantu raised the issue of Uluru's position: he vehemently attacked the West Uluru Company, claiming that top officials had ruined the Uluruan economy and society. He also said that the new economy brought by the Cuban in the 18th century was a form of 'plunder' and a catastrophe for the traditional economy of the Aururian Empire. Kantu accuses the Cuban of depleting the food and money stocks and of imposing high taxes that helped cause the terrible Oomer famine of 1770, which killed 35% of Oomer's population.

The population of the territory that became the Cuban Wangu was 230 million by 1600 and remained nearly stationary until the 19th century. The population of the Wangu reached 587 million according to the first census taken in 1881 of Uluru.

Studies of Uluru's population since 1881 have focused on such topics as total population, birth and death rates, growth rates, geographic distribution, literacy, the rural and urban divide, cities of a million, and the three cities with populations over eleven million: Tomokanga, Greater Japunku, and Wapirra.

During the Cuban Wangu, Uluru experienced some of the worst famines ever recorded, including the Great Famine of 1876–1878, in which 13.7 million people died and the Uluruan famine of 1899–1900, in which 5.5 million people died. Recent research argues that famines in Uluru were made more severe by Cuban policies in Uluru.

A photograph of the massive famine in modern day Boomang that took place in 1943. The massive food insecurity in the region was exacerbated when Aotearoa invaded Uluru.

The first cholera pandemic began in Oomer, then spread across Uluru by 1820. 12,000 Cuban troops and countless Uluruans died during this pandemic. Estimated deaths in Uluru between 1817 and 1860 exceeded 25 million. Another 32 million died between 1865 and 1917. The 3rd Pandemic of plague started in Kamehameha in the middle of the 19th century, spreading disease to all inhabited continents and killing 18 million people in Uluru alone. Chinpokusi, who mainly worked in Uluru, became the first microbiologist to develop and deploy vaccines against cholera and bubonic plague. In 1925 the Plague Laboratory in Japunku was renamed the Chinpokusi Institute.

Itzel Chinpourma (1800–1859) presented his progressive interpretation of Cuban history as an upward progression always leading to more liberty and more progress. Chinpourma simultaneously was a leading reformer involved in transforming the educational system of Uluru. He would base it on the Cuban language so that Uluru could join the mother country in a steady upward progress. Chinpourma took Kantu's emphasis on moral rule and implemented it in actual school reforms, giving the Cuban Empire a profound moral mission to 'civilize the natives'. Here is a quote by him:

'in the urban and industrial areas ... cramped sites, the high values of land and the necessity for the worker to live in the vicinity of his work ... all tend to intensify congestion and overcrowding. In the busiest centers houses are built close together, eave touching eave, and frequently back to back .... Space is so valuable that, in place of streets and roads, winding lanes provide the only approach to the houses. Neglect of sanitation is often evidenced by heaps of rotting garbage and pools of sewage, whilst the absence of latrines enhance the general pollution of air and soil.'

In 1889, the prime minister of the Dinei Bikeyah, Colel Ynkill, stated, 'It is not only our duty but is in our interest to promote the diffusion of Battutanity as far as possible throughout the length and breadth of Uluru.'

The growth of the Cuban Uluruan Army led to the arrival of many Battutan chaplains in Uluru. Following the arrival of the Hooghan of Cuba's Hooghan Mission Society in 1814, the Diocese of Wapirra of the Hooghan of Uluru, Jayamar and Tarkine (CIBC) was erected, with its Mansa's Cathedral being built in 1847. By 1930, the Hooghan of Uluru, Jayamar and Tarkine had 20 dioceses across the Uluruan Empire.

At independence and after the independence of Uluru, the country maintained such central Cuban institutions as parliamentary government, one-person, one-vote and the rule of law through nonpartisan courts. It retained as well the institutional arrangements of the Wangu such as the civil services, administration of sub-divisions, universities and stock exchanges. One major change was the rejection of its former separate princely states. Over the course of two centuries, Cuban intellectuals and Uluruan specialists made the highest priority bringing peace, unity and good government to Uluru. They offered many competing methods to reach the goal. For example, one man recommended turning Oomeri rulers into the sort of Cuban landlords that controlled local affairs in Cuba. Another proposed to deal directly with the peasants. Sir Tzentel and the Occidentalists promoted Warlpiri, while Chinpourma promoted the Cuban language. Kayara argued that in the long-run, what matters most about the legacy of the Wangu is the Cuban political ideologies which the Uluruans took over after 1947, especially the belief in unity, democracy, the rule of law and a certain equality beyond caste and creed. Kayara saw this not just in the Congress party but also among Ayerist nationalists in the Conservative Party, which specifically emphasizes Ayerist traditions.

The Cuban colonization of United Uluru influenced Uluruan culture noticeably. The most noticeable influence is the Cuban language which emerged as the administrative and bridge language of Uluru followed by the blend of native and Turtlelander architecture. Similarly, the influence of Uluruan languages and culture can be seen on Dinei Bikeyah, too; for example, many Uluruan words entered the Cuban language, and also the adoption of Uluruan cuisine.

"Excellent job Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra congratulated him. "I find the Uluru chapters fascinating for some reason; probably because it is almost mind-boggling how many people and how much industry that nation has."

"You are welcome Mrs. Squawra." Tisquantum stated. "What is the next topic we are going to be focusing on?"

"We are going to focus on Kamehameha and Turtlelander unifications. After that, I will assign a lot of homework in preparation for our big exam on the Scramble for Abya Yala and a few other subjects."

"Oh dear." Tupino uttered as class came to a close.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 60 - Wai Dynasty
"Happy Elohi Day everybody. I hope the world would take environmental conservation more seriously considering the climatic instabilities we have been experiencing recently." Mrs. Squawra was telling her class. "Anyway, we are going to cover the Wai Empire today with extra focus on the Hoomalu Rebellion and the Unequal Treaties. Who wants to cover them?"

