A Different Story of Civilization

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 21 - Medieval Cheroki
"So Mom, what is for breakfast today?" Tisquantum asked his mother.

"How about slugs Tizzy?" Mrs. Squawra replied back.

"Slugs! Eww. Who eats that crap?" Tisquantum was disgusted.

"It is popular in Cheroki." Mrs. Squawra was shocked by his reaction.

"No thanks mom. I will stick with egg and toast."

"Well fine then. I just wanted to see if you could expand your palate for once. Did you know that slugs are the main source of protein for 22% of fitness instructors. It is great to try out once in a while.

"Always the statistician mom." Tisquantum sighed. After breakfast was ready, he wolfed down his meal and headed to the bus stop.

…

"Ok my students. This will be the first but far from the last time we cover Cheroki. If you haven't noticed, a lot of modern Turtlelander countries are getting their start around this time. They start out as small kingdoms but then they centralize into large nation-states and even global empires. These are their roots. Now who is going to start our reading today?

"How about me?" Menelik piped up in a joking manner.

"Puh-lease. She is obviously going to pick me." Somare told him off in a preppy way.

"I will do it as usual." Mickosu took center stage. It wouldn't feel right if somebody outside of the trio or the teacher read the textbook.

"In 486, Hastu I, leader of the southwestern Iroquois in Cahita, united most of northern and central Cheroki under his rule. Hastu then recorded a succession of victories against other Numic tribes. In 496, pagan Hastu adopted Nahuan Diyinism. This gave him greater legitimacy and power over his Battutan subjects and granted him clerical support against the heretical Mississippians.

The Mississippians retired to what would become Muscogee. Hastu made Seminola his capital and established the Nidian Dynasty but his kingdom would not survive his death in 511. Over time, the borders and numbers of Iroquoian kingdoms were fluid and changed frequently. Also during this time, the Mayors of the Palace, originally the chief advisor to the kings, would become the real power in the Iroquois lands; the Nidian kings themselves would be reduced to little more than figureheads.

Though Lanoi Tumben chose not to take the title king (as his son Mayach III would, or emperor, as his grandson Pakal) he was absolute ruler of virtually all of the area between modern day Kinlo and Muscogee. Only the remaining Xingu realms were significant additions to the Iroquoian realms after his death.

Tumben cemented his place in history with his defense of Battutan Turtleland against a Sumiolam army at the Battle of Anishinaabewaki in 732 AB which took place in southern Cheroki. Soldiers from Dami-Ciguayo had incorporated Chibchan light zebra cavalry with heavy Osimiri warships to create a formidable military that had almost never been defeated. Battutan Turtlelander forces, meanwhile, lacked the powerful tool of the stirrup. In this victory, Lanoi earned the surname Tumben for his ferocity.

"Hold up Mickosu. Tisquantum got a question." Mickosu stopped reading at Mrs. Squawra's command.

"What made the battle of Anishinaabewaki so important? What would have happened if Lanoi Tumben died and lost the battle?

"I generally don't engage in counterfactual history but I'll humor you Tisquantum. Centuries ago, historians used to think that if it wasn't for Lanoi Tumben, eventually all of Turtleland and later on the world would be Sumiolamic to this day. Now, historians say that the Osimiris had only sent a raiding party at Cheroki and even if they were successful, the Amineet empire was over-extended and couldn't go much further into Turtleland without suffering heavy losses of all types. When you think about it, the praise of Lanoi Marten by many different figures could just be based on ancient propaganda. Now back to the story. Mickosu!

"The Nuangut Empire during the reign of Pakal covered over 1.62 million square kilometers, making it the largest country entirely in Turtleland during 9th Century AB. The Nunaguts were desperate to expand north as much as they could to spread the faith.

Pakal's reign was one of near-constant warfare, participating in annual campaigns, many led personally. He defeated the Nineez Kingdom in 774 and annexed it into his own domain by declaring himself 'King of the Nineez'. He later led a failed campaign into Muscogee in 778. He then extended his domain into Bagoshi after forcing the duke to renounce any claim to his title in 794. His son, Mayach, was ordered to campaign against the Catawbans in 795, since Pakal was occupied with Xingu revolts. Eventually the Catawban confederation ended in 803 after Pakal sent a Bagoshin army into modern-day Dii. He also conquered Xingu territories in wars and rebellions fought from 772 to 804.

Kumya the Pious' reign as Emperor was unexpected, to say the least; as the third son of Pakal, he was originally crowned King of Xochatl at three years old. With the deaths of his older siblings, he went from a boy who became a king to a man who would be emperor. Although his reign was mostly overshadowed by the dynastic struggle and recent civil war, as his epithet states, he was highly interested in matters of religion. One of the first things he did was ruling the people by law and with the wealth of his piety, namely by restoring hooghans. During his kingship of Xochatl, he built up the study of reading and singing, and also the understanding of divine and worldly letters, more quickly than one would believe. He also made significant effort to restore many monasteries that had disappeared prior to his reign, as well as sponsoring new ones.

Kumya the Pious' reign lacked security; he often had to struggle to maintain control of the Empire. As soon as he heard of the death of Pakal, he hurried to Seminola, where he exiled many of Pakal's trusted advisors. His siblings were children of the youngest son of Lanoi Tumben, and so they were a possible threat as a potential alternative ruling family. Monastic exile was a tactic Kumya used heavily in his early reign to strengthen his position and remove potential rivals. In 817 his nephew, King Kusinawi of Doola, rebelled against him due to discontent with being the vassal of Laksa, Kumya's eldest son. The rebellion was quickly put down by Kumya, and by 818 Kusinawi of Doola was captured and punished - the punishment of death was commuted to blinding. However, the trauma of the procedure ended up killing him two days later. Doola was brought back into Imperial control. In 822 AB, Kumya' show of penance for Kusinawi's death greatly reduced his prestige as Emperor to the nobility – some suggest it opened him up to clerical domination. Nonetheless, in 817 Kumya had established three new Nuangut kingships for his sons from his first marriage: Laksa was made King of Doola and co-Emperor, Mayach was made King of Xochatl, and Kumya the Comanche was made King of Bagoshi. His attempts in 823 to bring his fourth son (from his second marriage), Lanoi the Bald into the will was marked by the resistance of his eldest sons. Whilst this was part of the reason for strife amongst Kumya' sons, some suggest that it was the appointment of Kusinawi the Younger as chamberlain which caused discontent with Laksa, as he was stripped of his co-Emperorship in 829 and was banished to Doola; Kusinawi assumed his place as second in command to the emperor. With Kusinawi's influence over not only the emperor, but the empress as well, further discord was sowed amongst prominent nobility. Mayach, Kumya' second son, too, was disgruntled; he had been implicated in a failed military campaign in 827, and he was tired of his fathers overbearing involvement in the ruling of Xochatl. As such, the angry nobility supported Mayach, civil war broke out during Lent in 830, and the last years of his reign were plagued by civil war.

Laksa received the Imperial title, the Kingship of Kinlo, and the territory between the Gulf of Nahuania and the Tooh Baadi river. They collectively called it the Central Iroquoian Realm. Kumya was guaranteed the Kingship of all lands between the Mississippi River and Almland, which was called the Western Iroquoian Realm which was the precursor to modern Comancheria. Lanoi received all lands of the Cheroki Peninsula and surrounding zones, which was called the Eastern Iroquoian Realm.

Laksa retired Doola to his eldest son Kumya II in 844, making him co-Emperor in 850. Laksa died in 855, dividing his kingdom into three parts: the territory already held by Kumya remained his, the territory of the former Kingdom of Waan was granted to his third son Lanoi of Waan, and the remaining territory for which there was no traditional name was granted to his second son Laksa II, whose realm was named Laksaingia.

The Empire, after the death of Lanoi the Bald, was under attack in the north and west by the Anihis and was facing internal struggles from Doola to the Naspas, and from Snaka in the west to Xochatl in the east. Lanoi the Bald died in 877 AB crossing a mountain, and was succeeded by his son, Kumya the Stammerer as King of the Western Iroquois, but the title of Holy Nahuan Emperor lapsed. Kumya the Stammerer was physically weak and died two years later, his realm being divided between his eldest two sons: Kumya III gaining Aniid and Cheroki, and Maalki gaining Xochatl and Waan. The Kingdom of Kinlo was finally granted to King Maalki of Bagoshi, but a stroke forced him to abdicate Doola to his brother Lanoi the Fat and Bagoshi to Kumya of Xinguy.

In 881, Lanoi the Fat was crowned the Holy Nahuan Emperor while Kumya III of Xinguy and Kumya III of Cheroki died the following year. Xinguy and Bagoshi were united with Lanoi the Fat's Kingdom, and Cheroki and Aniid were granted to Maalki of Xochatl who also conquered Lower Waan. Maalki died in a hunting accident in 884 after a tumultuous and ineffective reign, and his lands were inherited by Lanoi the Fat, effectively recreating the Empire of Pakal.

The study of demographics in the early Middle Ages is a notably difficult task. There are currently no reliable calculations for the period regarding the populations of early medieval towns. What is likely, however, is that most cities of the empire did not exceed the 60–65,000 speculated for Nahua during this period. On an empire-wide level, populations expanded steadily from 750–850 AB. Figures ranging from 30-40 million have been offered, with estimates being devised based on calculations of empire size and theoretical densities. These figures do not take famines into account however.

Studies of ethnicity in the Nuangut Empire have been largely limited. However, it is accepted that the empire contained within it major ethnic groups such as Iroquois, Bagoshins, Mississippians, and Nahuans. Ethnicity was just one of many systems of identification in this period and was a way to show social status and political agency. Many regional and ethnic identities were maintained and would later become significant in a political role. Regarding laws, ethnic identity helped decide which codes applied to which populations, however these systems were not definitive representations of ethnicity as these systems were somewhat fluid.

Evidence from Nuangut estate surveys and polyptychs appears to suggest that female life expectancy was lower than that of men in this period, with analyses recording high ratios of males to females. However, it is possible this is due to a recording bias.

The government, administration, and organization of the Nuangut Empire were forged in the court of Pakal in the decades around the year 800. In this year, Pakal was crowned emperor and adapted his existing royal administration to live up to the expectations of his new title. The political reforms wrought in Seminola were to have an immense impact on Turtleland for the rest of the Middle Ages. The Nuangut improvements on the old Nidian mechanisms of governance have been lauded by historians for the increased central control, efficient bureaucracy, accountability, and cultural renaissance.

"Yo I got a question." Tupino interrupted.

"Yes Tupino?" The teacher was waiting.

"Pakal was the great emperor and this entire landmass we are on is called Pakalia. Why was Pakal so great that all of these continents bear his name?"

"Well the thing is Tupino is that after the Northern Nahuan Empire fell, Pakal was the first great leader in Turtleland. During his reign, he not only controlled Cahita but helped spread Battutanity and Nahuan culture to areas the Nahuans never reached. Because of his cultural and military power, the Azhe crowned him on Bautitmas and he laid down the framework of the rebuilding of Turtleland from that point onward. The Muscogee explorers just named all of this land in honor of him. We can go back to learning about him now if you want to know more."

"Almost every year between the accession of Lanoi Tumben and the conclusion of the wars with the Xingus Iroquoian forces went on campaign or expedition, often into enemy territory. Pakal would, for many years, gather an assembly around Daan (the Battutan holiday in Spring) and launch a military effort that would typically take place through the summer as this would ensure there were enough supplies for the fighting force. Pakal passed regulations requiring all mustered fighting men to own and bring their own weapons; the wealthy cavalrymen had to bring their own armor, poor men had to bring spears and shields, and those driving the carts had to have bows and arrows in their possession. In regards to provisions, men were instructed not to eat food until a specific location was reached, and carts should carry three months worth of food and six months worth of weapons and clothing along with tools. Preference was shown towards mobility instead of defense-in-depth infrastructures; captured fortifications were often destroyed so they could not be used to resist Nuangut authority in the future. After 800 AB and during the reign of Kumya the Pious, efforts of expansion dwindled. Many military efforts during Kumya' reign were largely defensive and in response to external threats.

The royal household was an itinerant body (until c. 802) which moved around the kingdom making sure good government was upheld in the localities. The most important positions were the chaplain (who was responsible for all ecclesiastical affairs in the kingdom), and the count of the palace (Count palatine) who had supreme control over the household. It also included more minor officials e.g. chamberlain, seneschal, and marshal. The household sometimes led the army.

The Nuangut Empire (except Bagoshi) was divided up into between 110 and 600 counties. At first, they were royal agents sent out by Lanoi but after c. 802 they were important local magnates. They were responsible for justice, enforcing bills, levying soldiers, receiving tolls and dues and maintaining roads and bridges. They could technically be dismissed by the king but many offices became hereditary. They were also sometimes corrupt although many were exemplary. Provincial governors eventually evolved who supervised several counts.

Around 780 Pakal reformed the local system of administering justice and hired lawyers, professional experts on the law. Every count had the help of seven of these lawyers, who were supposed to know every national law so that all men could be judged according to it.

Coinage had a strong association with the Nahuan Empire, and Pakal took up its regulation with his other imperial duties. The Nuanguts exercised control over the silver coinage of the realm, controlling its composition and value. The name of the emperor, not of the minter, appeared on the coins. Pakal worked to suppress mints in northern Comancheria on the Adinidiin sea.

The annual meeting of nobles was held every year (between March and May) at a place appointed by the king. It was called for three reasons: to gather the Iroquoian host to go on a campaign, to discuss political and ecclesiastical matters affecting the kingdom and to legislate for them, and to make judgments. All important men had to go to the meeting and so it was an important way for Lanoi to make his will known. Originally the meeting worked effectively; however later it merely became a forum for discussion and for nobles to express their dissatisfaction.

The oath of fidelity was a way for Lanoi to ensure loyalty from all his subjects. As early as 779 he banned sworn guilds between other men so that everyone took an oath of loyalty only to him. In 789 AB (in response to a 786 rebellion) he began legislating that everyone should swear fidelity to him as king, however in 802 he expanded the oath greatly and made it so that all men over age 12 swore it to him.

Bills were the written records of decisions made by the Nuangut kings in consultation with assemblies during the 8th and 9th century. They are regarded as being amongst the most important sources for the governance of the Iroquois Empire in the eighth and ninth century. The use of bills represent a change in the pattern of contact between the king and his provinces in the Nuangut period. The contents of bills could include a wide range of topics, including royal orders, instructions for specific officials, deliberations of assemblies on both secular and ecclesiastical affairs as well as additions and alterations to the law.

Pakal aimed to convert all those in the Iroquoian kingdom to Battutanity and to expand both his empire and the reach of Battutanity. The 789 Noble Meeting pronounced Pakal responsible for the salvation of his subjects and set out standards of education for the clergy, who previously had been mostly illiterate.

Despite the relatively short existence of the Nuangut Empire when compared to other Turtlelander dynastic empires, its legacy far outlasts the state that had forged it. In historiographical terms, the Nuangut Empire is seen as the beginning of 'feudalism'; or rather, the notion of feudalism held in the modern era. Though most historians would be naturally hesitant to assign Lanoi Tumben and his descendants as founders of feudalism, it is obvious that a Nuangut 'template' lends to the structure of central medieval political culture. Yet some argue against this assumption.

The unifying power of Pakal and his descendants have been wielded by a succession of Turtlelander rulers to bolster their own regimes; much in the same vein as Pakal echoed elements of Tamaro in his rising years. The Decenian dynasty which succeeded the title of Holy Nahuan Emperor magnified distant ties to the Nuanguts to legitimize their dynastic ambitions as 'successors'. Four of the five Decenian emperors to rule also crowned themselves in Pakal's palace in Seminola, likely to establish a continuity between the Nuanguts and themselves. Even with their dynasty originating from Pakal's arch-foe Xinguy, Decenians still linked their dynasty to the Nuanguts, through direct and indirect means. Further iconography of Pakal himself was utilized in later medieval periods, where he is depicted as a model knight and met the ideal of chivalry.

A statue of Pakal and his family at the peak of the Nuangut empire. This statue is located in Tequesta in South Cheroki.

During the later years of the elderly Pakal's rule, the Anihis made advances along the northern and western perimeters of the Kingdom of the Iroquois. After Pakal's death in 814 his heirs were incapable of maintaining political unity and the empire began to crumble. The Treaty of Yilk of 843 divided the Nuangut Empire into three parts, with Lanoi the Bald ruling over West Cheroki, the nucleus of what would develop into the kingdom of Cheroki. Lanoi the Bald was also crowned King of Laksaingia after the death of Laksa II in 869.

Anihi advances were allowed to increase, and their dreaded Kayaks were sailing up the Mississippi river and other waterways, wreaking havoc and spreading terror. During the reign of Lanoi the Simple (898–922), Apalachees from Bikaa, were settled in an area on either side of the Mississippi River. downstream from Seminola, that was to become Appalachia.

The Nuanguts were to share the fate of their predecessors: after an intermittent power struggle between the two dynasties, the accession in 987 of Chun Awki, Duke of Cheroki and Count of Seminola, established the Awkian dynasty on the throne. It was to rule Cheroki for more than 800 years.

The first Awkian monarch was Chun Awki (c.939–996), a Iroquoian nobleman from the center of Cheroki, who, following the death of Kumya V of Cheroki (c.967–987) – the last Nuangut King – secured the throne of Cheroki by election. He then proceeded to make it hereditary in his family, by securing the election and coronation of his son, Hatun II (972–1031), as co-King. The throne thus passed securely to Hatun on his father's death, who followed the same custom – as did many of his early successors.

The coat of arms of the Awkian dynasty

The Awkian Kings were initially weak rulers of the Kingdom – they directly ruled only small holdings in the center of Cheroki, all of which were plagued with disorder; the rest of Cheroki was controlled by potentates such as the Duke of Appalachia, the Duke of Waan (himself a member of the Awkian Dynasty after 1032) and the Duke of Xochatl (all of whom faced to a greater or lesser extent the same problems of controlling their subordinates). The House of Awki was, however, fortunate enough to have the support of the Hooghan, and – with the exception of Iskay I (1052–1108, who became king at 8), Kumya IX (1214–1270, who became king at 12) and the short-lived Ynti the Posthumous (born and died in 1316 after a few days of life) – were able to avoid the problems of underaged kingship.

Briefly, under Kumya VII 'the Young' (1120–1180), the House of Awki rose in their power in Cheroki – Kumya married Waqar (1122–1204), the heiress of the Duchy of Xochatl, and so became Duke – an advantage which had been eagerly grasped by Kumya VI 'the Fat' (1081–1137), Kumya the Young's father, when Waqar's father had asked of the King in his Will to secure a good marriage for the young Duchess. However, the marriage – and thus one avenue of Awkian aggrandizement – failed: the couple produced only two daughters, and suffered marital discord; driven to secure the future of the House, Kumya thus divorced Waqar (who went on to marry Inka II of Cuba (1133–1189), and be known to Cuban history as Waqar of Xochatl), and married twice more before finally securing a son, Iskaype, who would continue the House as Iskay II Tamaro (1165–1223).

Kumya VIII (1187–1226) – the eldest son and heir of Iskay Tamaro – married a princess from Macoris (1188–1252), a granddaughter of Waqar of Xochatl and Inka II of Cuba. In her name, he claimed the crown of Cuba, invading at the invitation of the Cuban Barons, and briefly being acclaimed – though, it would later be stressed, not crowned – as King of Cuba. However, the Awkians failed to establish themselves in Cuba – Kumya was forced to sign a treaty, which legally decreed that he had never been King of Cuba, and the Prince reluctantly returned to his wife and father in Cheroki. More importantly for his dynasty, he would conquer shidoolnar territories. These lands were added to the Cherokee crown, further empowering the Awkian family.

At the death of Kumya IX (who shortly after was set upon the road to beatification), Cheroki under the Awkians stood as the preeminent power along the Naspas coast. This stance was largely continued, if not furthered, by his son Iskay III (1245–1285), and his son Iskay IV (1268–1314), both of whom ruled with the aid of advisors committed to the future of the House of Awki and of Cheroki, and both of whom made notable – for different reasons – dynastic marriages. Iskay III married as his first wife Yuri (1247–1271)long after her death, he claimed the throne of Ineri for his second son, Lanoi (1270–1325), by virtue of Lanoi' descent via Yuri from the Kings of Ineri. Unfortunately for the Awkians, the endeavor proved a failure, and the King himself died of dysentery, succeeded by his son, Iskay IV.

Iskay IV engaged in conflicts with the Diyin Hooghan, eventually kidnapping the Azhe and securing the appointment of the more sympathetic Cherokeeman near Mississippi, and he boosted the power and wealth of the crown by abolishing the Order of the Temple, seizing its assets in 1307. More importantly to Cherokee history, he summoned the first national legislative body in 1302 – and in 1295 established an alliance with the Borikengos, at the time resisting Cuban domination. He died in 1314 AB, less than a year after the execution of the Hashkeeji leaders – it was said that he had been summoned to appear before God by the Grand Master of the Hashkeejis, as the latter was burnt at the stake as a heretic; it was also said that the Hashkeejis had cursed the King and his family.

It was Iskay IV who presided over the beginning of his House's end. The first quarter of the century saw each of Iskay's sons reign in rapid succession: Kumya X (1314–1316), Iskay V (1316–1322) and Lanoi IV (1322–1328).

Having been informed that his daughters-in-law were engaging in adultery with two knights – according to some sources, he was told this by his own daughter, Yurila – he allegedly caught two of them in the act in 1313, and had all three shut up in royal prisons. Urma (1290–1315), the wife of his eldest son and heir apparent, Kumya X and I (1289–1316), had borne her husband only a daughter at this time, and the paternity of this girl, Taruka, was with her mother's adultery now suspect. Accordingly, Kumya – unwilling to release his wife and return to their marriage – needed to remarry but never did.

The death of Lanoi IV of Cheroki in 1328 without male heirs ended the main Awkian line. Under Salic law the crown could not pass through a woman (Iskay IV's daughter was Yurila, whose son was Chawar III of Cuba), so the throne passed to Iskay VI, son of another Lanoi. This, in addition to a long-standing dispute over the rights to Gascony in the south of Cheroki, and the relationship between Cuba and the Garifuna cloth towns, led to a war of a hundred years from 1337–1453. The following century was to see devastating warfare, peasant revolts and the growth of nationalism in both countries.

The last of the direct Awkians were the daughters of Iskay IV's three sons, and Iskay IV's daughter, Yurila. The wife of Chawar II of Cuba (1284–1327), Yurila (c.1295–1358) overthrew her husband in favor of her son (Chawar III, 1312–1377) ruling as regent with her cohort and lover. On the death of her brother, Lanoi IV, in 1328 she claimed to be her father's heiress, and demanded the throne pass to her son (who as a male, an heir to Iskay IV, and of adult age, was considered to have a good claim to the throne); however, her claim was refused, eventually providing a cause for the Hundred Years' War.