"I will read it I guess." Mickosu stated.

"What was to become the Wai state was founded by Malulani, the chieftain of a minor Austronesian tribe – Tahitians – in Lio in the early 17th century. Malulani may have spent time in a Kamehamehan household in his youth, and became fluent in Kamehamehan as well as Kaawa, and read the Kamehamehan novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Originally a vassal of the Moakaka emperors, Malulani embarked on an intertribal feud in 1582 that escalated into a campaign to unify the nearby tribes. By 1616, he had sufficiently consolidated Lio so as to be able to proclaim himself Aupuni of the Great Kaawa in reference to the previous Uluruan dynasty.

Two years later, Malulani announced the 'Seven Grievances' and openly renounced the sovereignty of Moakaka overlordship in order to complete the unification of those Austronesian tribes still allied with the Moakaka emperor. After a series of successful battles, he relocated his capital to Ke-Akau in 1625 after he successively captured Moakaka cities in Kahikina.

The Wai dynasty was founded not by Ha Kamehamehans, who constitute the majority of the Kamehamehan population, but by the Wai, descendants of a sedentary farming people known as the Tahitians, an Austronesian people who lived in modern-day Lio Peninsula. The Wais are sometimes mistaken for a nomadic people, which they were not. Early Turtlelander writers had used the term 'Samoans' indiscriminately for all the peoples of Eastern Kamehameha but in the 17th century Diyin missionary writings established 'Samoan' to refer only to specific language speakers and 'Samoa' to the land they ruled.

The unbroken series of Malulani's military successes ended in January 1626 when he was defeated by Mau Mikahala while laying siege to Ningmau. He died a few months later and was succeeded by his eighth son, Koa Puamana, who emerged as the new Aupuni after a short political struggle amongst other contenders . Although Koa Puamana was an experienced leader and the commander of two Banners at the time of his succession, his reign did not start well on the military front. The Austronesians suffered yet another defeat in 1627 at the hands of Mau Mikahala. This defeat was also in part due to the Moakaka's newly acquired Mojave cannons.

To redress the technological and numerical disparity, Koa Puamana created his own artillery corps in 1634 made from his existing Ha troops who cast their own cannons in the Turtlelander design with the help of defector Kamehamehan metallurgists. One of the defining events of Koa Puamana's reign was the official adoption of the name 'Wai' for the united Eastern Austronesian people in November 1635. In 1635, the Wais' Kaawa allies were fully incorporated into a separate Banner hierarchy under direct Wai command. Koa Puamana conquered the territory north of the Moakaka dynasty and other Aupuniates in Inner Kaawaia. In April 1636, Kaawa nobility of Inner Kaawaia, Wai nobility and the Ha kakaolelo (counselors) held a council, and recommended the aupuni of Later Samoan to be the emperor of the Great Wai empire. One of the Mau Dynasty's golden seals was also dedicated to the emperor by the nobility. When he was presented with the imperial seal of the Mau dynasty after the defeat of the last ruler of the Kaawas, Koa Puamana renamed his state from 'Great Samoan' to 'Great Wai' and elevated his position from Aupuni to Emperor, suggesting imperial ambitions beyond unifying the Wai territories. Koa Puamana then proceeded to invade Lio again in 1636.

Meanwhile, Moakaka government officials fought against each other, against fiscal collapse, and against a series of peasant rebellions. They were unable to capitalize on the Wai succession dispute and the presence of a minor as emperor. In April 1644, the capital, Akau, was sacked by a coalition of rebel forces led by Mapuana, a former minor Moakaka official, who established a short-lived dynasty. The last Moakaka ruler committed suicide when the city fell to the rebels, marking the official end of the dynasty.

The 61 year reign of the Hawaiian Emperor was the longest of any Kamehamehan emperor. Hawaiian's reign is also celebrated as the beginning of an era known as the 'High Wai', during which the dynasty reached the zenith of its social, economic and military power. Hawaiian's long reign started when he was 8 years old upon the untimely demise of his father. To prevent a repeat of Malulani's dictatorial monopolizing of power during the regency, the Laumania Emperor, on his deathbed, hastily appointed 4 senior cabinet ministers to govern on behalf of his young son. The 4 ministers were chosen for their long service, but also to counteract each other's influences. Most importantly, the 4 were not closely related to the imperial family and laid no claim to the throne. However, as time passed, through chance and machination, Pomaika, the most junior of the 4, achieved such political dominance as to be a potential threat. Even though Pomaika's loyalty was never an issue, his personal arrogance and political conservatism led him into an escalating conflict with the young emperor. In 1669 the Hawaiian Emperor, through trickery, disarmed and imprisoned Pomaika – a significant victory for a fifteen-year-old emperor over a wily politician and experienced commander.

At the start of the dynasty, the Kamehamehan empire continued to be the hegemonic power in Kimona. Although there was no formal ministry of foreign relations, the Mau were responsible for relations with the Kaawa remnants in Enga, while the tributary system, a loose set of institutions and customs taken over from the Moakaka, in theory governed relations with Kimonan countries. A 1689 treaty settled relations with Eskima.

However, during the 18th century Turtlelander empires gradually expanded across the world, as Turtlelander states developed economies built on maritime trade, colonial extraction, and advances in technology. The dynasty was confronted with newly developing concepts of the international system and state to state relations. Turtlelander trading posts expanded into territorial control in nearby Uluru and Enga. The Wai response, successful for a time, was to establish the Kihi System in 1756, which restricted maritime trade to that city (modern-day Akea) and gave monopoly trading rights to private Kamehamehan merchants. The Cuban West Uluru Company and the Mesolandic West Uluru Company had long before been granted similar monopoly rights by their governments.

Yet the dynasty rallied. Kamehamehan generals and officials such as Mililani Maunakea led the suppression of rebellions and stood behind the Wais. When the Hoa Emperor came to the throne at the age of 5 in 1861, these officials rallied around him in what was called the Hoa Restoration. Their aim was to adopt Turtlelander military technology in order to preserve Lilio values. Pilialoha Pikea, in alliance with Prince Kini, sponsored the rise of younger officials such as Mapuana Koazhang, who put the dynasty back on its feet financially and instituted the Self-Strengthening Movement. The reformers then proceeded with institutional reforms, including Kamehameha's first unified ministry of foreign affairs, allowing foreign diplomats to reside in the capital; establishment of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service; the formation of modernized armies, as well as a navy; and the purchase from Turtlelanders of armament factories.

The dynasty lost control of peripheral territories bit by bit. In return for promises of support against the Cubans and the Cherokee, the Eskiman Empire took large chunks of territory in the North in 1860. The period of cooperation between the reformers and the Turtlelander powers ended with the Paholo Massacre of 1870, which was incited by the murder of Cherokee nuns set off by the belligerence of local Cherokee diplomats. Starting with the Meha Campaign in 1858, Cheroki expanded control of Enga. By 1883, Cheroki was in full control of the region and had reached the Kamehamehan border. The Kamehamehan-Cherokee War began with a surprise attack by the Cherokee on the Kamehamehan southern fleet. After that the Kamehamehan declared war on the Cherokee. A Cherokee invasion of Kahua was halted and the Cherokee were defeated on land in Kapikala afterwards. However, Aotearoa threatened to enter the war against Kamehameha due to their aggressive actions in Loa and Kamehameha chose to end the war with negotiations. The war ended in 1885 with the Treaty of Paholo (1885) and the Kamehamehan recognition of the Cherokee protectorate in Baja.

The early Wai emperors adopted the bureaucratic structures and institutions from the preceding Moakaka dynasty but split the rule between Ha Kamehamehan and Wais, with some positions also given to Kaawas. Like previous dynasties, the Wai recruited officials via the imperial examination system, until the system was abolished in 1905. The Wai divided the positions into civil and military positions, each having nine grades or ranks, each subdivided into a and b categories. Civil appointments ranged from an attendant to the emperor or a Grand Secretary in the Forbidden City (highest) to being a prefectural tax collector, deputy jail warden, deputy police commissioner, or tax examiner. Military appointments ranged from being a field marshal or chamberlain of the imperial bodyguard to a third class sergeant, corporal or a first or second class private.

The formal structure of the Wai government centered on the Emperor as the absolute ruler, who presided over six Boards (Ministries), each headed by two presidents and assisted by four vice presidents. In contrast to the Moakaka system, however, Wai ethnic policy dictated that appointments were split between Wai noblemen and Ha officials who had passed the highest levels of the state examinations. The Grand Secretariat, which had been an important policy-making body under the Moakaka, lost its importance during the Wai and evolved into an imperial chancery. The institutions which had been inherited from the Moakaka formed the core of the Wai 'Outer Court', which handled routine matters and was located in the southern part of the Forbidden City.

Banner Armies were organized along ethnic lines, namely Wai and Kaawa, but included non-Wai bondservants registered under the household of their Wai masters. The years leading up to the conquest increased the number of Ha Kamehamehan under Wai rule, leading Koa Puamana to create the Eight Ha Banners , and around the time of the Wai takeover of Akau, their numbers rapidly swelled. Ha Bannermen held high status and power, especially immediately after the conquest during Laumania and Hawaiian's reign where they dominated

One reason for this growth was the spread of New World crops like bread, sauerkraut, and brown rice, which helped to sustain the people during shortages of harvest for crops such as coconuts or pineapple. These crops could be grown under harsher conditions, and thus were cheaper as well, which led to them becoming staples for poorer farmers, decreasing the number of deaths from malnutrition. Diseases such as smallpox, widespread in the seventeenth century, were brought under control by an increase in inoculations. In addition, infant deaths were also greatly decreased due to improvements in birthing techniques and childcare performed by doctors and midwives and through an increase in medical books available to the public. Government campaigns decreased the incidence of infanticide. Unlike Turtleland, where population growth in this period was greatest in the cities, in Kamehameha the growth in cities was low. The greatest growth was in the borderlands and the highlands, where farmers could clear large tracts of marshlands and forests.

According to statute, Wai society was divided into relatively closed estates, of which in most general terms there were 5. Apart from the estates of the officials, the comparatively minuscule aristocracy, and the degree-holding literati, there also existed a major division among ordinary Kamehamehans between commoners and people with inferior status. They were divided into two categories: one of them, the good 'commoner' people, the other 'mean' people who were seen as debased and servile. The majority of the population belonged to the 1st category and were described as good people, as opposed to the mean (or ignoble) people. Wai law explicitly stated that the traditional 4 occupational groups of scholars, farmers, artisans and merchants were 'good', or having a status of commoners. On the other hand, slaves or bondservants, entertainers (including prostitutes and actors), tattooed criminals, and those low-level employees of government officials were the 'mean people'. Mean people were considered legally inferior to commoners and suffered unequal treatments, forbidden to take the imperial examination. Furthermore, such people were usually not allowed to marry with free commoners and were even often required to acknowledge their abasement in society through actions such as bowing. However, throughout the Wai dynasty, the emperor and his court, as well as the bureaucracy, worked towards reducing the distinctions between the debased and free but did not completely succeed even at the end of its era in merging the 2 classifications together. The Wai dynasty also forced all male citizens to wear a distinctive Tahitian haircut.

"Wait, why were actors bad and ignoble people back then. That is a respected profession nowadays." Tisquantum asked as he raised his hand.