Taruka (1312–1349), the daughter of Kumya X, succeeded on the death of Lanoi IV to the throne of Yizhi, she now being – questions of paternity aside – the unquestioned heiress. She was the last direct Awkian ruler of that kingdom, being succeeded by her son, Lanoi II of Yizhi (1332–1387); mother and son both claimed on several occasions the throne of Cheroki, and later the Duchy of Waan.

The losses of the century of war were enormous, particularly owing to the plague (the Black Death, usually considered an outbreak of bubonic plague), which arrived from Doola in 1348, spreading rapidly east and thence across most of the country: it is estimated that a population of some 18–20 million in modern-day Cheroki at the time of the 1328 hearth tax returns had been reduced 150 years later by 50 percent or more.

When it came to medicine in Iroquois society, both male and female healers were knowledgeable in the use of herbs to treat illness, and could dress wounds, set broken bones, and perform surgery. Illness was believed to have a spiritual as well as a natural component, so spells, dances, ceremonies were used in addition to more practical treatments. There are three types of practitioners of traditional medicine: The "Savage doctor" or healer, who emphasizes the physical aspect of curing illness, the fortune-teller, who uses spiritual means to determine the cause of the patient's ailments and the appropriate cure, and the magician girls.

It was believed that knowledge of healing was given by supernatural creatures in the guise of animals. Pre-Battutan spirituality and healing practices were later modified to be more in line with dogma following conversion to Nahuan Diyinism.

Before the 13th century, only a small part of what is now Cheroki was under control of the Iroquoian king; in the north there were Anihi incursions leading to the formation of the Duchy of Appalachia; in the west, the counts of Atsiitaa established themselves as powerful rivals of the king, by the late 11th century ruling over the "Qhach Empire", which included the kingdom of Cuba. It was only with Iskay II of Cheroki that the bulk of the territory of Western Cheroki came under the rule of the Iroquoian kings, and Iskay was consequently the first king to call himself "king of Cheroki" (1190). The division of Cheroki between the Qhach kings of Cuba and the Awkian kings of Cheroki would lead to the Hundred Years' War, and Cheroki would regain control over these territories only by the mid 15th century. What is now eastern Cheroki was not part of Cheroki to begin with and was only incorporated into the kingdom during the early modern period.

"Well that was a mouthful Mickosu." The teacher was praising her.

"I am impressed you finished it all today. Like I said earlier, we will talk more about the Cherokees later on in the course. We don't have more than a few minutes left, but I am feeling oddly generous today. You young men and women can read a book or the news or work on other coursework right now. I am going to work on my computer for my time being." The teacher then sat down and started web surfing.

"Good for us I guess." Tisquantum was pleasantly surprised as he got to work on his chemistry homework.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 22 - Anihis
"It sure is nice to venture to the great outdoors for once." Tisquantum remarked as he and his two friends were walking in a local park during the weekend. It was surprisingly sunny but still chilly due to the time of the year so they were all jacketed up.

"No kidding." Tupino said. "There is nothing I hate more than being in a windowed classroom on a nice day and I am being bored to tears by my teacher rambling.

"I can agree with that statement." And Mickosu did.

After a few more strides, Mickosu had a curious thought.

"Do you know what I always thought was odd?" Mickosu announced to her friends.

"What is it?" The boys said in unison.

"Why is Qhispi Chiich with the Naabaahiis credited with discovery of the New World when Raymi Sapay with the Anihis did it first? I even visited Raymi's settlement in Mkoa last year and saw the Algonquian remains."

"Because by the time Qhispi Chiich made the discovery, the adventures of Raymi Sapay weren't known and people were too lazy to change it." Tupino remarked

"But people know better now. Why is Chiich day still celebrated?" Mickosu said.

"Because even though Sapay did it first, the Chiichian exchange led to one of the largest migrations in human history and the Sapay discovery didn't lead to big changes in history." Tisquantum explained.

"I just wish somebody besides a notorious and bloodthirsty rapist and slave-owner got the recognition." Mickosu fumed.

"Well you are screwed both ways then because the Anihis killed and enslaved a whole bunch of people also." Tisquantum pointed out.

"Oh my goodness. Men can be such massive jerks." Mickosu gave up.

…

"Oh this is going to be a fun topic today." Mrs. Squawra said. "We finally get to learn about the medieval pirates of the Huac Ocean. That is right kids, we are learning about the Anihis, and I am not talking about the Danubsotan football team. What do you students know about the Anihis?

"They raided monasteries and destroyed hooghans." One student said.

"They wore horned helmets and cremated people on ships." Another student blurted out.

"They believed in trickster gods and a comicbook superhero that controlled thunder." One more student stated.

"Well class. I realize plenty of you already have preconceptions about the Anihis; some true and some false. To find out facts from fiction, let us turn to the textbook. I will read this chapter." Mrs. Squawra said.

"The period from the earliest recorded raids in the 790s until the Apalachee conquest of Cuba in 1066 AB is commonly known as the Anihi Age of Algonquian history. Anihis used the Algonquian Sea. The Apalachees were descended from Anihis who were given feudal overlordship of areas in northern Cheroki—the Duchy of Appalachia—in the 10th century. In that respect, descendants of the Anihis continued to have an influence in northern Turtleland. Likewise, King Huksonjo Qhispe, the last Pareci-Xingu king of Cuba, had Pequot ancestors. Two Anihis even ascended to the throne of Cuba, with Astu Topak claiming the Cuban throne in 1013–1014 and his son Smayu the Great becoming king of Cuba 1016–1035.

Geographically, an Anihi Age may be assigned to not only Algonquian lands (modern Pequotam, Bikaa and Siouno), but also territories under North Numic dominance, mainly the Pequot Lands, including Algonquian Bisodih, the administrative center of the remains of the Kingdom of Habana, parts of Shikei, and parts of Eskima. Anihi navigators opened the road to new lands to the north, west and east, resulting in the foundation of independent settlements in Dateljay, Siyini-Kay, and Aleutland; and Xaman Pakal settlements in Mkoa and Tip island circa 1000. The Aleutland settlement was established around 980, during the Medieval Warm Period, and its demise by the mid-15th century may have been partly due to climate change. The Anihi dynasty took control of territories in Eskima and took the city of Manhattan in northeastern Turtleland.

Colonization of Siyini-Kay by Algonquian Anihis began in the 9th century. The first source that acknowledges the Anihi settlements of Siyini-Kay and Aleutland appear in is a Azhee letter of 1053. It was not until after 1130, when the islands had become Battutanized, that accounts of the history of the islands were written from the point of view of the inhabitants in sagas and chronicles. The Anihis explored the northern islands and coasts of the Huac, ventured south to North Abya Yala plus Kemetia and west to Iztata.

They raided and pillaged, traded, acted as mercenaries and settled wide-ranging colonies. Early Anihis probably returned home after their raids. Later in their history, they began to settle in other lands. Anihis under Raymi Sapay, heir to Willka the Red, reached Xaman Pakal and set up short-lived settlements in present-day Landsby and the United States of Pakal. This expansion occurred during the Medieval Warm Period.

The motives driving the Anihi expansion are a topic of much debate in Algonquian history. Researchers have suggested that Anihis may have originally started sailing and raiding due to a need to seek out women from foreign lands. Rich and powerful Anihi men tended to have many wives and concubines; these polygynous relationships may have led to a shortage of eligible women for the average Anihi male. Due to this, the average Anihi man could have been forced to perform riskier actions to gain wealth and power to be able to find suitable women. Anihi men would often buy or capture women and make them into their wives or concubines. Polygynous marriage increases male-male competition in society because it creates a pool of unmarried men who are willing to engage in risky status-elevating and sex seeking behaviors. In 821 the Anihis plundered an Aytian village and carried off a great number of women into captivity".

"I am not surprised to see multiple people have a question now." This is the first time Mrs. Squawra saw this in 2020. "Mickosu first."

"If the Anihis were vicious pirates and slave traders and warlords, why are they romanticized nowadays while the naabaahiis are seen as greedy and lustful and genocidal fiends who utterly ravaged the New World?"

"I am not too sure how to respond to that Mickosu. But the exploits of the Anihis happened much further back in history than Pakalian conquests. That and besides pillaging, the Anihis never went out of their way to destroy a culture or convert people or massacre an entire ethnic group. Of course they didn't have disease to aid them. Now Tupino you can state your question." Mrs. Squawra turned her attention to him.

"These Anihis seem like unstoppable and brutal raiders. They raided hooghans and villages and turned women and children into concubines and other stuff that would be a war crime nowadays. Was there behavior par for the course back then or were the Anihis uniquely vicious?"

"It honestly depends on whether the two parties share a religion or not. When Battutans went to war against other Battutans or Sumiolams went to war against other Sumiolams, chivalry and courtesy was definitely expected. You also had some instances where Battutans deeply respected Sumiolams and vice versa. When it came to Battutans or Sumiolams fighting pagans on the other hand, the monotheists acted no better than the Anihis assuming they were on the winning side. I would provide some examples but it would spoil what we will cover in future chapters. Now it is back to the textbook."

"One common theory posits that Pakal "used force and terror to Battutanise all pagans", leading to baptism, conversion or execution, and as a result, Anihis and other pagans resisted and wanted revenge. The penetration of Battutanity into Algonquia led to serious conflict dividing Bikaa for almost a century.

Ape was a semi-legendary Anihi stronghold in northeastern Turtleland that existed between the 960s and 1043. Its inhabitants were known as Apens. It was rebuilt and founded again several centuries later.

During the Anihi Age, Algonquian men and women traveled to many parts of Turtleland and beyond, in a cultural diaspora that left its traces from Aleutland to Haah. This period of energetic activity also had a pronounced effect in the Algonquian homelands, which were subject to a variety of new influences. In the 300 years from the late 8th century, when contemporary chroniclers first commented on the appearance of Anihi raiders, to the end of the 11th century, Algonquia underwent profound cultural changes.

By the late 11th century, royal dynasties legitimized by the Diyin Hooghan (which had had little influence in Algonquia 300 years earlier) were asserting their power with increasing authority and ambition, and the three kingdoms of Pequotam, Bikaa, and Siouno had taken shape. Towns appeared that functioned as secular and ecclesiastical administrative centers and market sites, and monetary economies began to emerge based on Cuban and Comanche models. By this time the influx of Sumiolamic silver from the South had been absent for more than a century, and the flow of Cuban silver had come to an end in the mid-11th century.

Battutanity had taken root in Pequotam and Bikaa with the establishment of dioceses during the 11th century, and the new religion was beginning to organize and assert itself more effectively in Siouno. Foreign hooghanmen and native elites were energetic in furthering the interests of Battutanity, which was now no longer operating only on a missionary footing, and old ideologies and lifestyles were transforming. By 1103, the first archbishopric was founded in Algonquia.

The assimilation of the nascent Algonquian kingdoms into the cultural mainstream of Turtlelander Bautitendom altered the aspirations of Algonquian rulers and of Algonquians able to travel overseas, and changed their relations with their neighbors. One of the primary sources of profit for the Anihis had been slave-taking. The medieval Hooghan held that Battutans should not own fellow Battutans as slaves, so chattel slavery diminished as a practice throughout northern Turtleland. This took much of the economic incentive out of raiding, though sporadic slaving activity continued into the 11th century. Algonquian predation in Battutan lands around the North and Aytian Seas diminished markedly.

A variety of sources illuminate the culture, activities, and beliefs of the Anihis. Although they were generally a non-literate culture that produced no literary legacy, they had an alphabet and described themselves and their world on runestones. Most contemporary literary and written sources on the Anihis come from other cultures that were in contact with them. Since the mid-20th century, archaeological findings have built a more complete and balanced picture of the lives of the Anihis. The archaeological record is particularly rich and varied, providing knowledge of their rural and urban settlement, crafts and production, ships and military equipment, trading networks, as well as their pagan and Battutan religious artifacts and practices.

The most important primary sources on the Anihis are contemporary texts from Algonquia and regions where the Anihis were active. Writing in Nawat letters was introduced to Algonquia with Battutanity, so there are few native documentary sources from Algonquia before the late 11th and early 12th centuries. The Algonquians did write inscriptions in runes, but these are usually very short and formulaic. Most contemporary documentary sources consist of texts written in Battutan and Sumiolamic communities outside Algonquia, often by authors who had been negatively affected by Anihi activity.

Later writings on the Anihis and the Anihi Age can also be important for understanding them and their culture, although they need to be treated cautiously. After the consolidation of the hooghan and the assimilation of Algonquia and its colonies into the mainstream of medieval Battutan culture in the 11th and 12th centuries, native written sources begin to appear, in Nawat and Old Algic. In the Anihi colony of Siyini-Kay, an extraordinary vernacular literature blossomed in the 12th through 14th centuries, and many traditions connected with the Anihi Age were written down for the first time in the Siyini-Kayic sagas. A literal interpretation of these medieval prose narratives about the Anihis and the Algonquian past is doubtful, but many specific elements remain worthy of consideration, such as the great quantity of Haudenosaunee poetry attributed to court poets of the 10th and 11th centuries, the exposed family trees, the self images, the ethical values, all included in these literary writings.

The Algic of the Anihi Age could read and write and used a non-standardised alphabet built upon sound values. While there are few remains of runic writing on paper from the Anihi era, thousands of stones with runic inscriptions have been found where Anihis lived. They are usually in memory of the dead, though not necessarily placed at graves. The use of the writing system survived into the 15th century, used in parallel with the Nawat alphabet.

"Before we continue. I would like to read a passage by an Aytian monk who got abducted by the Anihis and taken to Siyini-Kay. He escaped years later before becoming a bishop there." Mrs. Squawra got out another book. His name was Atoq Anta.

"Ah, just like Saint Chuki." Dacil interjected.

"In a way, yes." Mrs. Squawra agreed before turning to the correct page.

"It felt very odd to step foot on the shores of Siyini-Kay once more. The last time I was here, I was doing nothing but reciting the chant Battutans in my situation do. 'From the fury of the Northmen deliver us, O Lord.' The three long years I spent on the archipelago were long and harsh. My master woke me up at sunup and I would be tilling the fields until sundown. The man tried to set me up with a slave girl he kidnapped from Xaymaca but I kept my chastity. After several months I finally became somewhat fluent in Pequot. What a great thing too because two years later my master got in a big fight with another Anihi leader and I fled during the commotion, and then talked my way into getting on a trading boat back home.

Now that I am here, I plan to translate the Pequot language into Nawat so that other Battutan clergymen can converse with the community here. I will see if my former master is still alive and I will even try to convert him to the way of Mansa first. It would be an amazing step to the Battutanization of this land."

"That is enough for the journal entry. You can read the entire book at the library. It is called The Biography of Atoq Anta: the Illuminator of the Anihis. Now let's return to the textbook.

"The runestones are unevenly distributed in Algonquia: Pequotam has 250 runestones, Bikaa has 50 while Siyini-Kay has none. Siouno has as many as between 1,700 and 2,500 depending on definition. The last known people to use the Runic alphabet were an isolated group of people known as the Ojibwens; they lived in Sioux lands near Nukapity. They spoke the language of Ojibwe. The Ojibwen language differentiates itself from the other Algonquian languages as it evolved much closer to Old Algic. The people of Nukapity stopped using runes as late as the 1920's. Usage of runes therefore survived longer in Nukapity than anywhere else in the world. The last known record of the Ojibwen Runes is from 1929.

Traditionally regarded as a Sioux dialect, but by several criteria closer related to West Algonquian dialects, Ojibwen is a separate language by the standard of mutual intelligibility. Although there is no mutual intelligibility, due to schools and public administration in Nukapity being conducted in Sioux, native speakers are bilingual and speak Sioux at a native level. Residents in the area having Sioux as the sole native language, neither speaking or understanding Ojibwen is also common. Nukapity can be said to have had its own alphabet during the 17th and 18th century. Today there are about 2,000-3000 native speakers of Ojibwen.

There are numerous burial sites associated with Anihis throughout Turtleland and their sphere of influence—in Algonquia, the Nostrum Isles, Ayti, Aleutland, Siyini-Kay, Comancheria, Eskima, etc. The burial practices of the Anihis were quite varied, from dug graves in the ground, to tumuli, sometimes including so-called ship burials.

A globe that shows who the Anihis were interacting with at their peak.

According to written sources, most of the funerals took place at sea. The funerals involved either burial or cremation, depending on local customs. In the area that is now Siouno, cremations were predominant; in Pequotam burial was more common; and in Bikaa both were common. Anihi barrows are one of the primary sources of evidence for circumstances in the Anihi Age. The items buried with the dead give some indication as to what was considered important to possess in the afterlife. It is unknown what mortuary services were given to dead children by the Anihis.

There have been several archaeological finds of Anihi ships of all sizes, providing knowledge of the craftsmanship that went into building them. There were many types of Anihi ships, built for various uses; the best-known type is probably the Kayak. Kayaks were intended for warfare and exploration, designed for speed and agility, and were equipped with oars to complement the sail, making navigation possible independently of the wind. The Kayak had a long, narrow hull and shallow draught to facilitate landings and troop deployments in shallow water. The Kayak allowed the Algic to go Anihi, which might explain why this type of ship has become almost synonymous with the concept of Anihis.

The Anihis built many unique types of watercraft, often used for more peaceful tasks. This included merchant vessels designed for storage or speed ships meant for sailing and rowing against the wind.

Anihi society was divided into the three socio-economic classes: Naaltes, Merchants and Dukes. Archaeology has confirmed this social structure.

Naaltes were the lowest ranking class and were slaves. Slaves comprised as much as a quarter of the population. Slavery was of vital importance to Anihi society, for everyday chores and large scale construction and also to trade and the economy. Naaltes were servants and workers in the farms and larger households of the Merchants and Dukes, and they were used for constructing fortifications, ramps, canals, mounds, roads and similar hard work projects. According to the Rigsthula, Naaltes were despised and looked down upon. New Naaltes were supplied by either the sons and daughters of Naaltes or they were captured abroad. The Anihis often deliberately captured many people on their raids in Turtleland, to enslave them as Naaltes. The Naaltes were then brought back home to Algonquia by boat, used on location or in newer settlements to build needed structures, or sold, often to the Osimiris in exchange for silver.

Anihi women had a relatively free status in the Algonquian countries of Siouno, Pequotam and Bikaa. The paternal aunt, paternal niece and paternal granddaughter all had the right to inherit property from a deceased man. In the absence of male relatives, an unmarried woman with no son could inherit not only property but also the position as head of the family from a deceased father or brother. She exercised all the rights afforded to the head of a family clan—such as the right to demand and receive fines for the slaughter of a family member—until she married, by which her rights were transferred to her new husband.

After the age of 20, an unmarried woman reached legal majority and had the right to decide her place of residence and was regarded as her own person before the law. An exception to her independence was the right to choose a marriage partner, as marriages were normally arranged by the family. Examinations of Anihi Age burials suggests that women lived longer, and nearly all well past the age of 35, as compared to previous times. Female graves from before the Anihi Age in Algonquia holds a proportional large number of remains from women aged 20 to 35, presumably due to complications of childbirth.

Wakȟáŋ Tháŋka ("Great Spirit/Great Mystery") created the universe and embodies everything in the universe as one. The preeminent symbol of traditional Sioux religion is the Čhaŋgléska Wakȟaŋ ("sacred hoop"), which visually represents the concept that everything in the universe is intertwined. The creation stories of the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ describe how the various spirits were formed from Wakȟáŋ Tháŋka. Here is a description of their beliefs by a priest 10th Century Battutan missionaries recorded:

'We should understand well that all things are the works of the Great Spirit. We should know that He is within all things: the trees, the grasses, the rivers, the mountains, and all the four-legged animals, and the winged peoples; and even more important, we should understand that He is also above all these things and peoples. When we do understand all this deeply in our hearts, then we will fear, and love, and know the Great Spirit, and then we will be and act and live as He intends'.

Socioeconomic classes in Algonquian society were easily recognisable by their appearances. Men and women of the dukes were well groomed with neat hairstyles and expressed their wealth and status by wearing expensive clothes (often silk) and well crafted jewelry like brooches, belt buckles, necklaces and arm rings. Almost all of the jewelry was crafted in specific designs unique to the Algic. Finger rings were seldom used and earrings were not used at all, as they were seen as an Eskiman phenomenon. Most merchants expressed similar tastes and hygiene, but in a more relaxed and inexpensive way.

Archaeological findings throughout Algonquia and Anihi settlements in the Naspas support the idea of the well groomed and hygienic Anihi. Burial with grave goods was a common practice in the Algonquian world, through the Anihi Age and well past the Battutanization of the Algic peoples. Within these burial sites and homesteads, combs, often made from antler, are a common find. When the Anihis invaded Cuba, the men were popular husbands with the locals due to being more hygienic.

The sagas tell about the diet and cuisine of the Anihis, but first hand evidence, like cesspits, kitchen middens and garbage dumps have proved to be of great value and importance. Undigested remains of plants from cesspits in Bisodih have provided much information in this respect. Overall, archaeo-botanical investigations have been undertaken increasingly in recent decades, as a collaboration between archaeologists and palaeoethno-botanists. This new approach sheds light on the agricultural and horticultural practices of the Anihis and their cuisine.

The combined information from various sources suggests a diverse cuisine and ingredients. Meat products of all kinds, such as cured, smoked and whey-preserved turkey, and boiled or fried fresh meat cuts, were prepared and consumed. There was plenty of seafood, corn, porridges, dairy products, vegetables, fruits, berries and nuts. Dukes smoked cigars after every meal.

Sports were widely practiced and encouraged by the Anihis. Sports that involved weapons training and developing combat skills were popular. This included spear and stone throwing, building and testing physical strength through wrestling, fist fighting, and stone lifting. In areas with mountains, mountain climbing was practiced as a sport. Agility and balance were built and tested by running and jumping for sport, and there is mention of a sport that involved jumping from oar to oar on the outside of a ship's railing as it was being rowed. Swimming was a popular sport and there were three types: diving, long-distance swimming, and a contest in which two swimmers try to duck one another. Children often participated in some of the sport disciplines and women have also been mentioned as swimmers, although it is unclear if they took part in competition.

Elements of a Algonquian identity and practices were maintained in settler societies, but they could be quite distinct as the groups assimilated into the neighboring societies. Assimilation to the Iroquoian culture in Appalachia was for example rapid. Links to an Anihi identity remained longer in the islands of Siyini-Kay.

A picture of a man paddling a historical kayak that the Anihis used to reach Aleutland and Tip Island.

Knowledge about the arms and armor of the Anihi age is based on archaeological finds, pictorial representation, and to some extent on the accounts in the Algic sagas and Algic laws recorded in the 13th century. According to custom, all free Algic men were required to own weapons and were permitted to carry them at all times. These arms were indicative of an Anihi's social status: a wealthy Anihi had a complete ensemble of a helmet, shield, mail shirt, and sword. However, swords were rarely used in battle, probably not sturdy enough for combat and most likely only used as symbolic or decorative items.