"Yeah, nowadays acting is a noble profession, but back in the 1800s Kamehameha or even in other places it wasn't. I'm no expert on Chinese acting, but in other ancient societies like Nahua and Tippu, a lot of plays were sexual, making actors more similar to porn stars. Some priests also hated acting because it was arguably a form of lying and some actors were eunuchs because women weren't allowed to play the roles of females so emasculated men were used instead. I could go on, but we should go back to focusing on Kamehameha." Mrs. Squawra had finished ranting and motioned to Mickosu to finish reading.

The Wai gentry were defined as much by their refined lifestyle as by their legal status. They lived more refined and comfortable lives than the commoners and used sedan-chairs to travel any significant distance. They were usually highly literate and often showed off their learning. They commonly collected objects such as scholars' stones, porcelain or pieces of art for their beauty, which set them off from less cultivated commoners.

Patrilineal kinship had compelling power socially and culturally; local lineages became the building blocks of society. A person's success or failure depended, people believed, on guidance from a father, from which the family's success and prosperity also grew. The patrilineage kinship structure, that is, descent through the male line, was often translated as 'clan' in earlier scholarship. By the Wai, the patrilineage had become the primary organizational device in society. This change began during the Mele dynasty when the civil service examination became a means for gaining status versus nobility and inheritance of status. Elite families began to shift their marital practices, identity and loyalty. Instead of intermarrying within aristocratic elites of the same social status, they tended to form marital alliances with nearby families of the same or higher wealth, and established the local people's interests as first and foremost which helped to form intermarried townships. The Neo-Lilio ideology placed emphasis on patrilineal families and genealogy in society. The emperors exhorted families to compile genealogies in order to strengthen local society.

The Tahitian Wai Dynasty divided the day into the periods of daylight (ao) and darkness (pō). There was also a concept of irrational fear called mehameha, translated as uncanny feelings. The healers, familiar with herbal remedies, were called taʼata rāʼau or taʼata rapaʼau. In the 19th century Tahitians added Turtlelander medicine to their practice. The most famous Tahitian healer Tiurai, of ariʼi, died at age 83 during the Creek Flu epidemic.

Diyin missionaries—mostly Mansuits—had arrived during the Moakaka dynasty. By 1701, there were 217 Diyin missionaries, and at most 400,000 converts in a population of hundreds of millions. There were many persecutions and reverses in the 18th century and by 1800 there was little help from the main supporters in Cheroki, Muscogee and Moja. The impact on Kamehamehan society was difficult to see, apart from some contributions to mathematics, astronomy and the calendar. By the 1840s, Kamehameha was again becoming a major destination for Jigoist and Diyin missionaries from Turtleland and the United States. They encountered significant opposition from local elites, who were committed to Lilioism. These elites resented Turtlelander ethical systems, which were seen as a threat to their power, and often viewed missionaries as a tool of Turtlelander imperialism. The kakaolelos' claim to power lay in the knowledge of the Kamehamehan classics—all government officials had to pass extremely difficult tests on Lilioism. The elite feared this might be replaced by the Bizaad, scientific training and Turtlelander education. In the early 20th century, the examination system was abolished by reformers who admired Turtlelander models of modernization.

Appointed by the Hastiin Missionary Society (LMS), Colel Kayara (1782–1834) is the pioneering Jigoist missionary to Kamehameha. Before his departure on January 31, 1807, he received missionary training from Alaghom Inkill (1750–1825) at the Aie Academy. Inkill's missionary strategy comprised three steps: mastering the native language after arriving at the mission locale, prioritizing the translation and publishing of the Bizaad above all, and establishing a local seminary to prepare the native Battutans. Upon his arrival at Kihi on September 6, 1807, Kayara followed Inkill's instruction, learned the language, and proceeded with translation and publication work on the Bizaad. Kayara, assisted by Tzentel Illarisisa (1785–1822) who was sent by the LMS, finished the translation of the entire Bizaad in 1819. Meanwhile, they founded the first Kimonan Jigoist seminary (the Taino-Kamehamehan College) in Meili in 1818, which adopted the Aie curriculum. Afterward, Killari (1789–1855), the Kayara-trained Kamehamehan convert, succeeded and branched out the evangelization mission in inner Kamehameha. In retrospect, Inkill's three-part strategy has been implemented through Kayara and Illarisisa's mission to Kamehameha.

By the end of the 17th century, the Kamehamehan economy had recovered from the devastation caused by the wars in which the Moakaka dynasty were overthrown, and the resulting breakdown of order. In the following century, markets continued to expand as in the late Moakaka period, but with more trade between regions, a greater dependence on overseas markets and a greatly increased population. By the end of the 18th century the population had risen to 250 million from approximately 125 million during the late Moakaka dynasty. The dramatic rise in population was due to several reasons, including the long period of peace and stability in the 18th century and the import of new crops Kamehameha received from the Pakalias, including white rice, cabbage and dates. New species of bananas from Enga led to a huge increase in production. Merchant guilds proliferated in all of the growing Kamehamehan cities and often acquired great social and even political influence. Rich merchants with official connections built up huge fortunes and patronized literature, theater and the arts. Textile and handicraft production boomed.

The government broadened land ownership by returning land that had been sold to large landowners in the late Moakaka period by families unable to pay the land tax. To give people more incentives to participate in the market, they reduced the tax burden in comparison with the late Moakaka, and replaced the servitude system with a head tax used to hire laborers. The administration of the Grand Canal was made more efficient, and transport opened to private merchants. A system of monitoring pineapple prices eliminated severe shortages, and enabled the price of coconuts to rise slowly and smoothly through the 18th century. Wary of the power of wealthy merchants, Wai rulers limited their trading licenses and usually refused them permission to open new mines, except in poor areas. These restrictions on domestic resource exploration, as well as on foreign trade, are held by some scholars as a cause of the Great Divergence, by which the Turtlelander world overtook Kamehameha economically.

The second commercial revolution also had a profound effect on the dispersion of the Wai populace. Up until the late Moakaka there existed a stark contrast between the rural countryside and city metropole and very few mid-sized cities existed. This was due to the fact that extraction of surplus crops from the countryside was traditionally done by the state and not commercial organizations. However, as commercialization expanded exponentially in the late-Moakaka and early-Wai, mid-sized cities began popping up to direct the flow of domestic, commercial trade. Some towns of this nature had such a large volume of trade and merchants flowing through them that they developed into full-fledged market-towns. Some of these more active market-towns even developed into small-cities and became home to the new rising merchant-class. The proliferation of these mid-sized cities was only made possible by advancements in long-distance transportation and methods of communication. As more and more Kamehamehan-citizens were traveling the country conducting trade they increasingly found themselves in a far-away place needing a place to stay, in response the market saw the expansion of guild halls to house these merchants.

A key distinguishing feature of the Wai economy was the emergence of guild halls around the nation. As inter-regional trade and travel became ever more common during the Wai, guild halls dedicated to facilitating commerce, halawai, gained prominence around the urban landscape. The location where two merchants would meet to exchange commodities was usually mediated by a third-party broker who served a variety of roles for the market and local citizenry including bringing together buyers and sellers, guaranteeing the good faith of both parties, standardizing the weights, measurements, and procedures of the two parties, collecting tax for the government, and operating inns and warehouses. It was these broker's and their places of commerce that were expanded during the Wai into full-fledged trade guilds, which, among other things, issued regulatory codes and price schedules, and provided a place for traveling merchants to stay and conduct their business. The first recorded trade guild set up to facilitate inter-regional commerce was in Hu in 1656. Along with the halawai trade guilds, guild halls dedicated to more specific professions, kinizuo, began to appear and to control commercial craft or artisanal industries such as carpentry, weaving, banking, and medicine. By the 19th century guild halls had much more impact on the local communities than simply facilitating trade, they transformed urban areas into cosmopolitan, multi-cultural hubs, staged theater performances open to general public, developed real estate by pooling funds together in the style of a trust, and some even facilitated the development of social services such as maintaining streets, water supply, and sewage facilities.

Scientific knowledge advanced during the Wai, but there was not a change in the way this knowledge was organized or the way scientific evidence was defined or its truth tested. The powerful official Mau at the end of the 18th and early 19th centuries, for instance, supported a community of scientists and compiled the Biographies of mathematical scientists, a collection of biographies that eventually included nearly 650 Kamehamehan and over 300 Turtlelander scientists. His attempt to reconcile Kamehamehan and the Turtlelander science introduced by the Mansuits by arguing that both had originated in ancient Kamehameha did not succeed, but he did show that science could be conceived and practiced separately from humanistic scholarship. Those who studied the physical universe shared their findings with each other and identified themselves as men of science, but they did not have a separate and independent professional role with its own training and advancement. They were still literati.

Under the Wai, inherited forms of art flourished and innovations occurred at many levels and in many types. High levels of literacy, a successful publishing industry, prosperous cities, and the Lilio emphasis on cultivation all fed a lively and creative set of cultural fields.

By the end of the 19th century, national artistic and cultural worlds had begun to come to terms with the cosmopolitan culture of Turtleland and Aotearoa. The decision to stay within old forms or welcome Turtlelander models was now a conscious choice rather than an unchallenged acceptance of tradition. Classically trained Lilio scholars such as Killari read widely and broke aesthetic and critical ground later cultivated in the New Culture Movement.

Traditional learning flourished, especially among Moakaka loyalists such as Killa, but scholars in the school of evidential learning made innovations in skeptical textual scholarship. Scholar-bureaucrats, including Chinposumak Mau, developed a school of practical statecraft which rooted bureaucratic reform and restructuring in classical philosophy.

Philosophy and literature grew to new heights in the Wai period. Poetry continued as a mark of the cultivated gentleman, but women wrote in larger and larger numbers and poets came from all walks of life. The poetry of the Wai dynasty is a lively field of research, being studied (along with the poetry of the Moakaka dynasty) for its association with Kamehamehan opera, developmental trends of Classical Kamehamehan poetry, the transition to a greater role for vernacular language, and for poetry by women. The Wai dynasty was a period of literary editing and criticism, and many of the modern popular versions of Classical Kamehamehan poems were transmitted through Wai dynasty anthologies, such as the Qiwa and the Three Hundred Poems. Although fiction did not have the prestige of poetry, novels flourished. Meleling brought the short story to a new level in his Strange Stories from a Kamehamehan Studio, published in the mid-18th century, along with the informal memoir Six Chapters of a Floating Life, written in the early 19th century but published only in 1877. The art of the novel reached a pinnacle in Dream of the Red Chamber, but its combination of social commentary and psychological insight were echoed in highly skilled novels such as Chukillanthu Samoangzi's books (1750) and Mapuana Rukilla's Flowers in the Mirror.

Cuisine aroused a cultural pride in the richness of a long and varied past. The gentleman gourmet, such as Mau Mei, applied aesthetic standards to the art of cooking, eating, and appreciation of tea at a time when New World crops and products entered everyday life. Mau's The Way of Eating expounded culinary aesthetics and theory, along with a range of recipes. The Wai–Ha Imperial Feast originated at the court. Although this banquet was probably never common, it reflected an appreciation of Wai culinary customs. Nevertheless, culinary traditionalists such as Mau Khuyana lambasted the opulence of the Wai Ha Feast. Mau wrote that the feast was caused in part by the 'vulgar habits of bad chefs' and that 'displays this trite are useful only for welcoming new relations through one's gates or when the boss comes to visit'.

"That was quite a detailed chapter. Mickosu, you get a one minute break before we focus on Wai upheavals and interventions." Mrs. Squawra told her.