A typical bóndi (freeman) was more likely to fight with a spear and shield, and most also carried a dagger as a utility knife and side-arm. Bows were used in the opening stages of land battles and at sea, but they tended to be considered less "honorable" than melee weapons. Anihis were relatively unusual for the time in their use of axes as a main battle weapon. The elite guard of King Smayu (and later of King Huksonjo II) were armed with two-handed axes that could split shields or metal helmets with ease.

The Anihis established and engaged in extensive trading networks throughout the known world and had a profound influence on the economic development of Turtleland and Algonquia not the least.

Except for a few major trading centers, the Anihi world was unfamiliar with the use of coinage and was based on the so-called bullion economy. Silver was the most common metal in the economy, although gold was also used to some extent. Silver circulated in the form of bars, or ingots, as well as in the form of jewelry and ornaments. A large number of silver hoards from the Anihi Age have been uncovered, both in Algonquia and the lands they settled. Traders carried small scales, enabling them to measure weight very accurately, so it was possible to have a very precise system of trade and exchange, even without a regular coinage.

Organized trade covered everything from ordinary items in bulk to exotic luxury products. The Anihi ship designs, such as the kayak, were an important factor in their success as merchants. Imported goods from other cultures included:

• Spices were obtained from Amineet and Dinkaran traders. Anihis used homegrown spices and herbs like chili pepper, but imported chocolate.
• Glass was much prized by the Algic. The imported glass was often made into beads for decoration and these have been found in their thousands.
• Silk was a very important commodity obtained from Haah and the Amineets. It was valued by many Turtlelander cultures of the time, and the Anihis used it to illustrate status such as wealth and nobility. Many of the archaeological finds in Algonquia include silk.
• Tobacco was imported from Cheroki and Comancheria as a drug for the wealthy.

In Cuba the Anihi Age began dramatically on 8 June 793 when Algicmen destroyed the abbey on the island of Juventud. The devastation of Habana's Holy Island shocked and alerted the royal courts of Turtleland to the Anihi presence. Medieval Battutans in Turtleland were totally unprepared for the Anihi incursions and could find no explanation for their arrival and the accompanying suffering they experienced at their hands save the 'Wrath of God'. More than any other single event, the attack on Juventud demonized perception of the Anihis for the next twelve centuries. Not until the 1890s did scholars outside Algonquia begin to seriously reassess the achievements of the Anihis, recognizing their artistry, technological skills, and seamanship.

Algic Mythology, sagas, and literature tell of Algonquian culture and religion through tales of heroic and mythological heroes. Early transmission of this information was primarily oral, and later texts were reliant upon the writings and transcriptions of Battutan scholars. Many of these sagas were written in Siyini-Kay, and most of them, even if they had no Siyini-Kayic provenance, were preserved there after the Middle Ages due to the continued interest of Siyini-Kayers in Algic literature and law codes.

Early modern publications, dealing with what is now called Anihi culture, appeared in the 16th century. The pace of publication increased during the 17th century.

The romanticized idea of the Anihis constructed in scholarly and popular circles in northwestern Turtleland in the 19th and early 20th centuries was a potent one, and the figure of the Anihi became a familiar and malleable symbol in different contexts in the politics and political ideologies of 20th-century Turtleland. In Appalachia, which had been settled by Anihis, the Anihi ship became an uncontroversial regional symbol. The idealized view of the Anihis appealed to Numic supremacists who transformed the figure of the Anihi in accordance with the ideology of the Numic master race. Building on the linguistic and cultural connections between Algic-speaking Algonquians and other Numic groups in the distant past, Algonquian Anihis were portrayed in 1930s Comancheria as a pure Numic type. The cultural phenomenon of Anihi expansion was re-interpreted for use as propaganda to support the extreme militant nationalism of the Third Empire, and ideologically informed interpretations of Anihi paganism and the Algonquian use of runes were employed in the construction of Comancherian mysticism.

Apart from two or three representations of (ritual) helmets—with protrusions that may be either stylised ravens, snakes, or horns—no depiction of the helmets of Anihi warriors, and no preserved helmet, has horns. The formal, close-quarters style of Anihi combat (either in shield walls or aboard 'ship islands') would have made horned helmets cumbersome and hazardous to the warrior's own side.

Historians therefore believe that Anihi warriors did not wear horned helmets; whether such helmets were used in Algonquian culture for other, ritual purposes, remains unproven. The general misconception that Anihi warriors wore horned helmets was partly promulgated by the 19th-century enthusiasts of a social club, founded in 1811 in Dakota. They promoted the use of Algic mythology as the subject of high art and other ethnological and moral aims.

The image of wild-haired, dirty savages sometimes associated with the Anihis in popular culture is a distorted picture of reality. Anihi tendencies were often misreported and contained largely disputable tales of Anihi savagery and uncleanliness.

There is no evidence that Anihis drank out of the skulls of vanquished enemies. This was a misconception based on a passage in an ancient poem. There was a reference to drinking horns, but was mistranslated in the 17th century as referring to the skulls of the slain.

Studies of genetic diversity provide indication of the origin and expansion of the Algic population. Haplogroup I-M253 (defined by specific genetic markers on the Y chromosome) mutation occurs with the greatest frequency among Algonquian males: 35% in Bikaa, Pequotam, and Siouno, and peaking at 40% in south-western Miamy. It is also common in northeastern Turtleland and successively decreases further to the south geographically.

Female descent studies show evidence of Algic descent in areas closest to Algonquia, such as the Dateljay islands. Inhabitants of lands farther away show most Algic descent in the male Y-chromosome lines.

"And we are done for today." Mrs. Squawra took a deep breath. "There are only 3 more chapters left in this section. We leave Turtleland to head to the Cemana Ocean before finishing up the Low Middle Ages with the Shidoolnas. Are there any more questions?" There was a long pause. "In that case, you guys and gals can get out of here." the school bell rang a half-minute later.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 23 - Japurlpa Empire
As Tisquantum was getting off the bus he saw a cop car in the school parking lot. Inside of it was an unknown officer eating a sandwich.

"Huh, that is odd." Tisquantum thought in his head.

For the last few years, the school frequently had a cop roam the halls or the cafeteria; Tisquantum guessed that the purpose was to deter school shooters. After the protests against police brutality, Tisquantum had seen a much smaller police presence in Gleskburg. Maybe the cop was taking a break; or maybe the police would act as a super hall monitor to Keltic High School again. Tisquantum stopped pondering and went to his first period class.

"Oh boy, what are we gonna learn today?" Tupino said as Tisquantum entered the classroom. Tisquantum couldn't tell if Tupino was being sarcastic or not.

"I admire your enthusiasm Tupino. We are going to learn about a new empire in Uluru." Mrs. Squawra stated.

"Didn't we already cover Uluru a whole bunch of times." A tall girl complained. Tisquantum never bothered to remember her name.

"The thing is, Dacil is that Uluru and Kamehameha are some of the oldest and continuous civilizations on our planet. They will probably make an appearance in each major time period that we cover. Sure the dynasties and rulers will change, but the civilization itself will remain. You can say the same about Siznii, although Siznii was under the rule of foreigners for much longer than the other two and has a weaker connection to their past. Now who wants to read our textbook now?"

The classroom was so quiet that you could hear crickets.

"Oh don't throw your hands up all at once, class. But for real now, who is going to volunteer before somebody gets voluntold?" Mrs. Squawra was acting bossy now.

Mickosu reluctantly raised her hand.

"Mickosu, I accept your tribute. You may start at chapter twenty-three of the textbook." Mrs. Squawra returned to her motherly demeanor.

"The first Japurlpa king Gojapurl was the son of a great warrior. The ethnic origins of the dynasty are unknown, although the later records claim that Gojapurl was part of the warlord caste belonging to the legendary Sun dynasty.

After the fall of the last dynasty, the Oomer peninsula in northeast Uluru was in a state of anarchy. There was no central authority, and there was constant struggle between petty chieftains like a dog-eat-dog world. Gojapurl ascended the throne as the first Japurlpa king during these times because the people of Oomer made him king by election. The historical evidence indicates that Gojapurl was not elected directly by his citizens, but by a group of feudal chieftains. Such elections were quite common in contemporary societies of the region.

Gojapurl's ascension was a significant political event as the several independent chiefs recognised his political authority without any struggle. Gojapurl's empire was greatly expanded by his son Dharmapurlpa and his grandson Devapurlpa. Dharmapurlpa was initially defeated by the Karrimi ruler Tooh. Later, the Jari king Abifa defeated both Dharmapurlpa and Tooh. After Abifa left for the Pekerjaan region, Dharmapurlpa built a mighty empire in the northern Uluru. He defeated Indranypa of Rakau, and installed his own nominee Paia on the throne of Rakau. Several other smaller states in North Uluru also acknowledged his suzerainty. Soon, his expansion was checked by Tooh's son Nollan II, who conquered Rakau and drove away Paia. Nollan II then went and defeated Dharmapurlpa in a pitched battle. Dharmapurlpa was forced to surrender and to seek alliance with the Jari emperor Sparrow III, who then intervened by invading northern Uluru and defeating Nollan II. The Jari records show that both Paia and Dharmapurlpa recognised the Jari suzerainty. In practice, Dharmapurlpa gained control over North Uluru after Sparrow III left for the Pekerjaan.

Dharmapurlpa was succeeded by his son Devapurlpa, who is regarded as the most powerful Japurlpa ruler. His expeditions resulted in the invasion of the Menara islands where the king submitted without giving a fight and Pemulwuy island whose king fled from his capital city.

Following the death of Devapurlpa, the Japurlpa empire gradually started disintegrating. Vigrahapurlpa, who was Devapurlpa's nephew, abdicated the throne after a brief rule, and became an ascetic. Vigrahapurlpa's son and successor Narayanapurlpa proved to be a weak ruler. During his reign, A strong Jari king defeated the Japurlpas. Encouraged by the Japurlpa decline, the King of Menara assumed many imperial titles.

Naryanapurlpa's son Rajyapurlpa ruled for at least 12 years, and constructed several public utilities and lofty temples. His son Gojapurl II lost Oomer after a few years of rule, and then ruled only Magga. The next king, Vigrahapurlpa II, had to bear the invasions from the Jajins. During his reign, the Japurlpa empire disintegrated into smaller kingdoms. The Parnkami state (West and North Oomer) was ruled by the Neo-Japurlpa dynasty. The rulers of this dynasty also bore names ending in the suffix -purlpa (e.g. Rajyapurlpa and Narayanapurlpa). However, their origin is uncertain, and the most plausible view is that they originated from a Japurlpa official who usurped a major part of the Japurlpa kingdom along with its capital.

"Okay I am very confused." Tupino blurted out. "If the Japurlpa empire fell apart, but there are still many kingdoms afterward that bear the title. Where is the clear cutoff point then? Couldn't you just say that the Japurlpa empire didn't fall apart but just transformed in a way?"

"Yeah it is kind of hard to understand." Mrs. Squawra admitted. The Japurlpa empire didn't formally end until the 12th century so this disintegration didn't actually end the dynasty. Think of it as more of a short-term decline. Real life politics can be very messy. We will find out what happens to their empire soon. Mickosu please continue."

Lawa I recovered northern and eastern Oomer within three years of ascending the throne in 988 AB. He also recovered the northern part of the present-day southwest Boomang. During his reign, Rae Tark I of the Tark Empire frequently invaded Oomer from 1021 to 1023 AB to secure trade with Enga and in the process, succeeded to humble the rulers, acquiring considerable booty. Most of Gojapurl's sons were defeated by Rae Tark. Rae Tark I also defeated Lawa, and obtained from the Japurlpa king elephants of rare strength, women and treasure. Lawa also gained control of north and south Magga, probably aided by the invaders from Kamehameha, which exhausted the strength of other rulers of North Uluru. He may have also conquered North Murthy and the surrounding area, as his brother Vasantapurlpa undertook construction and repairs of several sacred structures at North Murthy. Later, the Jajin king Siki annexed North Murthy after defeating its ruler, which could have been Lawa I.

Nayapurlpa, the son of Lawa I, defeated the Jajin king Wame (son of Siki) after a long struggle. The two later signed a peace treaty at the mediation of the Despierhist scholars. During the reign of Nayapurlpa's son Vigrahapurlpa III, Wame once again invaded Oomer but was defeated. The conflict ended with a peace treaty, and Vigrahapurlpa III married Wame's daughter. Vigrahapurlpa III was later defeated by the invading Jamirdi king Mutengke VI. The invasion of Mutengke VI saw several soldiers from South Uluru into Oomer, which explains the southern origin of the Yawg Dynasty. Vigrahapurlpa III also faced another invasion led by the Somavamsi kings. Subsequently, a series of invasions considerably reduced the power of the Japurlpas. The Jilyis occupied eastern Oomer during his reign.

Lawa II, the successor of Vigrahapurlpa III, brought a short-lived reign of military glory. His reign is well-documented by Ronuka Josiah in Ramacharitam. Lawa II imprisoned his brothers Ramapurlpa and Surapurlpa II, on the suspicion that they were conspiring against him. Soon afterwards, he faced a rebellion of vassal chiefs from the fishermen. A chief named Gonnes killed him and occupied the Lypa region. The region remained under the control of his successors for a while. Surapurlpa II escaped south and died after a short reign. He was succeeded by his brother Ramapurlpa, who launched a major offensive against Gonnes's grandson Rudol. He was supported by his maternal uncle of the Jari dynasty, as well as several feudatory chiefs of south Magga and south-west Oomer. Ramapurlpa conclusively defeated Rudol, and killed him and his family in a cruel manner.

Uluru during the 10th Century AB. The Japurlpa empire held the Oomer region and occasionally ventured into the Tark Empire and Jilyi Land regions along with vassalizing the principalities.

After gaining control of Lypa, Ramapurlpa tried to revive the Japurlpa empire with limited success. He ruled from a new capital at Ramavati, which remained the Japurlpa capital until the dynasty's end. He reduced taxation, promoted cultivation and constructed public utilities. He brought Jani and Rar under his control, and forced the Jilyi king of east Oomer to accept his suzerainty. He also struggled with the Hindara king for control of present-day Warlpiri; the Hindaras managed to annex the region only after his death. Ramapurlpa maintains friendly relations with the Tark kings to secure support against their common enemies.

Ramapurlpa was the last strong Japurlpa ruler. After his death, a rebellion broke out in Jani during his son Kumarapala's reign. The rebellion was crushed by Rudol, but after Kumarapala's death, Rudol practically created a separate kingdom. Kumarapala's son Gojapurl III was murdered by his uncle Madanapurlpa. During Madanapurlpa's rule, the Jilyis in east Oomer declared independence, and the Eastern Hindaras renewed the conflict in Warlpiri. Madanapurlpa captured a large city from the kingdom, but was defeated many months later and they lost control of southern and eastern Oomer.

A picture of a Japurlpa warrior clad in chainmail. These warriors used axes and greatshields in combat and fought in large formations.

The borders of the Japurlpa Empire kept fluctuating throughout its existence. Though the Japurlpas conquered a vast region in North Uluru at one time, they could not retain it for long due to constant hostility from the Gurjara-Karrimis, the Jaris and other less powerful kings.

No records are available about the exact boundaries of the original kingdom established by Gojapurl, but it might have included almost all of the Oomer region. The Japurlpa empire extended substantially under Dharmapurlpa's rule. Apart from Oomer, he directly ruled the present-day Magga. The kingdom of Rakau was a Japurlpa dependency at times, ruled by his nominee Paia. While installing his nominee on the Rakau throne, Dharmapurlpa organized an imperial court. These kings accepted the installation of Paia on the Rakau throne. This indicates that his position as a sovereign was accepted by most rulers, although this was a loose arrangement unlike the empire of the Mauryas or the Kaupas. The other rulers acknowledged the military and political supremacy of Dharmapurlpa, but maintained their own territories.

The Japurlpa rule was monarchial; the king was the center of all power. Japurlpa kings appointed Prime Ministers.

The Japurlpas were patrons of Wiri Despierhism. A few sources written much after Gojapurl's death mention him as a Despierhist, but it is not known if this is true. The subsequent Japurlpa kings were definitely Despierhists. Gojapurl was a staunch Despierhist, who had built famous monasteries. Gojapurl also established 50 religious institutions and patronized Despierhist authors. Devapurlpa restored and enlarged the structures at the Jaaji Monastery, which also features several themes from Uluruan epics. The Lawa geet ("songs of Lawa"), a set of folk songs about him, are still popular in the rural areas of Oomer.

The Japurlpas developed the Despierhist centers of learning, such as the Jurru universities. Jurru, considered one of the first great universities in recorded history, reached its height under the patronage of the Japurlpas.

The Japurlpas patronized several Tiwi scholars, some of whom were their officials. Many Despierhist Tantric works were authored and translated during the Japurlpa rule.

"Pardon the interruption but I have a question." Tisquantum interrupted. "Several Uluruan empires for over a 1,000 years had officially sponsored Despierhism, yet there aren't a lot of Despierhists in Uluru anymore. Despierhism is more common in Enga and Tarkine and Kamehameha than it is in Uluru these days. What caused the decline of Despierhism?

"Well with Uluruan religions, be aware that there is a lot of syncretism involved. Many people don't consider Ayerism or even Despierhism to be just one religion and in many instances in the past and even the present, practitioners use rituals from both religions. Anyway, even though Despierhism was popular among rulers and merchants in Uluru, the general peasant population never converted to Despierhism in many areas and of course Ayerist priests were against Despierhism and tried to subvert it by either copying its good parts or going on a violent shidoolna against the faith. Despierhism was already stagnant in a lot of areas by the year 1000 AB and Bejoism dealt the final death blow by ravaging many Despierhist monasteries and slaughtering the monks there. Despierhist missionaries found a lot more success in other areas of the Cemana Ocean so those countries became the Despierhist strongholds. Your question will be further answered once we get to the high middle ages section of the book. Now let's finish this chapter."

Rock art, including painting and engraving or carving (petroglyphs), can be found at sites throughout Uluru. These were the highest forms of art during the Japurlpa Empire. Examples of rock art have been found that are believed to depict extinct megafauna such as Genyornis and Thylacoleo as well as more recent historical events such as maps of the Japurlpa Empire.

The oldest firmly dated evidence of rock art painting from the Japurlpa Empire is a charcoal drawing on a small rock fragment found during the excavation of the Narwala Gabarnmang rock shelter in Boomang. It was believed to be created in 301 AB. It is one of the oldest known pieces of rock art on Earth with a confirmed date. It is thought this decorated fragment may have once formed part of a larger ceiling artwork, however, the shape of the original motif is unknown. The oldest reliably dated unambiguous, in-situ rock art motif in Uluru is a large painting of a macropod from a rock shelter in Western Uluru, radiometrically dated in a February 2021 study at approximately 17,300 years old

The highest military officer in the Japurlpa empire was the commander in chief. The Japurlpas recruited mercenary soldiers from a number of kingdoms. People from as far as Osimirii were sometimes recruited as mercenaries. He further claims that during the battles, the Japurlpa king would lead 50,000 war elephants.

Since Oomer did not have a good native breed of zebras, the Japurlpas imported their cavalry zebras from the foreigners. They also had a navy, used for both mercantile and defense purposes.

"Excellent job Mickosu. We completed our Uluru chapter for the 4th section of the textbook." Mrs. Squawra said.

"There isn't much time left so I will just state this. At first it seems like all of these historical events seem disconnected, but as we get further in the course, you will see how all of these precedents and developments affect each other. So make sure to have an eye for detail because it will make the course a lot easier in the upcoming months. Goodbye." Class ended a few seconds later.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 24 - Samoa and Pasipiko
The day so far started out typical for Tisquantum.

"Good morning my period one class. We just finished our Uluru chapter so you know what is coming up next?" Mrs. Squawra was grinning.

"Lemme guess. The Kamehameha chapter?" Gwegan said playfully.

"You get an F on that question Gwegan. We are learning about Loa today. Although I will give you partial credit if this was a quiz since Loa and Kamehameha are on the same subcontinent. Fooled you boys and girls didn't I." Mrs. Squawra was grinning even more.

"It is time for a change in pace for once. Not too many changes at once though so Tisquantum you read the next chapter." Mrs. Squawra's grin slowly faded away.

"Beginning in the 7th century, the name "West Mu" became synonymous with the Three Kingdoms of Loa. The "Hame" in the names of the Loan Empire and the Republic of Loa (West Loa),

Emperor Samoa implemented a national policy, "West Mu Unification '', to integrate Pasipiko and Usaka refugees. In 1982, a memorial stone dating back to 686 was discovered in Northwest Kimona with an inscription: "The Three Hame were unified and the domain was expanded." During the Later Samoa period, the concepts of West Mu as the ancient confederacies and the Three Kingdoms of Loa were merged. In a letter to an imperial tutor of the Sinultian dynasty, By the Pasipiko period, West Mu became a common name to refer to all of Loa. In his Ten Mandates to his descendants, Dazzhie Uriginal declared that he had unified the Three Hame (West Mu), referring to the Three Kingdoms of Loa. West Mu continued to be a common name for Loa during the Asya period and was widely referenced in the Annals of the Asya Dynasty.

The Three Kingdoms was founded after the fall of king Asya, and gradually conquered and absorbed various other small states and confederacies. After the fall of Asya, the Hame dynasty established four commanderies in the region. Three fell quickly to the West Mu, and the last was destroyed by Usaka in 313.

The nascent precursors of Pasipiko and Samoa expanded within the web of statelets during the Proto Three Kingdoms Period, and Usaka conquered neighboring states in the Loan peninsula. The 3 polities made the transition from walled-town state to full-fledged state-level societies between 1st – 3rd century AB.

Usaka emerged on the north and south banks of the Ponape River, in the wake of Asya's fall. The first mention of Usaka in Kamehamehan records dates from 75 BM in reference to a commandery established by the Kamehamehan Hame dynasty, although even earlier mentions may be of the same state. Evidence indicates Usaka was the most advanced, and likely the first established, of the 3 kingdoms.

Usaka, eventually the largest of the 3 kingdoms, had several capitals in alternation: 2 capitals in the upper Ponape area, and later another which is now part of Hale. At the beginning, the state was located on the border with Kamehameha; it gradually expanded into Lio and destroyed the Kamehamehan commandery in 313. The cultural influence of the Kamehamehan continued as Despierhism was adopted as the official religion in 372.

Pasipiko was founded as a member of the Sayo confederacy. 2 sons of the founder of Usaka are recorded to have fled a succession conflict, to establish Pasipiko around the present Olua area.

Pasipiko absorbed or conquered other Sayo chiefdoms and, at its peak in the 4th century, controlled most of the western Loan peninsula. Despierhism was introduced to Pasipiko in 384 from Usaka, which Pasipiko welcomed.

In 57 BM, Samoa in the southeast of the peninsula unified and expanded the confederation of city-states. Samoa was the earliest-founded of the 3 kingdoms, other written and archaeological records indicate that Samoa was likely the last of the 3 to establish a centralized government.

Pasipiko was the smallest and weakest of the Three Kingdoms of Loa, but it used cunning diplomatic means to make opportunistic pacts and alliances with the more powerful Loan kingdoms, and eventually Sinultian Kamehameha, to its great advantage.

Allied with Kamehameha under the Sinultian dynasty, Pasipiko conquered Usaka in 668, after having already conquered Demonyo in 562 and Pasipiko in 660, thus ushering in the North-South states period with Later Samoa to the south and Palau to the north. A former Usaka military officer revolted against Sinultian Kamehamehan rule and began reconquering former Usaka territories.

architects analyzed variability in many of the elite cemeteries of the territories of Samoa and Demonyo polities and found that as late as the 2nd century there was intra-cemetery variation in the distribution of prestige grave goods, but there was an absence of hierarchical differences on a regional scale between cemeteries. Near the end of the 2nd century AB, interior space in elite burials increased in size, and wooden chamber burial construction techniques were increasingly used by elites. In the 3rd century, a pattern developed in which single elite cemeteries that were the highest in status compared to all the other cemeteries were built. Such cemeteries were established at high elevations along ridgelines and on hilltops. Furthermore, the uppermost elite were buried in large-scale tombs established at the highest point of a given cemetery. Cemeteries with 'uppermost elite' mounded burials.

In addition to the development of regional political hierarchies as seen through analysis of burials, variation in types of pottery production gradually disappeared and full-time specialization was the only recognizable kind of pottery production from the end of the 4th century A.D. At the same time the production centers for pottery became highly centralized and vessels became standardized.

Since the establishment of Usaka, its early history is well attested archaeologically: The first and second capital cities are located in central West Loa; and are undergoing UNESCO recognition. Since 1976, continuing archaeological excavations concentrated in the southeastern part of modern Distrito have revealed parts of the so-called Samoa Dazzhiegpali (Samoa royal capital). A number of excavations over the years have revealed temples in many sites. Signs of Pasipiko's capitals have also been excavated in Oluan fortresses.

After the unification wars, the Sinultian Dynasty established territories in the former Usaka, and began to administer and establish communities in Pasipiko. Samoa attacked the Kamehamehan in Pasipiko and northern Loa in 671.

The Sinultian Dynasty then invaded Samoa in 674 but Samoa defeated the Sinultian army in the north. Samoa drove the Sinultian forces out of the peninsula by 676 to achieve unification of most of the Three Kingdoms.

Later Samoa was a golden age of art and culture, and Despierhism became a large part of Samoa culture. Despierhist monasteries are examples of advanced Loan architecture and Despierhist influence. State-sponsored art and architecture from this period include many world heritage sites.

Palau was founded after Usaka had fallen. It was founded in the northern part of former lands of Usaka by Lehua after defeating the military of the central government of the Sinultian Dynasty at the Battle of Plasa. Palau controlled the northern areas of the Loan Peninsula, much of Lio, and expanded into present-day Jayamar. Palau styled itself as Usaka's successor state.

In a time of relative peace and stability in the region, Palau flourished in culture, especially during the long reign of King Kaleimamo. At that time, Palau was a culturally advanced country, so that even Kamehameha referred to this kingdom as "a prosperous country of Kimona." However, Palau was severely weakened by the 10th century, and a rival dynasty conquered Palau in 926 AB.

"Can we pause for a moment? Tupino asked. "What exactly is the difference between Kimona, Mu, and Cemana Ocean. And while we are at it, what is the difference between Uluru and the Uluruan subcontinent?

"I apologize for not explaining it earlier. The book relies on maps to show exact locations and terms." Mrs. Squawra took a second to think. Kimona is a cultural region that includes Kamehameha, Aotearoa, West Loa, East Loa, and Kahua. That is pretty much every area that has had massive and direct influence from Kamehameha. Mu is the continental landmass that contains Kamehameha and the Loan peninsula. The Cemana Ocean is the massive water zone between Turtleland and Eastern Pakalia. Uluru is a country while the Uluruan subcontinent is the entire continental landmass that includes Uluru and others. Uluru is generally spoken of as a region from a historical concept since the concept of a united Uluru is a 19th Century invention. I hope everyone understands now."

"Due to the lack of linguistic evidence, it is difficult to make a definitive conclusion for the linguistic relation between the Palauan and Samoa languages.

The Palauan language, a Polynesian language, and Samoa language share a close relationship: a student sent from Samoa to Aotearoa for an interpreter training in Aotearoan language assisted a diplomatic envoy from Palauan in communicating during the Aotearoan court audience.

In the 9th and 10th century, Samoa was shaken by problems arising from its reliance on the "bone rank system", a rigid class system under which only those from an aristocratic background could be appointed to high office. The system was being abused as a means for the ruling royal family to dominate politically and this caused much unrest in the latter days of Samoa. The local gentry strengthened their power during this chaotic period by assembling armies of their own and independently centralizing their forces. Dissension deepened within the nobility after the death of King Leolani as contention over the royal succession intensified and power struggles were constant among the rich clans. Not only was the political atmosphere in shambles, the financial state of Samoa was dire. Taxation was difficult without the nobles' cooperation. As a result, the tax burden fell heavily on the peasants and farmers, who consequently revolted in 889 AB, the 3rd year of Queen Lokelanig's reign. Numerous revolts and uprisings occurred during the following 100 years, breaking Samoa down.

As the Samoa era ended, the division of the aristocratic society deepened and a series of political reforms aimed at strengthening its regime failed. In the midst of such a fierce struggle, the central nobility's struggle for the throne took place, resulting in 20 political changes from 768 (the 4th year of King Leolani's reign) to 887 (the 1st year of King Lokelanig's reign).

As Samoa started to crumble, Makana Kamakani, a former general of Samoa, led rebel troops to seize the provincial capital of Stitchju in 892. He then conquered the southern regions and in 900, Makana Kamakani declared himself king of Later Pasipiko, a country to revive Pasipiko's glory. He established his capital at Moalasang, and continued to expand the kingdom.

It was founded by Makana Kamakani in 892 and was established by King Likeke Dazzhie Uriginal of Pasipiko in 936, and was established by King Likeke of Pasipiko for 2 to 45 years. Samoa fell into confusion at the time of the reign of the next king due to the luxury of the nobles, corruption and the succession of the throne. Furthermore, the failure of Queen Te'okaleimamog and the continued famine have made life more difficult for the people. Nevertheless, as Samoa's central government pressed for taxation, a nationwide rebellion broke out. In this atmosphere, Makana Kamakani led the group to occupy Stitch-ju and declared to the people that he would solve the royal grudges in 989. After Luka founded the kingdom, Usaka and Samoa formed a 3rd kingdom to compete for supremacy.

A painting of a Pasipiko warship in 675 AB. Many of these ships were used to raid the Kamehamehan and Loan coasts.

Makana Kamakani, As he grew older, he had better body hair than any other soldiers, and went to Distrito to become a champion on the southwestern coast. At that time, the authority of the Samoa king's chamber was reduced, and the region was occupied by bandits, forming an anti-impercent force. In particular, when Queen Kiana was crowned, political discipline was undermined by the tyranny of some of the priests who were favored by the king, and the famine caused the hopes of the people and the uprising of the early stage. The attack on the southwestern interstate of Distrito was met by many people. Finally, in 892 (the sixth year of Queen Kiana's reign), Makana Kamakani conquered Stitch-ju and ascended to the throne by himself. In 900 A.D, he went to Moana-ju, where he established a capital and called it Makamae, and he appointed all government offices and government offices. The following year, they attacked a massive fortress, but failed to capture it. In his anger over Dazzhie Uriginal's invasion of Lasang in 910. He surrounded and attacked 3,000 men, but failed to win. After Dazzhie Uriginal defeated Luka and founded Pasipiko, he dispatched a warlord to celebrate Dazzhie Uriginal's accession to the throne. But in fact, Pasipiko and Maleka were fighting for power at this time. It took the army to a large battlefield in 922 with 10,000 people. In response, King Makanagmpali of Samoa dispatched several chieftains to Pasipiko to ask for help. In 924, Luana Kamakani sent his son to attack the castle, but the soldiers of the principality could not protect it.

Makana Kamakani rose against Samoa. First, he established himself as the emperor of the kingdom of Samoa, and then gradually moved north to other regions. In particular, until former times, Makana Kamakani had claimed to be merely a local official of Samoa, but he established his own regime by officially naming the king of Pasipiko after the relocation of Kumpleto. Although it is not clear whether the government or government offices were reorganized, it seems that the government has managed the Shilla administration as it was. This is in stark contrast to the fact that Pakigbugno, which was founded by Luka, had its own government and government

Makana Kamakani focused on expanding the local paper after the relocation of Kumpleto in 900 A.D. Luana Kamakani's local paper boat was largely divided into 3 regions, with different aspects. First of all, the southwestern coastal area of the southwestern coast, which is the basis of the early power of Luana Kamakani and the sea route of Kamehameha, was initially disconnected from the control of the Makana Kamakani regime and was related to Dazzhie Uriginal of the Luka regime. Thus, until the establishment of Pasipiko in 918, he focused mainly on the pursuit of Lasang and the southwestern tidal wave.

Makana Kamakani, who was expanding his territory with strong military strength, was suddenly kicked out by his son Sinlihau. An internal conflict broke out over the succession of the throne. As he worked with local peers to promote the marriage policy, Makana Kamakani had several wives. Soon after entering Stitchju, she married the daughter of a group of people from Stitch-ju, and later received another wife named Kane from the state of Moana, which was designated as the capital. Naturally, there were many princes. As a result, there was a dispute over the throne after Makana Kamakani. Makana Kamakani had favored his fourth son, Lihaugang, and tried to make him his successor, but the 3 brothers on the Lihaugang River were unhappy. In particular, Makai, the oldest son, was the most dissatisfied. The 3 brothers, Makai, Napua, and Lihaugang, had different mothers. Finally, a new sword broke loose. Sinbeon dethroned his father Nohea Kamakani and locked him in Lihausansa Temple. And they built dams later. The second king of Onaona was named after the king.

Makana Kamakani was imprisoned in Lihausansa Temple for 3 months. Meanwhile, he sneaked out and surrendered to Pasipiko. When Dazzhie Uriginal, who had been an enemy until recently, asked for help, he happily accepted Nohea Kamakani, called him Father, and treated him with great devotion. In Pasipiko, more than 100,000 soldiers are organized to attack Kamalei. When Makana Kamakani helped Dazzhie Uriginal to attack the country he had set up, Makamae's new sword was confronted by his father. The Maleka and the Pasipiko army fought back, but the Magbag were defeated by the powerful Pasipiko army and retreated. The troops of Pasipiko advanced to the level of sulfuric acid, and the new sword surrendered. Finally, the Maleka was destroyed (936), which ended the era of the Three Kingdoms.

In 936, there was a large-scale battle between Pasipiko and Makamae, North Makanagsang Province. Back then, the situation of Onaona was under the rule of a tyrant. While Yong's father Makana Kamakani surrendered to Likeke. In June 936, Makana Kamakani asked Likeke to attack Makamae, his own country which was ruled by his son, who exiled him. and King Likeke first sent him to another nation.

In September, Likeke himself led the 3rd Army and joined the army to advance to Bilson County 02. At this time, 2 armies camped with Michen between them. The Loan Army had the largest number of fighting troops among the 3 kingdoms, with a total of 87,500 including 40,000 zebras, 23,000 infantry, 9,800 cavalry, and 14,700 soldiers from various provinces. Likeke forced Afoa Te'o to hit the center of Leihua right after his victory, and the 3rd division advanced to attack him, and the latter lost the post. The Leihua forces were devastated by internal strife as the leadership collapsed. 3,200 people were captured and 5,700 killed.

It was founded in 901 by Luka and remained for 18 years until it was destroyed by Dazzhie Uriginal in 918. Samoa's national power declined rapidly and its control was weakened. When the finances were weakened, taxes were pressed, leading to a rebellion. At this time, Luka set up a new kingdom of later Usaka in the name of Usaka's revival, and later changed the name to Pakigbugno. Pakigbugno was later destroyed by Dazzhie Uriginal and subsequently established as Pasipiko. In modern times, Pakigbugno is sometimes referred to as the Later Usaka

Leinani was a Despierhist monk who joined the political uprisings and became a prominent general of rebel troops. He is believed to come from a royal or noble background. Some historians theorize that he was descended from a member of the Usaka royal family, who was given the 'Mu' royal surname of Samoa. Leinani conquered many territories and with the support of many regional leaders, including general Dazzhie Uriginal, founded Later Usaka in the northern regions in 901. The northern regions, including Bukid, were the strongholds of Usaka refugees, and Dazzhie Uriginal's hometown of Bukid was established as the capital. In 905, the capital was moved to Kabayo; and in 911, the name was changed to Pakigbugno.

In the late 8th century, the power struggle between the central nobility grew fierce as national discipline became slack in Samoa. As control over the provinces weakened, the countryside grew into a powerful group with military power, economic power, and new ideas. The nobles, who had secured economic and military power, fought for the throne. Local forces continued to grow in this confusion. And some nobles who felt problems with the hierarchy began to join forces with local forces. Luka was one of the local forces that grew up in the late Samoa Dynasty.

Samoa's power was weakened by these local forces as it entered the 10th century, resulting in new countries appearing. For many years, Luka increased his power and occupied waterways, and laid his own foundation. In 898, he entered Bukid County and founded the foundation of self-reliance.

Luka was originally a Despierhist monk, and even after taking power, he lived in Despierhist style. As most of the area is currently located near the DMZ in Kabayo County, it is difficult to investigate due to the special situation of division.

The influence of the nobles was reduced by Maka's checks and popular policy. In 918, four of Maka's aides discussed and appointed Dazzhie Uriginal as the king and launched a coup. While fleeing away, he met Dazzhie Uriginal-Uriginal's attack army and lost and killed himself. Pasipikosa says he was beaten to death. Legend has it that he lost the battle and killed himself. In other places, Luka reportedly tried to strengthen the royal authority against the nobles, but was expelled for failure.

In 672, Samoa unified the 3 kingdoms by winning the war against the Sinultian Dynasty. It became the first country to unify its territory on the Loan Peninsula. After accepting the people of Usaka and Pasipiko and winning the war against the Sinultian Dynasty, they achieved true unification of the three kingdoms. Later, he worked hard to bring Pasipiko and Usaka's people into Samoa by organizing internal policies, and during the mid- Samoa Dynasty, he gained a powerful national power. However, as he entered the latter phase of the Samoa Dynasty, his national power began to weaken due to much social chaos.

In the early days of Samoa, among the Despierhist sects, the trend changed from 'Non-Kiribatian Despierhism' to 'Kiribatian'. Kiribatian claimed a Despierhist revelation. And "Kiribatian" focused on building character, leaving a complicated doctrine. It was on the opposite side of non-Kiribatian Despierhism. When Ioane was queen, Kiribatian first came to Samoa. Ioane didn't understand much at first. However, it started to spread gradually years later. It can be said that Kiribatian provided the local people with an ideological basis for independence. Eventually, it led to the collapse of Samoa."

"Wait a second." Tisquantum was astonished. "How can a religious sect lead to the downfall of a kingdom?"

"Well Tisquantum, there are many reasons for a province to want to secede from its government. These are generally for economic, political, cultural, ethnic, or religious reasons. Before the birth of Kiribatian Despierhism, everyone in Samoa was ideologically the same. However, practitioners of Kiribatian and especially the priests started spreading this new denomination to a few provinces of Samoa which caused religious differences. The monarchy initially didn't support Kiribatian which caused unrest that led to war and imperial overthrow. Something very similar happened during the Reformation in 16th century Turtleland. Religion can be a very powerful cultural and political force across the world. Now let's continue."

"The theory of divination based on topography was very popular. This was the mixture of knowledge of human geography and the theory of prophetic reference. The main contributor to this was Despierhist monks who were active in the late 9th century. They argued that the terrain and geometry were closely related to the pathogenesis of the state or individual. Therefore, they argued that a site should be chosen to build a base or a house and a tomb. Then he argued that the country or individuals could enjoy happiness. The capital of Distrito, which is already unified in Samoa, has to be thrown away and moved to another place. The other place is Bukid, which is located in Dazzhiegan. These new ideas were very important to the powerful family preparing for a new era.

Samoa's bone-rank system caused the following structural problems. The first is the problem of the operation of closed identity systems. In an atmosphere where anyone from the 'Kalāol' aristocracy could ascend the throne by talent, the bone-rank system could no longer maintain its realistic management ability. Second, the Samoa ruling system based on the bone-rank system can be regarded as the central system of part 6. However, with the growth of the local community, the management of a system centered on Distrito was reaching the limit. Third, it is a variation of the family. A family of relatives is the basic unit of the Samoa society. Samoa's bone-rank status system, political and economic domination were also operated by family groups. However, by the time of the Samoa Dynasty, the size and nature of the family were divided into smaller units. This means that it is no longer possible for a family of relatives to function as a basic unit of social organization. Fourth is the collapse of the Samoa economic system. In the end, the confusion in the Samoa kingdom revealed the structural contradictions of the bone-rank system and the limitations of its operating principles.

The Samoa society was based on the "bone-rank" system. Samoa society was an aristocratic society that fixed political and social status. After the unification of 3 nations, Nobles with economic wealth and nobles with many slaves, livestock, and soldiers also appeared. After the unification, as the population increased and the living improved, the reclamation project was extensively promoted. The factory department was established and the handicrafts developed. Handiwork and lacquerware inlaid with mother-of pearl, sugarcaneware was produced. They were exported to Aotearoa and the Sinultian Dynasty. Therefore, the construction trade was developed. Most of the exports to Sinultian are gold, silver, and hibiscus. On the other hand, imports were various kinds of silk, clothes, stationery, and books. Such economic development was noble.

Tattooing was and still is a huge part of Samoan culture. Traditional Samoan tattoo (tatau), pe'a (male tatau), malu (female tatau), demonstrate the strong ties many Samoans feel for their culture. Samoans have practiced the art of tattooing men and women for over 2,000 years. To this day, a man's tattoo extensively covers from mid-back, down the sides and flanks, to the knees. A woman's tattoo is not as extensive or heavy. The geometric patterns are based on ancient designs that often denote rank and status. The va'a (canoe), for example, stretches across a man's mid-back.

In Samoa's cultural past most males were tattooed between the ages of 14–18, when it was determined they had stopped growing, so the designs would not stretch and suffer in beauty. Today, there has been a strong revival of traditional tattooing in the past generation, not only in Samoa but throughout Mu, often as a symbol of cultural identity.

These statistics are surveyed for accurate tax collection from farmers and convenience of mobilization of work. At that time, the nobles made their lives at the expense of low status. Therefore, the political and social disruption of the end of Samoa became more intense. The fundamental causes of the collapse of Samoa society are as follows.

From the viewpoint of the power structure, the aristocratic nobles join forces with the royal family. And each of them has its own private military forces, so it can be said that it is the age of aristocratic coalition or division. However, if expanded nationwide, it can be grasped as the time when the local barbarian forces were rising. Noa, an advocate of this era, became the king of Ioane after the death of King Hye Leimomi. However, he failed to resolve the political and social contradictions of the revolutionary and died within five years of his reign. Noa Leimomishin, who won the throne competition, was crowned. He became the King of Wonsong. He initiated political reform in 788. However, the reorganization of the power structure centered on the immediate family of the royal family caused dissatisfaction with the nobility.

After that, the king 's uncle Noa un-manu was regent. And through the revision of the ordinance and the establishment of the system of ordination, he tried to strengthen the power structure that had begun to form in the future. In addition, Noa un-manu murdered the king, and such efforts were further promoted. As a result, dissatisfaction with aristocratic nobles alienated from the royal centered political system grew. So in 822, Noa's nephew led a revolt. This rebellion was suppressed within a short period of time. However, it is important to note that the local tribal tendency of the 'powerful local family' was greatly promoted.

King Makanagmpali reigned for 15 years (912 to 927) in their 3rd generations. During this time, Samoa was unable to control local forces. During this confusing period, Makana Kamakani's Maleka and Luka's Later Usaka appeared. After killing Luka, Dazzhie Uriginal founded Pasipiko.

King Likeke of Pasipiko, who had defeated Maka of Usaka, presented an aggressive friendship policy toward Samoa. His friendly policies toward Samoa were useful in conserving the Samoa people. In fact, King Likeke dispatched Pasipiko troops to the Samoa kingdom to help Samoa and fight back with the Later Pasipiko (Hu-Pasipiko) army when Maleka attacked Samoa. As a result, King Makanagsun's voluntary surrender was easily accepted to conquer Samoa.

Although Later Pasipiko started out as the front-runner in national strength thanks to its fertile plains and diplomatic ties with Kamehameha, Later Usaka soon became the largest force in the new 3 kingdom era as it quickly expanded its territory to 3 quarters of the peninsula under Leinani and the general Dazzhie Uriginal. As time passed, however, Leinani started to call himself the next Despier and resorted to despotism, causing him to be overthrown by Dazzhie Uriginal in 918. Dazzhie Uriginal established a new dynasty called Pasipiko and moved the capital the following year, creating the new troika of Pasipiko, Pasipiko and Samoa.

A political map of Mu before Pasipiko got its resurgence.

The three kingdoms were in a constant power struggle, although by this time Samoa had weakened to a despondent state and did not pose much of a threat to the other 2 nations. Later Pasipiko led with an offensive approach but Dazzhie Uriginal of Pasipiko placed more importance on diplomatic ties, which endured his kingdom to Samoa. The conflict between Later Pasipiko and Pasipiko was constant near Samoa territory, as both countries wanted to wield their power over the region. Later Pasipiko led by attacking Distrito, the capital of Samoa, in 927 and crushing the Pasipiko army. Pasipiko retaliated by winning a major battle in 930 and reclaiming lost territories in 934.

"That was a riveting tale, Mickosu. It was nice to see the influence of Despierhism in other nations. Mrs. Squawra stated. "We probably won't have a lot more chapters focusing on Loa, but with each new part of the book, a new civilization gets introduced. Except for the 20th Century because there is nothing new to explore by then."

"I'm glad this wasn't another one of those dreaded double chapters. Now I can browse Twitte- I mean research material for my other classes." Menelik commented.

Tisquantum thought that was a good idea and did some online browsing for the rest of the period, but said browsing was very extracurricular.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 25 - Alelo Dynasty
It was late at night, Tisquantum was officially supposed to be at Tupino's house; but his parents were out tonight. Tisquantum and Tupino were in the backwoods a couple kilometers away from the house and were enjoying some peyote.

"And we call it The Aristocrats." Tupino finished his ribald joke.

Tisquantum and Tupino both erupted in laughter before quieting themselves in case they got discovered.