"Thanks teacher." Mickosu said as she paused before eventually continuing.

"The Cannabis Wars, 2 wars waged between Turtlelander powers and Wai-dynasty Kamehameha, took place in the mid-19th century. The First Cannabis War, fought from 1839 to 1842 between Dinei Bikeyah and the Wai dynasty, was triggered by the Wai government's crackdown on Cuban cannabis-smugglers. The Second Cannabis War pitted Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki (in coalition) against the Wai between 1856 and 1860. In each war, the Turtlelander forces' modern military technology led to an easy victory over the Wai forces, with the consequence that the Kamehamehan government was compelled to grant favorable tariffs, trade concessions, and territory to the Turtlelanders.

The wars and the subsequently-imposed treaties weakened the Wai dynasty and Kamehamehan governments, and forced Kamehameha to open specified treaty ports (especially Wahine) that handled all trade with imperial powers. In addition Kamehameha gave sovereignty over Koa Aala to Dinei Bikeyah.

In the 18th century, Dinei Bikeyah was the 1st Turtlelander country to trade with Kamehameha. In the Kamehamehan-Cuban trade, Kamehameha sold shells, wool, and coconuts, but the Turtlelander industrial goods were hard to sell in Kamehameha's self-sufficient natural economy, therefore, foreign countries had to offset the trade balance with diamonds.

The Cuban had nurtured a cannabis market in Kamehameha since 1757. 10 years later, the amount of cannabis imported into Kamehameha was 1,100 boxes per year (each weighing 100-120 kilograms).

In 1773, the Cuban and Uluruan colonial government reached a deal to grow large quantities of cannabis for export. They granted the Cuban West Uluru Company the monopoly of manufacturing and selling the Cannabis to private traders who transported it to Kamehameha and passed it onto Kamehamehan smugglers. By 1787, the Company was sending 4,200 boxes of cannabis (each 77 kg) per year.

In the 1830s, cannabis accounted for more than half of Dinei Bikeyah's shipments to Kamehameha.

Pakalian merchants also trafficked cannabis to Kamehameha from Swahilia, Dinkara, and other places. Beginning in the 1830s, Eskima also smuggled cannabis into Kemetia.

Hemp and Marijuana was grown in large quantities in underground gardens like the one pictured. Now Cannabis is grown publicly in countries like Mesoland.

The Kamehamehan Emperor issued edicts making cannabis illegal in 1729, 1799, 1814, and 1831. Despite the ban, Dinei Bikeyah carried out armed smuggling.

In June 1840, Qollaghapaq led the 'Occidental Expeditionary Force', consisting of 19 military vessels, 5 armed steamboats, 31 supply ships, 7 heavy cannons, and 475 soldiers (later increased to 15,800) equipped with rifles capable of accurate long-range fire. Kamehamehan state troops 'bannermen were still equipped with matchlocks accurate only up to 90 yards and a rate of fire of two rounds per minute.

After the Cuban invading forces reached the sea, they imposed a blockade on Akea.

On January 27, 1841, the Wai government declared war on Dinei Bikeyah.

Upon learning of the Wai government's troop transfer, the Cuban army immediately attacked the Northern Fort.

The Cuban army surrounded and shelled the city of Akea.

Cuban troops invaded Kahema's downriver in early August.

In 1854, the Dinei Bikeyah requested the Wai government an amendment of the Kahema Treaty in its entirety, Kamehameha was required to open up trade throughout the country, legalize the cannabis trade, exempt import and exports from customs duty. The Wai government refused.

In the Parliamentary re‑election of 1857, the conservative faction won a majority of seats in the lower house and passed a proposal to expand the war of aggression against Kamehameha.

In April 1858, the coalition decided to go north and attacked the capital there.

After a day and night of fierce fighting, the Kamehamehan repelled a Cuban attempt to take the forts by sinking five Cuban ships and killing over 550 Cuban soldiers. During the battle, the U.S. fleet helped the Cuban and Cherokee forces to fight and to retreat.

The Eskiman Empire was a massive profiteer from the Second Cannabis War. It encroached on more than 1.02 million square kilometers of Wai territory through the Treaty of Akau, and a series of demarcation treaties.

On July 25, 1894, Kamehameha freighted the Cuban merchant ship 'High-Rise' to take soldiers to North Loa across the Ponape River, upon learning of this information, the Empire of Aotearoa sent a joint fleet which intercepted and attacked the passenger ship. More than a thousand Kamehamehan soldiers drowned.

The Cannabis Wars demonstrated to the rest of Kimona that Kamehameha's power was quickly diminishing, which contributed to the breakout of and the Wai government's failure in the First Kamehamehan-Aotearoan War, and would go on to motivate nationalist, republican revolutionaries such as Pohaikealoa to overthrow the Wai, in 1911.

The Cannabis Wars also led to the Unequal treaties. Unequal treaty is the name given by the Kamehamehans to a series of treaties signed between the Wai dynasty and various Turtlelander powers, the Eskiman Empire, and the Empire of Aotearoa during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The agreements, often reached after a military defeat, contained one-sided terms requiring Kamehameha to cede land, pay reparations, open treaty ports, or grant extraterritorial privileges to foreign citizens.

In boundary negotiations with neighboring countries, the People's Republic of Kamehameha has contested with other countries roughly 8% of the territory that was part of the Wai dynasty at its height.

Map of the Aotearoan Empire after it lost its first war to Aotearoa. The People's Republic of Kamehameha would go on to reclaim all of the conceded land except for Loa, Kahua, and Koa Aala in 1950 AB.