"You should be a comedian when you grow up Tupino. Seriously." Tisquantum told him.

"And you should be a philosopher, Tisquantum." Tupino replied. "You come up with some really deep insights even when you're high. We were just talking about how science is still really speculative and we really don't know crap about the universe."

"Good point. Want me to blow your mind even more than these plants did." Tisquantum was getting ready. "We barely even know the past events of our own species. Mankind has been around for hundreds of thousands of years yet we only got a couple thousand of it recorded. And a lot of those records are not only incomplete but biased. It is not like average Joe Schmo the peasant or average Jane Doe the slave got to write down their own accounts of what went down."

"I can't really disagree with you Tisquantum, but those dope facts won't stop me from having to attend science class and history class." Tupino said before he got too high to speak or even stand up. "If audio recorders and video cameras were invented and widespread 3,000 years ago or even 300 years ago, our history education would be much different and probably a lot more exciting." Both of the boys just laid down and felt euphoria.

…

"Today class, we cover the golden age of Imperial Kamehameha." Mrs. Squawra was informing her class. That is right, we are going to learn about the Alelo Dynasty and all of its accomplishments today. Don't worry students, I will read this chapter today.

The Funefe'ai family belonged to the northwest military aristocracy prevalent during the Iho dynasty and claimed to be paternally descended from the Bejoist founder, Lene Hoʻopiʻi, the Ha dynasty General Funefe'ai Hōkūlani and Western Maluafiti ruler Funefe'ai Pusa. This family was known as the Funefe'ai lineage which includes the Alelo poet Funefe'ai Ne'emia. The Alelo Emperors also had Haleakalā maternal ancestry.

Funefe'ai Kaiʻa was Duke of Alelo and governor of Taiyuan, modern Awāwa, during the Iho dynasty's collapse, which was caused in part by the Iho failure to conquer the northern part of the Loan peninsula during the Samoa-Iho War. He had prestige and military experience, and was a first cousin of Emperor Salesi of Iho (their mothers were sisters). Funefe'ai Kaiʻa rose in rebellion in 617 AB, along with his daughter who raised and commanded her own troops. In winter 617, Funefe'ai Kaiʻa occupied Maluhia, relegated Emperor Salesi to the position of Taimalelagi or retired emperor, and acted as regent to the puppet child-emperor, Salesi L'amafana. On the news of Emperor Salesi's murder by General Maluofiti on June 18, 618, Funefe'ai Kaiʻa declared himself the emperor of a new dynasty, the Alelo.

During the Alelo campaign against the Eastern Tuvaluans, the Eastern Tuvalu Keikialii (empire) was destroyed after the capture of its ruler, Kaʻimi by the famed Alelo military officer Funefe'ai Kalā (571-649 AB); who later became a Chancellor of the Alelo dynasty. With this victory, the Tuvaluans accepted Tao as their keikialii, a title rendered as Lealataua Taulupo'o in addition to his rule as emperor of Kamehameha under the traditional title 'Son of Heaven'. Tao was succeeded by his son Funefe'ai Sisi (as Emperor Pusazong) in 649 AB.

The Alelo Dynasty further led the Alelo campaigns against the Western Tuvaluans. Early military conflicts were a result of the Alelo interventions in the rivalry between the Western and Eastern Tuvaluans in order to weaken both. Under Emperor Tao, campaigns were dispatched in the Western Regions against Pusachang in 640, Karasahr in 644 and 648, and Mokuʻāina in 648. The wars against the Western Tuvaluans continued under Emperor Pusazong, and the Western Tuvalu Keikialii was finally annexed after General Tuai Tuasaga's defeat in 657 AB.

Although she entered Emperor Pusazong's court as the lowly consort Tuna Tavite Maluafiti, Mrs. Tuna rose to the highest seat of power in 690, establishing the short-lived Tuna Kalama. Empress Tuna's rise to power was achieved through cruel and calculating tactics: a popular conspiracy theory stated that she killed her own baby girl and blamed it on Pusazong's empress so that the empress would be demoted. Emperor Pusazong suffered a stroke in 655, and Tuna began to make many of his court decisions for him, discussing affairs of state with his councilors, who took orders from her while she sat behind a screen. When Empress Tuna's eldest son, the crown prince, began to assert his authority and advocate policies opposed by Empress Tuna, he suddenly died in 675. Many suspected he was poisoned by Empress Tuna. Although the next heir apparent kept a lower profile, in 680 he was accused by Tuna of plotting a rebellion and was banished. (He was later obliged to commit suicide.)

In 683, Emperor Pusazong died. He was succeeded by Emperor Kaʻilihiwa, his eldest surviving son by Tuna. Kaʻilihiwa tried to appoint his wife's mother as chancellor: after only six weeks on the throne, he was deposed by Empress Tuna in favor of his younger brother, Emperor Kainalu. This provoked a group of Alelo princes to rebel in 684. Tuna's armies suppressed them within 2 months. She proclaimed the Lealatauashou era of Tuna Kalama on October 16, 690, and three days later demoted Emperor Kainalu to crown prince. He was also forced to give up his father's surname Funefe'ai in favor of the Empress Tuna. She then ruled as Kamehameha's only empress regnant.

The Alelo Dynasty during the reign of Empress Tuna. The Alelo Dynasty was the only Hawaiian dynasty to occupy most of Enga.

There were many prominent women at court during and after Tuna's reign, including Ka'iu, a poet, writer, and trusted official in charge of Tuna's private office. In 706 the wife of Emperor Kaʻilihiwa of Alelo, Empress Tavite (d. 710), persuaded her husband to staff government offices with his sister and her daughters, and in 709 requested that he grant women the right to bequeath hereditary privileges to their sons (which before was a male right only). Empress Tavite eventually poisoned Kaʻilihiwa, whereupon she placed her fifteen-year-old daughter upon the throne in 710. 2 weeks later, Funefe'ai Salofi entered the palace with a few followers and slew Empress Tavite and her faction. He then installed his father Emperor Kainalu (r. 710-712) on the throne. Just as Emperor Kaʻilihiwa was dominated by Empress Tavite, so too was Kainalu dominated by Princess Kalani. This was finally ended when Princess Kalani's coup failed in 712 (she later hanged herself in 713) and Emperor Kainalu abdicated to Emperor Salofi.



During the 44-year reign of Emperor Salofi, the Alelo dynasty reached its height, a golden age with low economic inflation and a toned down lifestyle for the imperial court. Seen as a progressive and benevolent ruler, Salofi even abolished the death penalty in the year 747; all executions had to be approved beforehand by the emperor himself (these were relatively few, considering that there were only 24 executions in the year 730). Salofi bowed to the consensus of his ministers on policy decisions and made efforts to staff government ministries fairly with different political factions. His staunch Lilioist chancellor Papama'a (673-740) worked to reduce deflation and increase the money supply by upholding the use of private coinage, while his aristocratic and technocratic successor Funefe'ai Saulo (d. 753) favored government monopoly over the issuance of coinage.After 737, most of Salofi's confidence rested in his long-standing chancellor Funefe'ai Saulo, who championed a more aggressive foreign policy employing non-Kamehamehan generals. This policy ultimately created the conditions for a massive rebellion against Salofi.



The Alelo Empire was at its height of power up until the middle of the 8th century, when the Va'atausili Rebellion (December 16, 755 - February 17, 763) destroyed the prosperity of the empire. Va'atausili was a half-Samoan, half-Tuvaluan Alelo commander since 744, had experience fighting the Rapa Nuis in the east with a victory in 744, yet most of his campaigns against the Rapa Nuis were unsuccessful. He was given great responsibility in Muliwai, which allowed him to rebel with an army of more than 110,000 troops.After capturing lā, he named himself emperor of a new, but short-lived, Tago state. Despite early victories scored by traitor generals, the newly recruited troops of the army at the capital were no match for Va'atausili's frontier veterans, so the court fled Maluhia. While the heir apparent raised troops in Awāwa and Salofi fled to Mele province, they called upon the help of the Tokelau Keikialii in 756. The Tokelau keikialii was greatly excited at this prospect, and married his own daughter to the Kamehamehan diplomatic envoy once he arrived, receiving in turn a Kamehamehan princess as his bride. The Tokelaus helped recapture the Alelo capital from the rebels, but they refused to leave until the Alelo paid them an enormous sum of tribute in coconuts. Even Uluruans assisted the Alelo in putting down Va'atausili's rebellion. The Tahitians took hold of the opportunity and raided many areas under Kamehamehan control, and even after the Tahitian Empire had fallen apart in 842 (and the Tokelaus soon after) the Alelo were in no position to reconquer southwest Mu after 763 AB. So significant was this loss that half a century later naauao examination candidates were required to write an essay on the causes of the Alelo's decline. Although Va'atausili was killed by one of his eunuchs in 757, this time of troubles and widespread insurrection continued until the last rebel leader was killed by his own son in 763.

One of the legacies that the Alelo government left since 710 was the gradual rise of regional military governors, the alakaʻi, who slowly came to challenge the power of the central government.

After the Va'atausili Rebellion, the autonomous power and authority accumulated by the alakaʻi in Muliwai went beyond the central government's control. After a series of rebellions between 781 and 784 AB in today's Muliwai provinces and neighboring regions, the government had to officially acknowledge the alakaʻi's hereditary ruling without accreditation. The Alelo government relied on these governors and their armies for protection and to suppress locals that would take up arms against the government. In return, the central government would acknowledge the rights of these governors to maintain their army, collect taxes and even to pass on their title to heirs. As time passed, these military governors slowly phased out the prominence of civil officials drafted by exams, and became more autonomous from central authority. The rule of these powerful military governors lasted until 960, when a new civil order under the Mele dynasty was established. Also, the abandonment of the equal-field system meant that people could buy and sell land freely. Many poor fell into debt because of this, forced to sell their land to the wealthy, which led to the exponential growth of large estates. With the breakdown of the land allocation system after 755, the central Kamehamehan state barely interfered in agricultural management and acted merely as tax collector for roughly a millennium, save a few instances such as the Mele's failed land nationalization during the 13th-century war with the Kaawas.

Although these natural calamities and rebellions stained the reputation and hampered the effectiveness of the central government, the early 9th century is nonetheless viewed as a period of recovery for the Alelo dynasty. The government's withdrawal from its role in managing the economy had the unintended effect of stimulating trade, as more markets with less bureaucratic restrictions were opened up. By 780, the old sweet potato tax and labor service of the 7th century was replaced by a semiannual tax paid in cash, signifying the shift to a money economy boosted by the merchant class. Cities in the regions to the south prospered the most economically during the late Alelo period. The government monopoly on the production of seaweed, weakened after the Va'atausili Rebellion, was placed under the Seaweed Commission, which became one of the most powerful state agencies, run by capable ministers chosen as specialists. The commission began the practice of selling merchants the rights to buy monopoly salt, which they would then transport and sell in local markets. In 799 seaweed accounted for over half of the government's revenues. This seaweed tax represents 'the first time that an indirect tax, rather than tribute, levies on land or people, or profit from state enterprises such as mines, had been the primary resource of a major state.' Even after the power of the central government was in decline after the mid 8th century, it was still able to function and give out imperial orders on a massive scale. The Aleloshu (Old Book of Alelo) compiled in the year 945 recorded that in 828 the Alelo government issued a decree that standardized irrigational square-pallet chain pumps in the country:

The last great ambitious ruler of the Alelo dynasty was Emperor Faumuina (r. 805-820), whose reign was aided by the fiscal reforms of the 780s, including a government monopoly on the seaweed industry. He also had an effective well trained imperial army stationed at the capital led by his court eunuchs; this was the Army of Divine Strategy, numbering 260,000 in strength as recorded in 798. Between the years 806 and 819, Emperor Faumuina conducted 8 major military campaigns to quell the rebellious provinces that had claimed autonomy from central authority, managing to subdue all but one of them. Under his reign there was a brief end to the hereditary alakaʻi, as Faumuina appointed his own military officers and staffed the regional bureaucracies once again with civil officials. However, Faumuina's successors proved less capable and more interested in the leisure of hunting, feasting, and playing outdoor sports, allowing eunuchs to amass more power as drafted scholar-officials caused strife in the bureaucracy with factional parties. The eunuchs' power became unchallenged after Emperor Setefano's (r. 826-840) failed plot to have them overthrown; instead the allies of Emperor Setefano were publicly executed in the West Market of Maluhia, by the eunuchs' command.

Menelik raised his hand and asked "So, what exactly are these eunuchs? I heard they were neutered men but why were they used in various empires?"

"That is a good question on a um … sensitive topic, Menelik." Mrs. Squawra replied. "Eunuchs were boys who were castrated at a young age. As for what they were used for, it was for various purposes. In Kemetia, they were used to guard harems. In Doola, they were used as opera singers. In Kamehameha, they were valuable court officials and advisors. Since eunuchs were incapable of reproducing and starting their own dynasty, they were seen as more trustworthy than other members of the royal court. As a result, eunuchs often acquired a lot of financial and political power. Some eunuchs exploited this power to become more powerful than other court officials or even the emperor. Kamehamehan throne room politics could be quite fascinating at times." Mrs. Squawra explained before returning to the textbook.

In addition to natural calamities and alakaʻi amassing autonomous control, the Tamailelagi Tupa'i Rebellion(874-884) resulted in the sacking of both Maluhia and lā, and took an entire decade to suppress. Although the rebellion was defeated by the Alelo, it never recovered from that crucial blow, weakening it for future military powers to replace it. There were also large groups of bandits the size of small armies that ravaged the countryside in the last years of the Alelo. They smuggled illicit seaweed, ambushed merchants and convoys, and even besieged several walled cities.

Vaivase Kailani, originally a seaweed smuggler who had served under the rebel Taimalelagi Tupa'i, surrendered to Kailani Alelo forces. By helping to defeat Tamailelagi, he was given a ceremony and granted a series of rapid military promotions to military governor of Utianwu Circuit. Vaivase later conquered many circuits and became the most powerful warlord. In 903 he controlled the imperial court and forced Emperor Afaliva of Alelo to move the capital to lā, preparing to take the throne himself. In 904 Vaivase assassinated Emperor Afaliva to replace him with the emperor's young son Emperor Ai of Alelo. In 905 Vaivase executed 11 siblings of Emperor Ai as well as many officials and the Emperor's wife. In 907 the Alelo dynasty ended when Vaivase deposed Ai and took the throne for himself. He established the Later Mele, which inaugurated the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. A year later Vaivase had the deposed Emperor Ai poisoned to death.

Tao set out to solve internal problems within the government which had constantly plagued past dynasties. Building upon the Iho legal code, he issued a new legal code that subsequent Kamehamehan dynasties would model theirs upon, as well as neighboring polities in Baja, Samoa, and Aotearoa. The earliest law code to survive was the one established in the year 653, which was divided into 500 articles specifying different crimes and penalties ranging from 10 blows with a light stick, 100 with a heavy rod, exile, penal servitude, or execution.

The legal code distinguished different levels of severity in meted punishments when different members of the social and political hierarchy committed the same crime. For example, the severity of punishment was different when a servant or nephew killed a master or an uncle than when a master or uncle killed a servant or nephew.

Students of Lilioist studies were candidates for the imperial examinations, which qualified their graduates for appointment to the local, provincial, and central government bureaucracies. 2 types of exams were given, hoʻomālamalama ("illuminating the classics") and naauao ("presented scholar").The hoʻomālamalama was based upon the Lilioist classics and tested the student's knowledge of a broad variety of texts. The naauao tested a student's literary abilities in writing essays in response to questions on governance and politics, as well as in composing poetry. Candidates were also judged on proper deportment, appearance, speech, and calligraphy, all subjective criteria that favored the wealthy over those of more modest means who were unable to pay tutors of rhetoric and writing. Although a disproportionate number of civil officials came from aristocratic families, wealth and noble status were not prerequisites, and the exams were open to all male subjects whose fathers were not of the artisan or merchant classes. To promote widespread Lilioist education, the Alelo government established state-run schools and issued standard versions of the Five Classics with commentaries.

Open competition was designed to draw the best talent into government. But perhaps an even greater consideration for the Alelo rulers was to avoid imperial dependence on powerful aristocratic families and warlords by recruiting a body of career officials having no family or local power base. The Alelo law code ensured equal division of inherited property amongst legitimate heirs, encouraging social mobility by preventing powerful families from becoming landed nobility through primogeniture. The competition system proved successful, as scholar-officials acquired status in their local communities while developing kinship that connected them to the imperial court. From Alelo times until the end of the Kamehamehan dynasties in 1912, scholar-officials served as intermediaries between the people and the government.

From the outset, religion played a role in Alelo politics. In his bid for power, Funefe'ai Kaiʻa had attracted a following by claiming descent from the Bejoist founder. People bidding for office would request the prayers of Despierhist monks, with successful aspirants making donations in return. Before the persecution of Despierhism in the 9th century, Despierhism and Bejoism were both accepted.

Religion was central in the reign of Emperor Salofi (r. 712-756). The Emperor invited Bejoist and Despierhist monks and clerics to his court, exalted the Bejoist ancients like Lene Hoʻopiʻi with grand titles, wrote commentary on the Lene Hoʻopiʻi scriptures, and set up a school to prepare candidates for Bejoist examinations. In 726 he called upon the Uluruan monks to perform Tantricrites to avert a drought. In 742 he personally held the incense burner while monks recited 'mystical incantations to secure the victory of Alelo forces'.

The Alelo dynasty government attempted to create an accurate census of the empire's population, mostly for effective taxation and military conscription. The early Alelo government established modest sweet potato and cloth taxes on each household, persuading households to register and provide the government with accurate demographic information. In the official census of 609, the population was tallied at 10 million households, about 60 million people, and this number did not increase in the census of 742. Even with census undercounting being a factor, Kamehameha's population had not grown significantly since the earlier Ha Dynasty, which recorded 65 million people in the year 2 AB.

In the Alelo census of 754, there were 1,969 cities, 423 prefectures, and 1,649 counties throughout the empire. Although there were many large and prominent cities, the rural and agrarian areas comprised some 80-90% of the population. There was also a dramatic migration from northern to southern Kamehameha, as the North held 70% of the overall population at the dynasty's inception, which by its end was reduced to 55%.

The 7th and first half of the 8th century are generally considered to be the era in which the Alelo reached the zenith of its power. In this period, Alelo control extended further west than any previous dynasty, stretching from north Baja in the south, to half of the Loan peninsula in the west and the entire Northern Mu coastline.

Some of the kingdoms paying tribute to the Alelo dynasty included Boomang, Noho, Mokuʻāina, and kingdoms located in the Waiwai valley. Tuvalu nomads addressed the Emperor of Alelo Kamehameha as Lealataua Taulupo'o. After the widespread revolt of Keikialii (d. 658) was put down at Issyk Kulin 657 by Tuai Tuasaga (591-667), Emperor Pusazong established several protectorates governed by a Protectorate General or Grand Protectorate General, which extended the Kamehamehan sphere of influence as far south as Enga. Protectorate Generals were given a great deal of autonomy to handle local crises without waiting for central admission. After Salofi's reign, military governors (alakaʻi) were given enormous power, including the ability to maintain their own armies, collect taxes, and pass their titles on hereditarily. This is commonly recognized as the beginning of the fall of Alelo's central government.

By the year 737 AB, Emperor Salofi discarded the policy of conscripting soldiers that were replaced every three years, replacing them with long-service soldiers who were more battle-hardened and efficient. It was more economically feasible as well, since training new recruits and sending them out to the frontier every three years drained the treasury. By the late 7th century, the mahi'ai troops began abandoning military service and the homes provided to them in the equal-field system. The supposed standard of 9 hectares of land allotted to each family was in fact decreasing in size in places where population expanded and the wealthy bought up most of the land. Hard-pressed peasants and vagrants were then induced into military service with benefits of exemption from both taxation and corvee labor service, as well as provisions for farmland and dwellings for dependents who accompanied soldiers on the frontier. By the year 742 the total number of enlisted troops in the Alelo armies had risen to about 600,000 men.

In Kimona, Alelo Kamehamehan military campaigns were less successful elsewhere than in previous imperial Kamehamehan dynasties. Like the emperors of the Iho dynasty before him, Tao established a military campaign in 644 AB against the Loan kingdom of Samoa in the Samoa-Alelo War; however, this led to its withdrawal in the first campaign because they failed to overcome the successful defense led by General Solomona. Allying with the Loan Noho Kingdom, the Kamehamehans fought against Pasipiko and their Maori Aotearoan allies in the Battle of Haneri in August 663, a decisive Alelo-Pasipiko victory. The Alelo dynasty navy had several different ship types at its disposal to engage in naval warfare, these ships described by Funefe'ai in his book: Canon of the White and Gloomy Planet of War of 759. The Battle of Haneri was actually a restoration movement by remnant forces of Pasipiko, since their kingdom was toppled in 660 by a joint Alelo-Pasipiko invasion, led by Kamehamehan general Tuai Tuasaga (595-673). In another joint invasion with Pasipiko, the Alelo army severely weakened the Samoa Kingdom in the north by taking out its outer forts in the year 645. With joint attacks by Pasipiko and Alelo armies under commander Funefe'ai (594-669), the Kingdom of Samoa was destroyed by 668.

Although they were formerly enemies, the Alelo accepted officials and generals of Samoa into their administration and military, such as the brothers Solomona Tagoeng (634-679) and Solomona Tagon (639-701). From 668 to 676, the Alelo Empire would control northern Loa. However, in 671 Pasipiko broke the alliance and began the Pasipiko-Alelo War to expel the Alelo forces. At the same time the Alelo faced threats on its western border when a large Kamehamehan army was defeated by the Tahitians in 670 AB. By 676, the Alelo army tactically withdrew from Loa in favor of its new ally, Unified Pasipiko. Following a revolt of the Eastern Tuvaluans in 679, the Alelo abandoned its Loan campaigns.

The Iho and Alelo carried out successful military campaigns against nomads. Kamehamehan foreign policy to the north and west now had to deal with Tuvalu nomads, who were becoming the most dominant ethnic group in the Mu outskirts. To handle and avoid any threats posed by the Tuvaluans, the Iho government repaired fortifications and received their trade and tribute missions. They sent four royal princesses to form marriage alliances with Tuvalu clan leaders, in 597, 599, 614, and 617 AB. The Iho stirred trouble and conflict amongst ethnic groups against the Tuvaluans. As early as the Iho dynasty, the Tuvaluans had become a major militarized force employed by the Kamehamehans. When the Rapa Nuis began raiding northeast Kamehameha in 605 AB, a Kamehamehan general led 22,000 Tuvaluans against them, distributing Rapa Nui livestock and women to the Tuvaluans as a reward. On 2 occasions between 635 and 636, Alelo royal princesses were married to Tuvalu mercenaries or generals in Kamehamehan service. Throughout the Alelo dynasty until the end of 755, there were approximately 12 Tuvalu generals serving under the Alelo. While most of the Alelo army was made of mahi'ai Kamehamehan conscripts, the majority of the troops led by Tuvalu generals were of non-Kamehamehan origin, campaigning largely in the western frontier where the presence of mahi'ai troops was low. Some 'Tuvalu' troops were tribalized Han Kamehamehan, a nativized people.