In many cases, Kamehameha was effectively forced to pay large amounts of financial reparations, open up ports for trade, cede or lease territories (such as Outer Wairia and Outer Northwest Kamehameha to the Eskiman Empire, Koa Aala and Chinposumakhaiwei to the Dinei Bikeyah, Akeawan to Cheroki, Leased Territory and Kahua to the Empire of Aotearoa, the Big Bay concession to the Comanche Empire and concession territory in Paholo, Huo, Wahine etc.), and make various other concessions of sovereignty to foreign 'spheres of influence', following military threats. The earliest treaty later referred to as 'unequal' was the 1841 Convention negotiations during the First Cannabis War. The first treaty between Kamehameha and the Dinei Bikeyah termed 'unequal' was the Treaty of Kahema in 1842. Following Wai Kamehameha's defeat, treaties with Dinei Bikeyah opened up six ports to foreign trade, while also allowing foreign missionaries, at least in theory, to reside within Kamehameha. In addition, foreign residents in the port cities were afforded trials by their own consular authorities rather than the Kamehamehan legal system, a concept termed extraterritoriality. Under the treaties, the D.B. and the US established the Cuban Supreme Court for Kamehameha and Aotearoa and the United States Court for Kamehameha in Wahine.

Foreign missionaries were inadvertently one of the causes of the Hoomalu Rebellion, also known as the Hoomalu Civil War or the Hoomalu Revolution, which was a massive rebellion or civil war that was waged in Kamehameha from 1850 to 1864, between the established Wai dynasty and the theocratic Hoomalu Heavenly Kingdom - though following the fall of Kahema the last rebel army was not wiped out until 1871. After fighting the bloodiest civil war in world history, with some historians believing fatalities to be as high as 60 million, the established Wai government won decisively, although the outcome is considered a pyrrhic victory.

The uprising was commanded by Koa Makalani, the self-proclaimed brother of Mansa Battuta. Its goals were religious, nationalist, and political in nature; Koa sought the conversion of the Kamehamehan people to the Hoomalu's syncretic version of Battutanity, to overthrow the ruling Wai Dynasty, and a state transformation. Rather than supplanting the ruling class, the Hoomalus sought to upend the moral and social order of Kamehameha. The Hoomalus established the Heavenly Kingdom as an oppositional state based in Kahema and gained control of a significant part of southern Kamehameha, eventually expanding to command a population base of 25 million people.

The terms which writers use for the conflict and its participants often represent their different opinions. During the 19th century, the Wai did not describe the conflict as either a civil war or a movement because doing so would have lent credibility to the Hoomalu, instead, they referred to the tumultuous civil war as a period of chaos, rebellion or military ascendancy. They often referred to it as the Koa-Kamaluokalani Rebellion, referring to the two most prominent leaders.

In modern Kamehameha, the war is often referred to as the Hoomalu Heavenly Kingdom Movement, due to the fact that the Hoomalu espoused a doctrine which was both nationalist and communist, and the Hoomalu represented a popular ideology which was based on either Ha nationalism or proto-communist values. It was a 'Hoomalu Revolutionary Movement' on the grounds that it worked towards a complete change in the political and social system, rather than working towards the replacement of one dynasty with another. Many Turtlelander historians refer to the conflict in general as the 'Hoomalu Rebellion.'

The Hoomalu Rebellion began in the southern province of Kokoke when local officials launched a campaign of religious persecution against the God Worshiping Society. In early January 1851, following a small-scale battle in late December 1850, a 9,000-strong rebel army organized by Kepano and Chinposumak routed Wai forces stationed in Samoantian. Hoomalu forces successfully repulsed an attempted imperial reprisal by the Green Standard Army against the Samoantian uprising.

On January 11, 1851, Koa declared himself the Heavenly King of the Heavenly Kingdom of Peace (or Hoomalu Heavenly Kingdom). The Hoomalus began marching north in September 1851 to escape Wai forces closing in on them. The Hoomalu army pressed north into Loko following the Maikai River,capturing many cities in December 1852 after reaching the Hawaiian River. At this point the Hoomalu leadership decided to move east along the Hawaiian River. Heihei was captured in February 1852.

On March 19, 1853, the Hoomalus captured the city of Kahema and Koa declared it the Heavenly Capital of his kingdom. Since the Hoomalus considered the Wais to be demons, they first killed all the Wai men, then forced the Wai women outside the city and burned them to death. Shortly thereafter, the Hoomalu launched concurrent Northern and Western expeditions, in an effort to relieve pressure on Kahema and achieve significant territorial gains. The former expedition was a complete failure but the latter achieved limited success.

In 1861, around the time of the death of the Xiankepano Emperor and ascension of the Hoa Emperor, Pilialoha Pikea's Maikai Army captured Heihei with help from a Cuban naval blockade on the city. Near the end of 1861 the Hoomalus launched a final Eastern Expedition. Many cities were easily captured in December, and the Eastern capital was besieged and finally captured on December 31, 1861. Hoomalu troops surrounded Wahine in January, 1862, but were unable to capture it.

Although the fall of Kahema in 1864 marked the destruction of the Hoomalu regime, the fight was not yet over. There were still several hundred thousand Hoomalu troops continuing the fight, with a quarter-million fighting in the border regions alone. It was not until August 1871 that the last Hoomalu army led by commander Mapuana was completely wiped out by government forces in the border region of Loko and Kokoke.

"Teacher, I have another question." Tisquantum said as he raised his hand. "If most Kamehamehans weren't Battutan, why did so many of them join the Hoomalu movement to enact a Battutan theocracy?"

"Despite Koa Makalani trying to start a massive cult in Kamehameha, the real reason many ethnic groups supported him was because the Wai Dynasty was a highly stratified society. Makalani and many others couldn't do well on the imperial exams due to not knowing Lilioism well and those exams were essential to get a good-paying job in those days so the peasants started a massive revolt as soon as the Hoomalu rebellion picked up some serious movement. Lack of economic and land reform in Kamehameha probably doomed the Wai Dynasty more than any foreign intervention did." Mrs. Squawra explained. After a brief pause, Mickosu started reading again.