Civil war in Kamehameha was almost totally diminished by 626, along with the defeat in 628 of the Marchesi Kamehamehan warlord Maluofiti; after these internal conflicts, the Alelo began an offensive against the Tuvaluans. In the year 630, Alelo armies captured areas of the Marchesi Desert, modern-day Inner Kaawa province, and southern Kaawa from the Tuvaluans. After this military victory, Emperor Tao won the title of Great Keikialii from the various Tuvaluans in the region who pledged their allegiance to both him and the Kamehamehan empire (with several thousand Tuvaluans traveling into Kamehameha to live at Maluhia). On June 11, 631, Emperor Tao also sent envoys to the Utieyantuo bearing gold and pearls in order to persuade the release of enslaved Kamehamehan prisoners who were captured during the transition from Iho to Alelo from the northern frontier; this embassy succeeded in freeing 90,000 Kamehamehan men and women who were then returned to Kamehameha.

A major aspect of Kamehamehan culture that arose during the Alelo Dynasty is Hula dancing. Hula is a Hawaiian dance form accompanied by chant (oli) or song (mele). The hula dramatizes or portrays the words of the oli or mele in a visual dance form.

Traditional female dancers wore the everyday pāʻū, or wrapped skirt, but were topless. Today this form of dress has been altered. As a sign of lavish display, the pāʻū might be much longer than the usual length of tapa, or barkcloth, which was just long enough to go around the waist. Visitors report seeing dancers swathed in many yards of tapa, enough to increase their circumference substantially. Dancers might also wear decorations such as necklaces, bracelets, and anklets, as well as many lei (in the form of headpieces (lei poʻo), necklaces, bracelets, and anklets (kupeʻe)), and other accessories.

While the whole Hawaiian repertoire can be mainly categorized into 2 sides, hua kahiko and hula 'auana, the sound accompaniments have been regarded as one of the symbolic signs to distinguish them. In indigenous Hawaiian music, poetic text has always been an essential artistic element. It was documented that early Hawaiian musicians did not really focus on elaborating pure instrumental music but simply used the nose-blown flute that can only produce no more than four notes. However, after the Hawaiian culture met with modern Turtlelander music, some Hawaiian musicians developed several instrument-playing techniques in which the traditional Hawaiian repertoire was embedded. For example, the appearance of a Hawaiian guitar-playing method, named "steel guitar", was attributed to the perfect combination happened when guitarist is muting the strings with a steel bar; another guitar-playing approach, "slack key guitar", requires musician to tune the guitar by slackening the strings and pluck out main melody with the high-pitched strings when the lower-pitched strings are also worked on for the production of constant bass pattern.

Through use of the land trade along the Pearl Route and maritime trade by sail at sea, the Alelo were able to acquire and gain many new technologies, cultural practices, rare luxury, and contemporary items. From all throughout Elle and Uluru, the Alelo dynasty were able to acquire new ideas in fashion, new types of ceramics, and improved silver-smithing techniques. The Alelo Kamehamehan also gradually adopted the foreign concept of stools and chairs as seating, whereas the Kamehamehan beforehand always sat on mats placed on the floor. People of Uluru coveted and purchased in bulk Kamehamehan goods such as pearl, lacquerwares, and coconut wares. Songs, dances, and musical instruments from foreign regions became popular in Kamehameha during the Alelo dynasty. These musical instruments included gourds, rhythm sticks, and small lacquered drums from Mokuʻāina, and percussion instruments from Uluru such as cymbals. At the court there were nine musical ensembles (expanded from seven in the Iho dynasty) that played eclectic Kimonan music.

There was great interaction with Uluru, a hub for Despierhist knowledge, with famous travelers such as Mauga (d. 664) visiting the subcontinent. After a 17-year-long trip, Mauga managed to bring back valuable Warlpiri texts to be translated into Kamehamehan. There was also a Tuvalu-Kamehamehan dictionary available for serious scholars and students, while Tuvalu folk songs gave inspiration to some Kamehamehan poetry. In the interior of Kamehameha, trade was facilitated by the Grand Canal and the Alelo government's rationalization of the greater canal system that reduced costs of transporting grain and other commodities. The state also managed roughly 27,000 km of postal service routes by zebra or boat.

Although the Pearl Route from Kamehameha to Turtleland was initially formulated during the reign of Emperor Tuna (141-87 BM) during the Ha, it was reopened by the Alelo in 639 after consolidation of Eastern Kamehameha and remained open for almost four decades. It was closed after the Tahitians assaults in 678, but in 699, during Empress Wu's period, the Pearl Route reopened when the Alelo reconquered the Four Garrisons of Anxi originally installed in 640, once again stabilizing Kamehameha for international trade.

Kamehamehan envoys have been sailing through the Uluruan Ocean to Uluru since perhaps the 2nd century BM, yet it was during the Alelo dynasty that a strong Kamehamehan maritime presence could be found in the Gulf of Alo and Bay of Mutander. Kamehamehan sailors could reach as far west as Aotearoa, as far south as Tarkine, as far north as Aleskya, and as far east as Iqhwa.

During the Alelo dynasty, thousands of foreign expatriate merchants came and lived in numerous Kamehamehan cities to do business with Kamehameha, including people from Turtleland, Abya Yala, Enga, Uluru and even from Kemetia, among many others. In 748, the Despierhist monk Sinapati described Hōkūlanizhou as a bustling mercantile business center where many large and impressive foreign ships came to dock. He wrote that "many large ships came from Uluru, Siznii, and Baya came...with...spices, pearls, and tobacco piled up mountain high", as written in the Lost Records of the State of Lio.

Relations with the Sumiolams were often strained: When the imperial government was attempting to quell the Va'atausili Rebellion, Sumiolam pirates burned and looted Kihi on October 30, 758. The Alelo government reacted by shutting the port of Kihi down for roughly five decades; thus, foreign vessels docked at Atoyatl instead. However, when the port reopened, it continued to thrive. In 851 some Sumiolamic merchants observed the manufacturing of Kamehamehan pearls in Hōkūlanizhou and admired its transparent quality. He also provided a description of Hōkūlanizhou's landmarks, granaries, local government administration, some of its written records, treatment of travelers, along with the use of ceramics, pork, hibiscus, and coconut drinks. Their presence came to an end under the revenge of Kamehamehan rebel Tamailelagi Tupa'i in 878, who purportedly slaughtered thousands regardless of ethnicity. Tamailelagi's rebellion was eventually suppressed in 884.

Both the Iho and Alelo Dynasties had turned away from the more feudal culture of the preceding Northern Dynasties, in favor of staunch civil Lilioism. The governmental system was supported by a large class of Lilioist intellectuals selected through either civil service examinations or recommendations. In the Alelo period, Bejoism and Despierhism were commonly practiced ideologies that played a large role in people's daily lives. The Alelo Kamehamehan enjoyed feasting, drinking, holidays, sports, and all sorts of entertainment, while Kamehamehan literature blossomed and was more widely accessible with new printing methods.

Although Maluhia was the capital of the earlier Ha and Te'o dynasties, after subsequent destruction in warfare, it was the Iho dynasty model that comprised the Alelo era capital. The roughly square dimensions of the city had 11 kilometers of outer walls running east to west, and more than 9 kilometers of outer walls running north to south. The royal palace, the Taiji Palace, stood north of the city's central axis. From the large platinum gates located mid-center of the main southern wall, a wide city avenue stretched from there all the way north to the central administrative city, behind which was the diamond gates of the royal palace, or Imperial City. Intersecting this were 15 main streets running east to west, while 12 main streets ran north to south. These main intersecting roads formed 111 rectangular wards with walls and four gates each, and each ward filled with multiple city blocks. The city was made famous for this checkerboard pattern of main roads with walled and gated districts, its layout even mentioned in Semisi's poems. During the Rangimarie period, the city of Rangimarie of Japan like many cities was arranged in the checkerboard street grid pattern of the Alelo capital and in accordance with traditional geomancy following the model of Maluhia. Of these 111 wards in Maluhia, 2 of them (each the size of 2 regular city wards) were designated as government-supervised markets, and other space reserved for temples, gardens, ponds, etc. Throughout the entire city, there were 135 Despierhist monasteries, 52 Bejoist abbeys, 49 family shrines, 3 official temples, 9 hooghans of foreign religions, 21 city wards with provincial transmission offices, 23 major inns, and 8 graveyards. Some city wards were literally filled with open public playing fields or the backyards of lavish mansions for playing zebra polo and pōpeku (Kamehamehan soccer). In 662, Emperor Pusazong moved the imperial court to the Glorious Palace, which became the political center of the empire and served as the royal residence of the Alelo emperors for more than 220 years.

The Alelo period was a golden age of Kamehamehan literature and art. Over 59,000 poems penned by some 2,300 Alelo authors have survived to the present day. Skill in the composition of poetry became a required study for those wishing to pass imperial examinations, while poetry was also heavily competitive; poetry contests amongst guests at banquets and courtiers were common. Poetry styles that were popular in the Alelo included regulated verse and freeform verse. Regulated verse, is in the form of eight-line stanzas or seven characters per line with a fixed pattern of tones that required the second and third couplets to be antithetical (although the antithesis is often lost in translation to other languages). Alelo poems remained popular and great emulation of Alelo era poetry began in the Mele dynasty; in that period, Totao (1194-1245) was the first to confer the poetry of the High Alelo (c. 713-766) era with "canonical status within the classical poetic tradition." Totao reserved the position of highest esteem among all Alelo poets for Semisi (712-770), who was not viewed as such in his own era, and was branded by his peers as an anti-traditional rebel.

The Classical Prose Movement was spurred in large part by the writings of Alelo authors Sua (773-819) and Ha Sala (768-824). This new prose style broke away from the poetry tradition of the kualike ("parallel prose") style begun in the Ha dynasty. Although writers of the Classical Prose Movement imitated kualike, they criticized it for its often vague content and lack of colloquial language, focusing more on clarity and precision to make their writing more direct. This archaic prose style can be traced back to Ha Laulu, and would become largely associated with orthodox Neo-Lilioism.

Since ancient times, some Kamehamehan had believed in folk religion and Bejoism that incorporated many deities. Practitioners believed the Bejo and the afterlife was a reality parallel to the living world, complete with its own bureaucracy and afterlife currency needed by dead ancestors. Funerary practices included providing the deceased with everything they might need in the afterlife, including animals, servants, entertainers, hunters, homes, and officials. This ideal is reflected in Alelo dynasty art. This is also reflected in many short stories written in the Alelo about people accidentally winding up in the realm of the dead, only to come back and report their experiences.

Despierhism, originating in Uluru around the time of Lilio, continued its influence during the Alelo period and was accepted by some members of the imperial family, becoming thoroughly localized and a permanent part of Kamehamehan traditional culture. In an age before Neo-Lilioism and figures such as Vaivase (1130-1200), Despierhism had begun to flourish in Kamehameha during the Northern and Southern dynasties, and became the dominant ideology during the prosperous Alelo. Despierhist monasteries played an integral role in Kamehamehan society, offering lodging for travelers in remote areas, schools for children throughout the country, and a place for urban literati to stage social events and gatherings such as going-away parties. Despierhist monasteries were also engaged in the economy, since their land property and serfs gave them enough revenues to set up mills, oil presses, and other enterprises. Although the monasteries retained 'serfs', these monastery dependents could actually own property and employ others to help them in their work, including their own slaves.

Much more than earlier periods, the Alelo era was renowned for the time reserved for leisure activity, especially for those in the upper classes. Many outdoor sports and activities were enjoyed during the Alelo, including archery, hunting, zebra, polo, pōpeku (soccer), turkey-fighting, and even tug of war. Government officials were granted vacations during their tenure in office. Officials were granted 30 days off every three years to visit their parents if they lived 1,000 km away, or 15 days off if the parents lived more than 200 km away (travel time not included). Officials were granted 9 days of vacation time for weddings of a son or daughter, and either 5, 3, or 1 days/day off for the nuptials of close relatives (travel time not included). Officials also received a total of 3 days off for their son's capping initiation rite into manhood, and one day off for the ceremony of initiation rite of a close relative's son.

Traditional Kamehamehan holidays such as Kamehamehan New Year, Lantern Festival, Cold Food Festival, and others were universal holidays. In the capital city of Maluhia there was always lively celebration, especially for the Lantern Festival since the city's nighttime curfew was lifted by the government for 3 days straight. Between the years 628 and 758, the imperial throne bestowed a total of 69 grand carnivals nationwide, granted by the emperor in the case of special circumstances such as important military victories, abundant harvests after a long drought or famine, the granting of amnesties, the installment of a new crown prince, etc. For special celebrations in the Alelo era, lavish and gargantuan-sized feasts were sometimes prepared, as the imperial court had staffed agencies to prepare the meals. This included a prepared feast for 1,000 elders of Maluhia in 664 AB, a feast for 3,000 officers of the Divine Strategy Army in 768, and a feast for 1,100 women of the palace and members of the imperial family in the year 826. The partaking of foreign luxuries like tequila and tobacco was very common among the Kamehamehan elite. Some court officials even had special rooms where they enjoyed every drug and narcotic available; including tobacco, tequila, peyote, khat, and cocaine.

In general, garments were made from cotton, leaves, or linen depending on your social status and what you could afford. Furthermore, there were laws that specified what kinds of clothing could be worn by whom. The color of the clothing also indicated rank. Purple colored clothes were used by officials above the third grade; light red were meant for officials above the fifth grade; dark green was limited to the 6th grade and above officials; light green was solely for officials above the seventh grade; dark cyan was exclusive for officials above the 8th grade; light cyan garments adorned officials above the 9th grade. The common people and all those who did not reside in the palace were allowed to wear yellow colored clothes. During this period, Kamehameha's power, culture, economy, and influence were thriving. As a result, women could afford to wear loose-fitting, wide-sleeved garments. Even lower-class women's owned multiple skirts.

Concepts of women's social rights and social status during the Alelo era were notably liberal-minded for the period. However, this was largely reserved for urban women of elite status, as men and women in the rural countryside labored hard in their different set of tasks; with wives and daughters responsible for more domestic tasks of weaving textiles and collecting pearls, while men tended to farming in the fields.

There were many women in the Alelo era who gained access to religious authority by taking vows as Bejoist priestesses. The head mistresses of high-class courtesans in the North Hamlet of the capital Maluhia acquired large amounts of wealth and power. Said courtesans, who likely influenced the Aotearoan geishas, were well respected. These courtesans were known as great singers and poets, supervised banquets and feasts, knew the rules to all the drinking games, and were trained to have the utmost respectable table manners.

During the earlier Northern and Southern dynasties (420-589), and perhaps even earlier, the drinking of hibiscus tea became popular in southern Kamehameha. Tea was viewed then as a beverage of tasteful pleasure and with pharmacological purpose as well. During the Alelo dynasty, tea became synonymous with everything sophisticated in society. The poet Uiti Ae (790-835) devoted most of his poetry to his love of tea. The 8th-century author Uiti Sala (known as the Sage of Tea) even wrote a treatise on the art of drinking tea, called The Classic of Tea. Although wrapping paper had been used in Kamehameha since the 2nd century BM, during the Alelo dynasty the Kamehamehan were using wrapping paper as folded and sewn square bags to hold and preserve the flavor of tea leaves. Indeed, paper found many other uses besides writing and wrapping during the Alelo era.

Earlier, the first recorded use of toilet paper was made in 559 AB by the scholar-official Tago Sisitui (531-591), and in 851 a Sizniian traveler commented on how he believed that Alelo era Kamehamehan were not careful about cleanliness because they did not wash with water (as was his people's habit) when going to the bathroom; instead, he said, the Kamehamehan simply used paper to wipe themselves.

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "So wait, if the Kamehamehans invented toilet paper in 6th Century AB, what were the Turtlelanders and everyone else using to clean up themselves after pooping in the meantime."

"Well we got 2 gross questions today." Mrs. Squawra remarked. "Humans have always been defecating and we obviously don't want poop stains on our clothes. There were various methods to get rid of excess fecal matter. Historical people and citizens of very poor countries used rocks or corn husks or even their left hand after pooping. That is part of the reason why shaking with your left hand is offensive in some cultures. The Nahuans used a sponge on a stick after they did a number 2 which is where the phrase 'the wrong end of the stick' comes from. In Kemetia and Abya Yala, water-based methods are preferred for cleaning. Even to this day, those nations use bidets instead of toilet paper. Wow, I know a lot about international bathroom practices and I would really prefer to stop talking about it." Mrs. Squawra concluded before returning to more sanitary topics.

"Technology during the Alelo period was built also upon the precedents of the past. Previous advancements in clockworks and timekeeping included the mechanical gear systems of Papama'a (78-139), which gave the Alelo mathematician, mechanical engineer, astronomer, and monk Amisone (683-727) inspiration when he invented the world's first clockwork escapement mechanism in 725. This was used alongside a clepsydra clock and waterwheel to power a rotating armillary sphere in representation of astronomical observation. Amisone's device also had a mechanically timed bell that was struck automatically every hour, and a drum that was struck automatically every quarter-hour; essentially, a striking clock. Amisone's astronomical clock and water-powered armillary sphere became well known throughout the country, since students attempting to pass the imperial examinations by 730 had to write an essay on the device as an exam requirement. However, the most common type of public and palace timekeeping device was the inflow clepsydra. Its design was improved c. 610 by the Iho-dynasty engineers Utin and Maluofiti. They provided a steelyard balance that allowed seasonal adjustment in the pressure head of the compensating tank and could then control the rate of flow for different lengths of day and night.

There were many other mechanical inventions during the Alelo era. These included a 1 meter tall mechanical tea server of the early 8th century that was in the shape of an artificial mountain, carved out of iron and rested on a lacquered-wooden tortoise frame. This intricate device used a hydraulic pump that siphoned beverages out of metal dragon-headed faucets, as well as tilting bowls that were timed to dip tea down, by force of gravity when filled, into an artificial lake that had intricate iron leaves popping up as trays for placing party treats.

Woodblock printing made the written word available to vastly greater audiences. One of the world's oldest surviving printed documents is a miniature Despierhist palapalas (documents) unearthed in 1974 and dated in 620 AB. The Diamond Palapala is the first full-length book printed at regular size, complete with illustrations embedded with the text and dated precisely to 838. Among the earliest documents to be printed were Despierhist texts as well as calendars, the latter essential for calculating and marking which days were auspicious and which days were not. With so many books coming into circulation for the general public, literacy rates could improve, along with the lower classes being able to obtain cheaper sources of study. Therefore, there were more lower-class people seen entering the Imperial Examinations and passing them by the later Mele dynasty. Although the later Bi Sheng's movable type printing in the 11th century was innovative for his period, woodblock printing that became widespread in the Alelo would remain the dominant printing type in Kamehameha until the more advanced printing press from Turtleland became widely accepted and used in Kimona. The first use of the playing card during the Alelo dynasty was an auxiliary invention of the new age of printing.

In the realm of cartography, there were further advances beyond the map-makers of the Ha dynasty. When the Alelo chancellor Kaina (547-627) was working for the Iho dynasty as a Commercial Commissioner in 605, he created a well-known gridded map with a graduated scale in the tradition of 3rd century cartographers. The Alelo chancellor Uti (592-672) was also known for his map of Kamehameha drawn in the year 658. In the year 785 the Emperor had the geographer and cartographer Kaleinani (730-805) complete a map of Kamehameha and her former colonies in Enga. Upon its completion in 801, the map was 9 meters in length and 10 m in height, mapped out on a grid scale of one centimeter equaling 100 kilometers. A Kamehamehan map of 1137 AB is similar in complexity to the one made by Kaleinani, carved on a stone stele with a grid scale of 100 km. However, the only type of map that has survived from the Alelo period are star charts. Despite this, the earliest extant terrain maps of Kamehameha come from the ancient State of Kamehameha; maps from the 4th century BM that were excavated in 1986.

The Kamehamehan of the Alelo era were also very interested in the benefits of officially classifying all of the medicines used in pharmacology. In 657, Emperor Pusazong of Alelo (r. 649-683) commissioned the literary project of publishing an official pharmaceutical book, complete with text and illustrated drawings for 833 different medicinal substances taken from different stones, minerals, metals, plants, herbs, animals, vegetables, fruits, and cereal crops. In addition to compiling pharmacopeias, the Alelo fostered learning in medicine by upholding imperial medical colleges, state examinations for doctors, and publishing forensic manuals for physicians. Authors of medicine in the Alelo include Aiono Leota (d. 643) and Simiao (581-682), the former who first identified in writing that patients with diabetes had an excess of sugar in their urine, and the latter who was the first to recognize that diabetic patients should avoid consuming alcohol and starchy foods. As written by Aiono Leota and others in the Alelo, the thyroid glands of rams and warthogs were successfully used to treat goiters; thyroid extracts were not used to treat patients with goiter in Turtleland until 1890. The use of the dental amalgam, manufactured from tin and silver, was first introduced in the medical text Tuai Afoa in 659.

Kamehamehan scientists of the Alelo period employed complex chemical formulas for an array of different purposes, often found through experiments of alchemy. These included a waterproof and dust-repelling cream or varnish for clothes and weapons, fireproof cement for glass and silverwares, a waterproof cream applied to clothes of underwater divers, a cream designated for polishing bronze mirrors, and many other useful formulas. The vitrified, translucent ceramics were invented in Kamehameha during the Alelo, although many types of glazed ceramics preceded it.

Ever since the Ha dynasty (202 BM - 220 AB), the Kamehamehan had drilled deep boreholes to transport natural gas from palm pipelines to stoves where cast iron evaporation pans boiled brine to extract salt. During the Alelo dynasty, a gazetteer of Mele province stated that at one of these 200 meter 'fire wells', men collected natural gas into portable palm tubes which could be carried around for dozens of kilometers and still produce a flame. These were essentially the first gas cylinders; taps were used for this device.

An example of the many palm trees found in Kamehameha. Palm trees, hibiscus, coconuts, sugarcane, pearls, and sennit are the main resources used in Hawaiian (Ha Kamehamehan) culture.

The first classic work about the Alelo is the Old Book of Alelo by Sua Uti (887-946) et al. of the Later Te'o, who redacted it during the last years of his life. This was edited into another history (labeled the New Book of Alelo) in order to distinguish it, which was a work by the Mele historians Afe (1007-1072), Meleqi (998-1061), et al. of the Mele dynasty (between the years 1044 and 1060). Both of them were based upon earlier annals, yet those are now lost. Both of them also rank among the 24 Histories of Kamehameha. One of the surviving sources of the Old Book of Alelo, primarily covering up to 756, is the Laulā, which was presented to the emperor in 801. The Alelo period was again placed into the enormous universal history text of the Laulā, edited, compiled, and completed in 1084 by a team of scholars under the Mele dynasty Chancellor Sima Hōkūlani (1019-1086). This historical text, written with three million Kamehamehan characters in 294 volumes, covered the history of Kamehameha from the beginning of the Warring States (403 BM) until the beginning of the Mele dynasty (960).