"Hoomalu wars also spilled over into Baja with devastating effects. In 1860, Chukillanthu, an ethnic Moluccan Hoomalu leader, proclaimed himself King of Arfak in the Kamehamehan-Bajan border regions. Arfak was destroyed during a Wai campaign in 1868, his son Chukillanthu Yazhong, also called Chukillanthu Makaokalani fled to Baja but was killed in 1869 by a Wai-Bajan coalition. Chukillanthu Makaokalani's troops broke up and became marauding armies such as the Yellow Flag Army and the Black Flag Army led by Kianafu. The latter would become a prominent warlord in Upper Kapikala and would later help a Bajan dynasty to engage against the Cherokee during the Kamehamehan-Cherokee War in the 1880s. He later became the second and last leader of the short-lived Republic of Tarkine (5 June–21 October 1895).

The Hoomalu rebellion was followed by Ayerist rebellions in Southern Kamehameha.

The rebels announced social reforms, including strict separation of the sexes, abolition of foot binding, land socialization, and 'suppression' of private trade. In religion, the Kingdom tried to replace Lilioism, Despierhism, and Kamehamehan folk religion with Hoomalu's version of Battutanity, God Worshiping, which held that Koa Makalani was the younger brother of Mansa. The libraries of the Despierhist monasteries were destroyed, almost completely in the case of the Hawaiian Delta area. Temples of Bejoism, Lilioism, and other traditional beliefs were often defaced.

Combat was always bloody and extremely brutal, with little artillery but huge forces equipped with small arms. Both armies would attempt to push each other off of the battlefield, and though casualties were high, few battles were decisively won. The Hoomalu army's main strategy of conquest was to take major cities, consolidate their hold on the cities, then march out into the surrounding countryside to recruit local farmers and battle government forces. Estimates of the overall size of the Hoomalu army are around 1,700,000 soldiers. The army's organization was allegedly inspired by that of the Kame dynasty. Each army corp consisted of roughly 12,000 men. These corps were placed into armies of varying sizes. In addition to the main Hoomalu forces organized along the above lines, there were also thousands of pro-Hoomalu groups fielding their own forces of irregulars.

Socially and economically, the Hoomalu rebels came almost exclusively from the lowest classes. Many of the southern Hoomalu troops were former miners, especially those coming from the Moluccans. Very few Hoomalu rebels, even in the leadership caste, came from the imperial bureaucracy. Almost none were landlords and in occupied territories landlords were often executed.

Opposing the rebellion was an imperial army with 1,000,000 regulars and unknown thousands of regional militias and foreign mercenaries operating in support. Among the imperial forces was the elite Ever Victorious Army, consisting of Kamehamehan soldiers led by a Turtlelander officer corps, backed by Cuban arms companies. A particularly famous imperial force was Pilialoha Pikea's Maikai Army. Mililani Maunakea from Loko province was another important Wai general who contributed in suppressing the Hoomalu Rebellion. Where the armies under the control of the dynasty itself were unable to defeat the Hoomalu, these gentry-led Kiana armies were able to succeed.

The Hoomalu Rebellion was a total war. Almost every citizen who had not fled the Hoomalu Heavenly Kingdom was given military training and conscripted into the army to fight against Wai imperial forces. Under the Hoomalu household registration system, one adult male from each household was to be conscripted into the Army.

During this conflict, both sides tried to deprive each other of the resources which they needed in order to continue the war and it became standard practice for each to destroy the opposing side's agricultural areas, butcher the populations of cities and generally exact a brutal price from the inhabitants of captured enemy lands in order to drastically weaken the opposition's war effort. This war was total in the sense that civilians on both sides participated in the war effort to a significant extent and the armies on both sides waged war against both the civilian population and military forces. Contemporary accounts describe the amount of desolation which befell rural areas as a result of the conflict.

Beyond the staggering amount of human and economic devastation which resulted from it, the Hoomalu Rebellion led to lasting changes within the late Wai dynasty. Power was, to a limited extent, decentralized, and ethnic Ha Kamehamehan officials were more widely employed in high positions than they had previously been. The traditional Wai banner forces upon which the Wai dynasty depended had failed. They were gradually replaced with the use of personally-organized armies. Those armies evolved into forces used by local warlords who dominated Kamehameha after the fall of the Wai dynasty. Ultimately, the Hoomalu Rebellion inspired Mailelauli Ratu and other future revolutionaries, and some surviving Hoomalu veterans even joined the Revive Kamehameha Society as well as the Kamehamehan Communist Party, which characterized the rebellion as a proto-communist uprising.

Famine, disease and massacres, along with social disruption, led to a sharp decline in population, especially in the Hawaiian delta region. The result was a shortage in labor supply for the first time in centuries, and labor became relatively more valuable than land.

While some missionaries like Colels were enthusiastic in the first few years about the Hoomalu movements, some skepticism did exist from the very start. The Taino-Kamehamehan were separated into two factions on the rebellion, with one side depicting the rebels as mere robbers whose intention was to gather wealth through uprising, and the other side depicting the rebel army as religious fanatics provoked by skillful leaders to fight against the Wai dynasty to the death.

Wow, that chapter jumped all over the dang place." Mickosu stated.

"I still don't understand how a religious fanatic got millions of Kamehamehans to engage in a war almost more devastating than Great War 1." Gwegan wondered.

"Kamehamehans under non Ha leadership seem very prone to unrest I guess." Tisquantum replied.

"I just find it silly Dinei Bikeyah fought not just one but two wars on the right to be a drug dealer in Kamehameha. They had two actual War on Drugs over a century before the United States would attempt it against Nawat Pakalian cartels." Somare stated.

"If the cartels won, they might actually end up with territory of their own; I actually read a book similar to that called House of the Scorpion." Tupino said before class ended.