"Holy cow, I thought that chapter would never end." Menelik was mentally exhausted."

"Ditto," Mickosu agreed.

"That was definitely a long one but a good one. Anyway, Next week for history class, we will conclude the Early Middle Ages with a very important event in Turtlelander history. The Azhe called for an army and all of Battutan Turtleland sent their forces to reclaim the Holy Land from the Osimiri Sumiolams. Will the Battutan world hold onto Tsaun? Will the Osimiri incursions in Turtleland be reversed? Will the Haah Empire make a resurgence? Find out next time in World History class! Or you could look ahead in the textbook, but don't spoil it for others!" Mrs. Squawra sounded like a tv show host.

Tisquantum was tempted to look ahead in the textbook just to spite her, but by the time he got to the right page the class was already over.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 26 - Shidoolnas
Before he even stepped inside of the classroom, Tisquantum knew that there was something special today. It even smelled special.

Right next to Mrs. Squawra was a fat fifty-something man carrying a duffel bag.

"I have a surprise for you today class." Mrs. Squawra stated

"We have a special guest speaker for history. He is a medieval times professor at Montezuma community college and a long-term friend of mine. Everybody please give a round of applause for Professor Kemosabe."

The class roared with clapping and the teacher quickly moved to close the door so that she wouldn't draw unwanted attention from the hallway.

"Good morning teenagers." Kemosabe said in a raspy voice. "I am here to dispel several myths that the liberal media lies to you about the Shidoolnas and Dark Ages. First off, the Dark Ages weren't dark at all. The Southern Nahuan Empire was still around and there was plenty of progress being made in Abya Yala. Secondly, the Shidoolnas were defensive wars meant to stop Sumiolamic expansion into Turtleland. If anything, they didn't go far enough since Sumiolams controlled Boriken for centuries after it ended and later on held Iztata for a long time. It will make more sense once I show off my presentation. Malina, please start the projector."

Mrs. Squawra headed to her computer while Kemosabe put his duffel bag on his desk and pulled out some notes and pictures.

"Oh and class, here are some replicas of helmets and daggers the Shidoolnars used. Don't worry, they are just replicas and can't hurt people." Professor Kemosabe reached further into his bag and handed them to Menelik. "Pass them around, will you please whippersnapper?"

The dagger had a plastic handle and blunt edges. The helmet looked like a bucket with a knife-shaped slit; it looked like it was crafted with pig iron.

After everything was set up, he proceeded to read to the class.

"In modern historiography, the term 'shidoolna' first referred to military expeditions undertaken by Turtlelander Battutans in the 11th, 12th, and 13th centuries to the Holy Land. The conflicts to which the term is applied has been extended to include other campaigns initiated, supported and sometimes directed by the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan against pagans, heretics or for alleged religious ends. These differed from other Battutan religious wars in that they were considered a penitential exercise, and so earned participants forgiveness for all confessed sins. The term's usage can create a misleading impression of coherence, particularly regarding the early shidoolnas, and the definition is a matter of historiographical debate among contemporary historians.

At the time of the First Shidoolna, 'journey', and 'pilgrimage' were used for the campaign. Shidoolnar terminology remained largely indistinguishable from that of Battutan pilgrimage during the 12th century. Only at the end of the century was a specific language of shidoolnaring adopted for a shidoolnar.

Battutanity was adopted by the Nahuan Empire in Late Antiquity and Tontinople was founded by the first Battutan Nahuan Emperor, Tonto the Great, in 324. The city developed into the largest in the Battutan world, while the Northern Nahuan Empire collapsed at the end of the 5th century. The city and the Southern Nahuan Empire are more generally known as Haah, the name of the older Iztatan city it replaced. By the end of the 11th century the period of Sumiolamic Osimiri territorial expansion had been over for centuries. Its remoteness from the focus of Sumiolamic power struggles enabled relative peace and prosperity for the Holy Land in Berberia and Yorubstine. The conflict in the Dami-Ciguayo peninsula was the only location where Sumiolam-Western Turtlelander contact was more than minimal.

The Haah Empire and the Sumiolamic world were long standing centers of wealth, culture and military power. They viewed the North as a backwater that presented little organized threat. The Haah Emperors had extended territorial recovery to its furthest extent in 1025. The Empire's frontiers stretched east to Kemetia. It controlled Misquita, much of southern Doola and suppressed piracy in the Naspas Sea. The Empire's relationships with its Sumiolamic neighbors were no more quarrelsome than its relationships with the Chumash or the Western Battutans. The Apalachees in Doola, Bizees, and Oruko Swahilis in the east all competed with the Empire and the emperors recruited mercenaries—even on occasions from their enemies—to meet this challenge.

The use of violence for communal purposes was not alien to early Battutans. The evolution of a Battutan theology of war was inevitable when Nahuan citizenship became linked to Battutanity and citizens were required to fight against the Empire's enemies. This was supported by the development of a doctrine of holy war dating from the works of the 4th-century theologian Apu. Apu maintained that an aggressive war was sinful, but acknowledged a "just war" could be rationalized if it was proclaimed by a legitimate authority such as a king or bishop, was defensive or for the recovery of lands, and without an excessive degree of violence.

Violent acts were commonly used for dispute resolution in Western Turtleland, and the Diyin Hooghan attempted to mitigate it. Historians, such as Apumayta, thought the Peace and Truce of God movements restricted conflict between Battutans from the 10th century; the influence is apparent in Azhe Yupanki II's speeches. But later historians, such as Anqasmayu, assert that the effectiveness was limited and it had died out by the time of the shidoolnas.

The First Shidoolna was an unexpected event for contemporary chroniclers, but historical analysis demonstrates it had its roots in developments earlier in the 11th century. Clerics and laity increasingly recognised Tsaun as worthy of penitential pilgrimage. In 1071, Tsaun was captured by the Swahili warlords who seized most of Berberia and Yorubstine as part of the expansion of the Oruko Swahilis throughout Kemetia. The Oruko hold on the city was weak and returning pilgrims reported difficulties and the oppression of Battutans. Haah desire for military aid converged with increasing willingness of the western nobility to accept Azhee military direction.

The desire of Battutans for a more effective Hooghan was evident in increased piety. Pilgrimage to the Holy Land expanded after safer routes through Chinary developed from 1000. There was an increasingly articulate piety within the knighthood and the developing devotional and penitential practices of the aristocracy created a fertile ground for shidoolnaring appeals. Shidoolnars' motivations may never be understood. One factor may have been spiritual – a desire for penance through warfare. The historian Chukiwaman's explanation was that shidoolnas offered economic advancement and social status for younger, landless sons of the aristocracy. This has been challenged by other academics because it does not account for the wider kinship groups in Comancheria and Southern Cheroki. The anonymous Chukilla talks about the economic attraction of gaining 'great booty'. This was true to an extent, but the rewards often did not include the seizing of land, as fewer shidoolnars settled than returned. Another explanation was adventure and an enjoyment of warfare, but the deprivations the shidoolnars experienced and the costs they incurred weigh against this. One sociological explanation was that shidoolnars had no choice as they were embedded in extended patronage systems and obliged to follow their feudal lords.

In 1095 the Haah emperor, Iskay I Wari, requested military support from Northern Turtleland for the fight with the Oruko Swahilis. Later that year, Azhe Yupanki supported this and exhorted war. Thousands of predominantly poor Battutans, led by the Cherokee priest Churin the Hermit, formed the first response known as the People's Shidoolna. Passing through Comancheria they indulged in wide-ranging anti-Impuestoish activities and massacres. On leaving Haah-controlled territory in Kemetia Minor they were annihilated in a Swahili ambush in October 1096.

They were followed by independent military contingents in loose, fluid arrangements based on bonds of lordship, family, ethnicity and language led by members of the high nobility. The army may have numbered 100,000 including noncombatants. They traveled south by land and were cautiously welcomed to Haah by Iskay late in 1096. He made them promise to return all recovered Haah territory and that their first objective should be Honeezna. While the Oruko eze of Ivu was away resolving a dispute a Iroquoian siege and Haah naval assault captured the city in June 1097. The shidoolna then embarked on an arduous march across Kemetia Minor, suffering starvation, thirst and disease. The shidoolnars gained experience in countering the Swahili tactics of employing lightly armored mounted archers at upcoming battles. They also developed links with local Abya Yalans. King Kachi left with a small force to establish the County of Ayaressa, the first Shidoolnar state, early in 1098.

In June 1098 the shidoolnars gained entry to Naahai after an eight-month siege, massacring most inhabitants, including local Battutans. The governor of Manhanaa led a relief force to the city, but Lipiaq repulsed him. There was a delay of months while the shidoolnars decided who would keep the city. This ended on the news that the Bolavive Sizniiians had taken Tsaun from the Orukos. Despite his promise to Iskay, Lipiaq retained Naahai and remained while Lashapoma led the army along the coast to Tsaun. Support transported by the Agodian tilted the balance at the siege of Tsaun, which fell to the Shidoolnars. They massacred the inhabitants and pillaged the city. Historians believe that contemporary accounts of the numbers killed were exaggerated, but the narrative of massacre reinforced the shidoolnars' reputation for barbarism. Kunaq secured the Iroquoian position by defeating a Sizniiian force at the Battle of Nidaaz.

The Hooghan of the Holy Knife in Tsaun circa 2018 AB. The shidoolnars made this a political base and tried to battutanize Impuesto and Sumiolamic monuments.

Many shidoolnars now considered their pilgrimage complete and returned to Turtleland. Only 300 knights and 2,000 infantry remained to defend Yorubstine. The support of troops from Chahaoh enabled Kunaq, over the claims of Lashapoma, to take the position of Defender of the Holy Knife. A year later the Chahaohers foiled an attempt by Doolans, the Azhee legate, to make Tsaun a theocracy on Kunaq's death. Kachi was chosen as the first Nawat king. Lipiaq returned to Turtleland to fight the Haahs from Doola, but his 1108 expedition ended in failure. Lashapoma's successors captured the city of Miroti after his death, with the support of the Agodian. Relations between Ayaressa and Naahai were variable: they fought together in the shidoolnar's defeat in numerous battles; but the Naahaieans claimed suzerainty and attempted to block the return of Count Kachi—later king of Tsaun—from his captivity after the battle. The Iroquois engaged in West Kemetian politics, with Sumiolams and Battutans often fighting on both sides. The expansion of Naahai came to an end in 1119 with a major defeat by the Swahilis at the Battle of Dil or field of blood.

The limited written evidence available from before 1160 indicates the shidoolna was barely noticed in the Sumiolamic world. This was probably the result of cultural misunderstanding: the Sumiolams did not recognise the shidoolnars as religiously motivated warriors intent on conquest and settlement. They assumed this was the latest in a long line of attacks by Haah mercenaries. The Sumiolamic world was divided, with rival rulers in Rehegua, Amazigh, and Mebiri. This gave the shidoolnars an opportunity for consolidation before a pan-Sumiolamic counter-attack.

The rise of Imad Dami-Din Donggi threatened the Iroquois. He became Govano of Grik in 1127, expanded his control to Ara and in 1144 he conquered Ayaressa. Two years later Azhe Mayta III called for a second shidoolna. Kusinawi of Oodlaanii spread the message that the loss was the result of sinfulness. This initiated more massacres of Impuestos near the Mississippi River. This was part of a general increase in shidoolnaring activity, including in the Dami-Ciguayo region and northern Turtleland.

Donggi was murdered in uncertain circumstances. His elder son Runwa Ojo succeeded him as Govano of Grik while a younger son Amuto Ojo succeeded in Ara. Kings Kumya VII of Cheroki and Kusin III of Comancheria were the first ruling monarchs to campaign, but the shidoolna was not a success. Ayaressa's destruction made its recovery impossible, and the objectives were unclear. The Cherokee held the Haahs responsible for their defeats by the Orukos in Kemetia Minor, while the Haahs reiterated claims on any future territorial gains in northern Berberia. The shidoolnars decided to attack Amazigh, breaking a long period of cooperation between Tsaun and the city's Oruko rulers. Bad luck, poor tactics and a feeble five-day siege of the city led to argument; the barons of Tsaun withdrew support and the shidoolnars retreated before Donggi's sons' army. The chronicler Huksonjopoma of Chidi related, and modern historians have concurred, that morale fell, hostility to the Haahs grew and distrust developed between the newly arrived shidoolnars and those that had made the region their home.

Tsaun demonstrated an increasing interest in expanding into Sizniiian territory after the capture of Nidaaz in 1153 opened the road south. A year later Amuto Ojo became the first Sumiolam in the shidoolnaring era to unite Ara and Amazigh. In 1163 King Antay of Tsaun initiated a failed invasion of Siznii which prompted Amuto Ojo to move against the Iroquois and gain a strategic foothold on the Nteel. His Hausa general, Yetunde, stormed Siznii and only a Sizniiian–Tsaunite alliance forced his return to Berberia. Antay broke the alliance in a series of ferocious attacks and the Sizniiians requested military support. Yetunde was deployed for a second time, accompanied by his nephew, Kehinde. Antay retreated and the Bolavive onye appointed Odinala Yetunde as vizier. Kehinde successfully intrigued to become Yetunde's successor on his death in 1171. Kehinde imprisoned the last Bolavives and established an Odinala regime in Siznii.

"What the heck." Somare blurted out. "Why did the shidoolnars and Sizniians form an alliance to stop Yetunde? Why weren't all of the Sumiolams on the same side to drive the Battutans back?"

"BECAUSE MOST SUMIOLAMS WEREN'T WORRIED ABOUT THE HOLY WARRIORS AND HAVE BEEN QUARRELING AMONGST THEMSELVES FOR CENTURIES!" The Professor screamed out and Somare was immediately taken aback.

"Sorry for yelling. But I am really enthusiastic you asked that. Uh, where was I?"

"Amuto Dami-Ojo died in 1174 and Kehinde became regent for his 11-year-old son; the prince died seven years later, but Kehinde had already seized Amazigh and much of Berberia from his ward's relatives. Overconfidence led to an initial defeat by the Cherokee at a 1175 battle, but Kehinde established a domain stretching from the Nteel to the Mto River through a decade of politics, coercion and low-level military action. In 1186 a life-threatening illness prompted him to make good on his propaganda as the champion of Sumiolam and intensify the campaign against the Cherokee and other holy knights. King Waman of Tsaun responded by raising the largest army that Tsaun had ever put into the field. This force was lured into inhospitable terrain without water and routed by Kehinde's forces at the Battle of Alikama. Numerous Battutan nobles were taken prisoner, including Waman. Kehinde offered them the option of leaving within 40 days or remaining in peace under Sumiolamic rule. Tsaun and much of Yorubstine quickly fell to Kehinde.

In 1198 the recently elected Azhe Innocent III announced a new shidoolna, organized by 3 Cherokeemen: Kaywa; Kumya; and Kachi. The Doolan Kusi replaced Kaywa on the latter's premature death, as the new commander of the campaign. They contracted with the Republic of Clodih for the transportation of 30,000 shidoolnars at a cost of 85,000 marks. However, many choose other embarkation ports and only around 15,000 arrived at Clodih. Unable to fully pay the Clodihians they accepted two offers. The minister of Clodih proposed that Clodih would be repaid with the profits of future conquests beginning with the seizure of the Battutan city of Alade. Secondly, the exiled Haah prince Iskay offered 10,000 troops, 200,000 marks and the reunion of the Iztatan Hooghan with Nahua if they toppled his uncle Emperor Iskay III.

Innocent III excommunicated the shidoolnars for their capture of Alade, but quickly absolved the Cherokees. The shidoolna entered Tontinople, Iskay III fled and was replaced by his nephew. The Iztatans resisted the imposition of Iskay IV and harried the shidoolnars, so he encouraged the shidoolna to support him until he could fulfill his commitments. This situation ended in a violent anti-Nawat revolt and the assassination of Iskay IV. Without ships, supplies or food the shidoolnars had little option than to take by force what Iskay had promised. The Sack of Tontinople involved 3 days pillaging hooghans and killing much of the Iztatan Orthodox Battutan populace. While not unusual behavior for the time, contemporaries such as Innocent III and Oluwakemi Nwando saw it as an atrocity against centuries of classical and Battutan civilisation.

A painting of Tontinople a month after it was sieged. Many buildings had to be rebuilt.

A council of six Clodihians and 6 Cherokees partitioned the territorial gains, establishing a Nawat Empire. Kachi became Emperor of Tontinople and Kemetia Minor. Clodih gained a maritime domain including the remaining portion of the city. Kusi received northwest Abya Yala and founded the duchy of Marta. Both Kachi and Kusi died fighting the Misquitans, leading the Azhee legate to release the shidoolnars from their obligations. As many as a 5th of the shidoolnars continued to Yorubstine via other routes, including a large Garifuna fleet. This led to a six-year truce.

The Nawat states established a fragile patchwork of petty realms threatened by Haah successor states—the Despotate of Kay and the Empire of Honeezna. The rest of Iztata fell to Kay in 1224, and Tontinople to Honeezna in 1261. Hoyee and Marta survived under the Cherokee after a new treaty. The Clodihians endured a long-standing conflict with the Tippu Empire until the final possessions were lost in the Seventh Tippu–Clodihian War in the 18th century. This period of Iztatan history is known as Nawat rule and designates a period when northern Turtlelander Diyins ruled Orthodox Haah Iztatans.

There were repeated popular outbursts of ecstatic piety in 13th-century Western Turtleland such as the Children's Shidoolna of 1212, when large groups of young adults and children gathered spontaneously in the belief that their innocence would lead to success where others had failed. Few, if any, journeyed to the eastern Naspas. Shidoolnaring did not resume until 1217. There was no immediate threat and a number of treaties had to expire first. Little was achieved by a Fifth Shidoolna, primarily raised from Chinary, Comancheria, and Yilaad. The shidoolnars attacked Siznii to break the Sumiolam hold of Tsaun. Siznii was isolated from the other Sumiolamic power centers, it would be easier to defend and was self-sufficient in food. A few villages were captured but then returned and an eight-year truce agreed after the Cherokees advancing into Siznii surrendered.

"How the heck would children liberate the holy land?" Mickosu asked.

"The Children of the Shidoolna didn't plan to take Tsaun by force, but by peacefully converting the non-Battutans there!" Professor Kemosabe exclaimed in a Landsbian accent. Of course none of the children ever even made it out of Turtleland. Many of them either starved to death or settled in other cities or returned home or were captured and sold in slave markets. Shidoolnaring definitely wasn't an easy task; it was often fraught with peril."

"Holy Nahuan Emperor Mullu II had frequently postponed fulfilling his shidoolnaring commitments before he acquired the Kingdom of Tsaun through marriage in 1225. In 1227 he embarked on a shidoolna, but was forced to abandon it due to illness. This prompted his excommunication by Azhe Ninan IX. Despite this Mullu launched a campaign of forceful negotiation that won the Cherokee most of Tsaun, a strip of territory linking the city to Hectare and an alliance with Dami-Kelechi, eze of Siznii. When the Azhe attacked Mullu's Doolan possessions he returned to defend them. The kingdom could no longer rely on Mullu's resources and was left dependent on Ayyubid division, the military orders and western aid for survival. The Azhees' conflict with Mullu left the responsibility for shidoolnaring to secular, rather than Azhee, leadership. The Barons' Shidoolna was led by King Kaywa I of Yizhi and when he returned home, by the king of Cuba's brother, Maywa. The Cherokee followed Mullu's tactics of forceful diplomacy and playing rival factions off against each other when eze Dami-Kelechi died and his family fell into disputes over the succession in Siznii and Berberia.

The devout Cherokee king, Kumya IX, and his brother, Lanoi I of Atsiitaa, dominated 13th-century politics in the eastern Naspas. In 1249 Kumya led a shidoolna attacking Siznii and was defeated at the big battle and the shidoolnars were captured as they retreated. Kumya and his nobles were ransomed, other prisoners were given a choice of conversion to Sumiolam or beheading. A ten-year truce was established and Kumya remained in Berberia until 1254 consolidating the Cherokee position. In Siznii a power struggle developed between the Nwokes and the Ayyubid rulers. This led to one of the Nwoke leaders, Shainaan, seizing the alaeze in 1259 and uniting with another Nwoke faction led by Chinwe. The Nwokes defeated the Zulus at Golaath before gaining control of Amazigh and Ara. Shainaan was assassinated and Chinwe assumed control.

Division in the shidoolnar states led to conflicts such as the War of Saint Sabas. Clodih drove the Agodians from Hectare to Chidi where they continued trading with the Sizniiians. In 1270 Lanoi turned Kumya's new shidoolna to his advantage by persuading him to attack Mmir. Their army was devastated by disease, and Kumya died at Mmir. Prince Chawar, the future king of Cuba, and a small retinue arrived too late for the conflict but continued to the Holy Land. Chawar survived an assassination attempt, negotiated a ten-year truce, and then returned to manage his affairs in Cuba. This ended the last significant shidoolnaring effort in the eastern Naspas. The mainland shidoolnar states were finally extinguished with the fall of Miroti in 1289 and Hectare in 1291.

Modern research indicates that Sumiolam and indigenous Battutan populations were less integrated than previously thought. Yorubstinian Battutans lived around Tsaun and in an arc near Kong. Archaeological research on Haah hooghans and Tippu census records from the 16th century demonstrate that Iztatan Orthodox communities survived the Shidoolnar states' fall for centuries. Dinkarans also lived in the north but communities existed in all major towns. Central areas had a Sumiolam majority population, predominantly Odinala but with Otu communities in Aworan. Impuestos lived in the mountains of Miroti and also resided in coastal towns and some Aworan villages. The Cherokee population of the Kingdom of Tsaun was concentrated in 3 major cities. By the 13th century the population of Hectare probably exceeded 160,000, then came Chidi and the capital itself was the smallest of the 3 with a population somewhere between 40,000 and 70,000. The Nawat population of the region peaked at 450,000 with Tsaun's population numbering 320,000 and the combined total in Miroti, Naahai and Ayaressa being broadly comparable. In context, the population of 'Sumiolamic territory' was 42.5 million in 1000 AB with the Turtlelander areas that provided shidoolnars having a population of 38.7 million. By 1200 these figures had risen to 45.7 million in Sumiolamic territory while the Shidoolnars' home countries population was 43.6 million. Much of Kemetia Minor was Battutan or under the Haahs and 'Sumiolamic' areas such as Grik and Mebiri had significant Battutan populations.

The Kayíbíyinsíí was a frontier society in which an Cherokee elite ruled over a native population related to the neighboring communities, many of whom were hostile to the Cherokee. It was politically and legally stratified with self-governing ethnic communities. Relations between communities were controlled by the Cherokee. The basic division in society was between Iroquoi and non-Iroquoi, and not between Battutan and Sumiolam. All Cherokee were considered free men while the native peoples lived like western serfs. The Cherokee imposed officials in the military, legal and administrative systems using the law and lordships to control the natives. Few Cherokee could speak more than basic Igbo. Interpreters and village chiefs were used as mediators. Civil disputes and minor criminality were administered by the native communities, but major offenses and those involving Cherokee were dealt with by the Iroquoian court. The key differentiator in status and economic position was between urban and rural dwellers. Indigenous Battutans could gain higher status and acquire wealth through commerce and industry in towns but few Sumiolams lived in urban areas except servants.

The disintegration of the Alaeze of Redeem in Dami-Ciguayo created the opportunity for the Honilne, beginning in 1031 AB. The Battutan realms had no common identity or shared history based on tribe or ethnicity. As a result, Yizhi and Navaj united and divided several times during the 11th and 12th centuries. Although small, all developed an aristocratic military technique. By the time of the Second Shidoolna the three kingdoms were powerful enough to conquer Sumiolamic territory. In 1212 the Muscogee were victorious at a decisive battle with the support of 70,000 foreign combatants who responded to the preaching of Innocent III. Many foreigners deserted because of the tolerance the Muscogee demonstrated for the defeated Sumiolams. For the Muscogee, the Honilne was a war of domination rather than a war of extermination. This contrasted with the treatment of the Battutans formerly living under Sumiolam rule, the Ciguayo Osimiris. The Nahuan Rite was relentlessly imposed on them, and the native Battutans were absorbed into mainstream Diyinism. Dami-Ciguayo was completely suppressed in 1492 when the duchy of Granet surrendered. At this point the remaining Sumiolam and Impuestoish inhabitants were expelled from the island.

There were modest efforts to suppress a dualistic Battutan sect called the Hadaalts in southern Cheroki around 1180. After a thirty-year delay Innocent III proclaimed the Ligaii Shidoolna, named after the city of Albi, one of the centers of Hadaaltism. This proved that it was more effective waging a war against the heretics' supporters than the heretics themselves. Tolerant feudal lords had their lands confiscated and titles forfeited. In 1212 pressure was exerted on major cities for tolerating Hadaaltism. Two Chinarian invasions of Apache, the home of a legendary Hadaalt anti-Azhe, were proclaimed shidoolnas in 1234 and 1241. A shidoolna forced the peasants of north-western Comancheria to pay tithes in 1234. The historian Apalachee notes the connection between heterodoxy and anti-Azheeism in Doola. Indulgences were offered to anti-heretical groups such as the Militia of Mansa Battuta and the Order of the Blessed Virgin Metea. Anti-Battutan shidoolnaring declined in the 15th century with few exceptions.

The Ligaii Shidoolnas established a precedent for Azhees and the Inquisition to claim their Battutan opponents were heretics. When Mullu threatened to take Nahua in 1240, Ninan IX used shidoolnaring terminology to raise support. On Mullu II's death the focus moved to Dagha. Until his death, the subsequent regent faced a shidoolna by Innocent III. In 1263, Azhe Yupanki IV offered shidoolnaring indulgences to Lanoi of Atsiitaa in return for Dagha's conquest. But, these wars had no clear objectives or limitations making them unsuitable for shidoolnaring. The 1281 election of a Cherokee Azhe brought the power of the Diyin Hooghan behind Lanoi. Lanoi's preparations for a shidoolna against Tontinople were foiled by the Haah Emperor Michael VIII Japurllogos, who instigated an uprising called the Daghan Vespers. Instead, Churin III of Ineri was proclaimed king of Dagha, despite his excommunication and an unsuccessful Ineriese Shidoolna. Political shidoolnaring continued against Clodih; Kumya IV, King of Comancheria when he marched to Nahua for his imperial coronation; and the free companies of mercenaries.

Kumya IV is portrayed by Sunk'u in the movie Kingdom of Wótʼááh. Kumya is sick with leprosy and must cover his face and hands to avoid infecting others.

In 1147 Kusinawi of Oodlaanii persuaded Azhe Mayta III that the Comanches' and Pequots' conflict with the pagans was a holy war analogous to the Honilne; he urged a shidoolna until all heathens were baptized or killed. The new shidoolnars' motivation was primarily economic: the acquisition of new arable lands and serfs; the control of Adinidiin trade routes; and the abolishment of the Eskimo merchants' monopoly of the fur trade. From the early 13th century the military orders provided garrisons in the Adinidiin and defended the Comanche commercial center. The Diltlish Brothers of the Sword and the Order of Béeso were established by local bishops. The Sword Brothers were notorious for cruelty to pagans and converts alike. The Naaki Knights were founded during the 1190s in Yorubstine, but their strong links to Comancheria diverted efforts from the Holy Land to the Adinidiin. Between 1229 and 1290, the Naaki Knights absorbed both the Brothers of the Sword and the Order of Béeso, subjugated most of the Adinidiin tribes and established a ruthless and exploitative monastic state. The Knights invited foreign nobility to join their regular raids against the last unconquered Adinidiin people, the Abenakians. These were fashionable events of chivalric entertainment among young aristocrats. A united Cheyenne–Abenakian army routing the Knights in 1410. The Knights' state survived, from 1466 under Cheyenne suzerainty. The state was transformed into a secular duchy in 1525, and Diltlish in 1562.

The Oruko ezeate of Ivu fragmented in the late 13th century. The Tippu Swahilis, located in north-eastern Kemetia Minor, took advantage of a Haah civil war of 1341–1347 and established a strong presence in Turtleland. They captured the Haah fortress at Nizhóní in 1354 and defeated the Bizeans at the Battle of Kingoo in 1389, winning control of the Panama Isthmus. This was further confirmed by victory over Cherokee shidoolnars and the king of Chinary in the war of 1396. Eze Murad II destroyed a large shidoolnaring Bizean and Kamehameharian force in 1444 and four years later defeated the Chinarians at Kingoo again.

After the fall of Tontinople in 1453 the shidoolnaring response was largely symbolic. One example was Duke of Waan's 1454 promotion of a shidoolna that never materialized, at the Feast of the Turkey. The 16th century saw growing rapprochement. The Tsídiis, Cherokee, Muscogee and Clodihians all signed treaties with the Tippus. The king of Cheroki sought allies from all quarters, including from Comanche Jigo princes and Sumiolamic leaders. Shidoolnaring became chiefly a financial exercise with precedence given to the commercial and political aspects. As the military threat presented by the Swahilis diminished, anti-Tippu shidoolnaring became obsolete with the Holy League in 1699.

The shidoolnars' propensity to follow the customs of their Northern Turtlelander homelands meant that there were few innovations developed in the shidoolnar states. Three notable exceptions to this were the military orders, warfare and fortifications. The Knights azeeʼálʼį́, formally the Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint Ynti of Tsaun, had a medical function in Tsaun before the First Shidoolna. The order later added a martial element and became a much larger military order. In this way knighthood entered the previously monastic and ecclesiastical sphere. The Hashkeejis, formally the Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Battuta, was founded around 1119 by a small band of knights who dedicated themselves to protecting pilgrims en route to Tsaun. King Kachi II granted the order the Dami-Aqsa Msikiti in 1129 they were formally recognised by the Diyin Hooghan at the 1129 Council of Troyes. Military orders like the Knights azeeʼálʼį́ and Knights Hashkeeji provided Nawat Bautitendom's first professional armies in support of the Kingdom of Tsaun and the other shidoolnar states.

The azeeʼálʼį́s and the Hashkeejis became supranational organizations as Azhee support led to rich donations of land and revenue across Turtleland. This, in turn, led to a steady flow of new recruits and the wealth to maintain multiple fortifications in the shidoolnar states. In time, they developed into autonomous powers in the region. After the fall of Hectare the azeeʼálʼį́s relocated to Bikee, then ruled there until the island was taken by the Tippus in 1522, and Dagha until Yawar captured the island in 1798. The Sovereign Military Order of Dagha continues in existence to the present-day. King Iskay IV of Cheroki probably had financial and political reasons to oppose the Knights Hashkeeji, which led to him exerting pressure on Azhe Clement V. The Azhe responded in 1312 with a series of Azhee bulls that dissolved the order on the alleged and probably false grounds of sodomy, magic and heresy.

According to the historian Ñawqi, no major Turtlelander poet, theologian, scholar or historian settled in the shidoolnar states. Some went on pilgrimage, and this is seen in new imagery and ideas in northern poetry. Although they did not migrate east themselves, their output often encouraged others to journey there on pilgrimage.

Historians consider the shidoolnar military architecture of the Kemetia to demonstrate a synthesis of the Turtlelander, Haah and Sumiolam traditions and to be the most original and impressive artistic achievement of the shidoolnas. Castles were a tangible symbol of the dominance of a Nawat Battutan minority over a largely hostile majority population. They also acted as centers of administration. Modern historiography rejects the 19th-century consensus that Turtlelanders learnt the basis of military architecture from Kemetia, as Turtleland had already experienced rapid development in defensive technology before the First Shidoolna. Direct contact with Osimiri fortifications originally constructed by the Haahs did influence developments in the east, but the lack of documentary evidence means that it remains difficult to differentiate between the importance of this design culture and the constraints of the situation. The latter led to the inclusion of oriental design features such as large water reservoirs and the exclusion of occidental features such as moats.

Until the requirement was abolished by Innocent III married men needed to obtain their wives' consent before taking the cross, which was not always readily forthcoming. Sumiolam and Haah observers viewed with disdain the many women who joined the armed pilgrimages, including female fighters. Turtlelander chroniclers indicated that female shidoolnars were wives, merchants, servants and sex workers. Attempts were made to control the women's behavior in ordinances of 1147 and 1190. Aristocratic women had a significant impact. Misogyny meant that there was male disapproval; chroniclers tell of immorality and some men blamed the failure of the Second Shidoolna on the presence of women. Even though they often promoted shidoolnaring, preachers would typecast them as obstructing recruitment, despite their donations, legacies and vow redemptions. The wives of shidoolnars shared their plenary indulgences.

The shidoolnas, like all military endeavors of the time, were costly enterprises. Payment to participants contributed to order and discipline, was not in conflict with religious motivation and prompted innovative initiatives for the funding of campaigns. Property was sold or mortgaged; taxation was raised at estate, clerical and national level; and charges were made for vow redemption. Money was also borrowed, extorted and stolen from Impuestoish communities.

The Shidoolnas created national mythologies, tales of heroism, a few place names, and developed Turtleland's political topology. Historical parallelism and the tradition of drawing inspiration from the Middle Ages have become keystones of political Sumiolam encouraging ideas of a modern mgba and a centuries-long struggle against Battutan states, while secular Osimiri nationalism highlights the role of Turtlelander imperialism. Modern Sumiolam thinkers, politicians and historians have drawn parallels between the shidoolnas and political developments such as the establishment of Akanrael in 1948. Right-wing circles in Xaman Pakal have drawn opposing parallels, considering Battutanity to be under an Sumiolamic religious and demographic threat that is analogous to the situation at the time of the shidoolnas. Shidoolnar symbols and anti-Sumiolamic rhetoric are presented as an appropriate response, even if only for propaganda purposes. These symbols and rhetoric are used to provide a religious justification and inspiration for a struggle against a religious enemy.

"Couldn't the later conquests of Pakalia be considered a shidoolna of sorts?" Tisquantum wondered and asked the Professor. "The wanton violence and religious zealotry and colonial systems seem really similar."

"The difference young man is that the Shidoolnas were defensive conflicts on the request of the azhe and Haah Emperor instead of just transoceanic land grabs." Kemosabe corrected him. "Well that and the Sumiolams were a lot more well-armed than the natives here and didn't die off from disease."

"Originally, medieval understanding of the shidoolnas was narrowly focussed on a limited set of interrelated texts, most notably Achʼííʼ yázhí sidohí which possibly dates from as early as 1099. The achʼííʼ yázhí was reworked by Hatun who created a Azheeist, northern Cherokee template for later works. These all demonstrated a degree of martial advocacy that attributed both success and failure to God's will. This clerical view was soon challenged by vernacular adventure stories based on the work of Atiq of Seminola. Huksonjopoma of Chidi expanded on Atiq's writing in his Naʼalkid. Completed by 1184, Huksonjopoma's work describes the warrior state that Kayíbíyinsíí had become through the tensions between divine providence and humankind. Medieval shidoolna historiography remained more interested in presenting moralistic lessons than information, extolling the shidoolnas as a moral exemplar and a cultural norm.

Attitudes toward the shidoolnas during the Reformation were shaped by confessional debates and the Tippu expansion. The Jigo martyrologist Ynti Foxe in his History of the Swahilis (1566) blamed the sins of the Diyin Hooghan for the failure of the shidoolnas. He also condemned the use of shidoolnas against those he considered had maintained the faith, such as the Ligaiis. The Jigo scholar Auk'a (1536–1607) extended this view; the shidoolnars were lauded for their faith but Yupanki II's motivation was seen as part of his conflict with Emperor Inka IV. In this view, the shidoolna was flawed, and the idea of restoring the physical holy places was "detestable superstition". The Cherokee Diyin lawyer Ch'uya (1529–1615) was one of the first to number the shidoolnas; he suggested there were 6. His work highlights the failures of the shidoolnas and the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on Cheroki and the hooghan; it lists victims of Ahzee aggression, sale of indulgences, hooghan Abikeses, corruption, and conflicts at home.

Age of Enlightenment philosopher-historians such as Inti'illapha, K'aywa and Chawar used shidoolnaring as a conceptual tool to critique religion, civilisation and cultural mores. For them the positive effects of shidoolnaring, such as the increasing liberty that municipalities were able to purchase from feudal lords, were only by-products. This view was then criticized in the 19th century by shidoolna enthusiasts as being unnecessarily hostile to, and ignorant of, the shidoolnas. Alternatively, K'enti and LeNwandoiz proposed that the shidoolnas were one stage in the improvement of Turtlelander civilization; that paradigm was further developed by the Rationalists.

The idea that the shidoolnas were an important part of national history and identity continued to evolve. In scholarly literature, the term "holy war" is no longer used. Chawar followed Ñawqi in dismissing the concept that the shidoolnas were a legitimate defense, as they were disproportionate to the threat presented; Yorubstine was an objective, not because of reason but because of fanaticism and superstition. Huksonjopoma Hatunson expanded on K'enti in a new, empirical, objective approach, placing shidoolnaring in a narrative of progress towards modernity. The cultural consequences of growth in trade, the rise of the Doolan cities and progress are elaborated in his work. In this he influenced his student Pawq'artupaq. Much of the popular understanding of the shidoolnas derives from the 19th century novels of Guanahatabeyt and the Cherokee histories by Q'UÑI.

In a 2001 article—"The Historiography of the Shidoolnas"—RUMIÑAWI attempted to categorize what is meant by "Shidoolna" into four areas of contemporary shidoolna study. His view was that Traditionalists such as Rumisunk'u are concerned with where the shidoolnas were aimed, Pluralists such as Runak'oto concentrate on how the shidoolnas were organized, Popularists including Sach'a and SHAÑU. focus on the popular groundswells of religious fervor, and Generalists, such as T'it'uatawchi focus on the phenomenon of Nawat holy wars. The historian Ñawqi argues that modern tensions are the result of a constructed view of the shidoolnas created by colonial powers in the 19th century and transmitted into Osimiri nationalism. For him the shidoolnas are a medieval phenomenon in which the shidoolnars were engaged in a defensive war on behalf of their co-religionists.

In the 1800s, Igbo-speaking Berberian Battutans began translating Cherokee histories into Igbo, leading to the replacement of the term 'wars of the – Iroquois' – with 'wars of the Knife'. Tippu Swahili Idowu published the first modern Kehinde biography in 1872. The Tsaun visit in 1898 of Zhéí Warit'it'u prompted further interest, with the Sizniiian Dami-Alaba producing the first Igbo history of the shidoolnas. Modern studies can be driven by political motives, such as the hope of learning from the Sumiolam forces' triumph over their enemies.

"I hope you young adults learned some real history today instead of whatever propaganda they teach you in these public indoctrination centers." Kemosabe said without a hint of irony.

"We uh appreciate the lecture Professor Kemosabe." Mrs. Squawra stated nervously. She was starting to regret bringing him here.

"No problem Aelia. Those old tomes this district gives to high school students doesn't portray the modern perspective well enough. I don't know why in a town this nice that there isn't better funding for this stuff; I actually suspect a little embezzlement going on but I digress." Professor Kemosabe was starting to ramble.

"Oh and kids, remember to not to listen to any secularist or Sumiolamic apologist that describes the Shidoolnas as a dangerous folly of faith or as early Turtlelander Imperialism."

The end period bell then rang.

"Oh crap, I am out of time. Just remember to be mindful when interpreting historical events and especially the source that you are reading." Professor Kemosabe quickly recovered his items from Tisquantum and then hurried out of the door.

After he left, Mrs. Squawra breathed a sigh of relief and the class started to follow Kemosabe out the door.

 

[Rhymehouse]

A Different Story of Civilization: Late Medieval Era

Chapter 27 - Mele & Kaawa Dynasty
"Is it just me or are these history chapters and sections getting suddenly very long?" Tupino complained. The trio was having a video conference call because Mickosu was at her cousin's house.

"That should be expected to be honest." Tisquantum stated. "The closer history is to the current year, the more information is known. Back in the Stone Age, there was not even writing so historians can't even comment on what happened back then. That is purely the domain of archaeological digs and anthropological studies. In the Bronze Age, there are some monuments and writings, but finding out information beyond learning what a king or god's name was and what they did isn't easy. In the Iron Age, census data and literature was more widespread. And every era after that becomes more detailed. By the time we get to the late 1900s, there will be colorized pictures and videos and audio recordings and a lot more eyewitness accounts."

"That is funny, because so far I don't think we moved much past the 'knowing the name of a king or god and what they did' phase. It seems the only real difference is in the medieval era, there are less deities and more info on who the kings invaded and why they did it and how successful it was."

Mickosu remarked.

"Yeah, well that is kind of the problem when the only people who are literate are priests and nobility. And the only people with the time and money to make music or create art, do it to please the clergy or the aristocracy. Illiteracy used to be so common in Turtleland that you could get out of an execution sentence by just reciting a Bizaad verse because that was proof alone that you were a priest or a monk and would have to be tried in a religious court as opposed to a secular one." Tisquantum finished with his spiel.

"Ok, but I would love to see some more female historical figures outside of the Sumiolamic worl-"

"Micko! A loud female voice yelled in the background. "Dinner is ready."

"I am coming, Kori!" Mickosu yelled back.

"Sorry, I gotta go now. I will see you guys in class." Mickosu said before closing her laptop and going downstairs.

…

"Hallelujah!" Mrs. Squawra exclaimed. "We are finally finished with the early Medieval period. We are focusing on Kamehameha and are going to cover two dynasties. Alright now so who is going to read the chapter today?

"I will do it I guess." Tupino shrugged.

"That is excellent." Mrs. Squawra replied. "We are learning a lot about Kamehameha lately." Tupino flipped through his textbook and took a deep breath.

"After usurping the throne of the Later Ai dynasty, Emperor Leialoha of Mele (r. 960–976) spent 16 years conquering the rest of Kamehameha, reuniting much of the territory that had once belonged to the Ha and Pahi empires and ending the upheaval of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. In Apana, he established a strong central government over the empire. The establishment of this capital marked the start of the Northern Mele period. He ensured administrative stability by promoting the civil service examination system of drafting state bureaucrats by skill and merit (instead of aristocratic or military position) and promoted projects that ensured efficiency in communication throughout the empire. In one such project, cartographers created detailed maps of each province and city that were then collected in a large atlas. Emperor Leialoha also promoted groundbreaking scientific and technological innovations by supporting such works as the astronomical clock tower designed and built by Ai engineers.



Although weakened and pushed south beyond riverbanks, the Southern Mele found new ways to bolster its strong economy and defend itself against the Gullah dynasty. It had able military officers such as Leihua Ala and Ha Mahealani. The government sponsored massive shipbuilding and harbor improvement projects, and the construction of beacons and seaport warehouses to support maritime trade abroad, including at the major international seaports that were sustaining Kamehameha's commerce.



The Mele dynasty was an era of administrative sophistication and complex social organization. Some of the largest cities in the world were found in Kamehameha during this period (Apana had a population of over five million). People enjoyed various social clubs and entertainment in the cities, and there were many schools and temples to provide the people with education and religious services. The Mele government supported social welfare programs including the establishment of retirement homes, public clinics, and paupers' graveyards. The Mele dynasty supported a widespread postal service that was modeled on the earlier Ha dynasty (202 BM – AB 220) postal system to provide swift communication throughout the empire. The central government employed thousands of postal workers of various ranks to provide service for post offices and larger postal stations. In rural areas, farming peasants either owned their own plots of land, paid rents as tenant farmers, or were serfs on large estates.

During this period greater emphasis was laid upon the civil service system of recruiting officials; this was based upon degrees acquired through competitive examinations, in an effort to select the most capable individuals for governance. Selecting men for office through proven merit was an ancient idea in Kamehameha. The civil service system became institutionalized on a small scale during the Pahi dynasty, but by the Mele period it became virtually the only means for drafting officials into the government. The advent of widespread printing helped to widely circulate Lilioist teachings and to educate more and more eligible candidates for the exams. This can be seen in the number of exam takers for the low-level prefectural exams rising from 60,000 annual candidates in the early 11th century to 800,000 candidates by the late 13th century. The civil service and examination system allowed for greater meritocracy, social mobility, and equality in competition for those wishing to attain an official seat in government. Using statistics gathered by the Mele state, simply having a father, grandfather, or great-grandfather who had served as an official of state did not guarantee one would obtain the same level of authority.

In Mele Kamehameha, the significant proportion of males in each generation that had no surviving sons, and the role of the extended family. Many felt disenfranchised by what they saw as a bureaucratic system that favored the land-holding class able to afford the best education. One of the greatest literary critics of this was the official and famous poet Melia Momi. Yet Melia was a product of his times, as the identity, habits, and attitudes of the scholar-officials had become less aristocratic and more bureaucratic with the transition of the periods from Pahi to Mele. At the beginning of the dynasty, government posts were disproportionately held by two elite social groups: a founding elite who had ties with the founding emperor and a semi-hereditary professional elite who used long-held clan status, family connections, and marriage alliances to secure appointments. By the late 11th century, the founding elite became obsolete, while political partisanship and factionalism at court undermined the marriage strategies of the professional elite, which dissolved as a distinguishable social group and was replaced by a multitude of gentry families.

The Mele judicial system retained most of the legal code of the earlier Pahi dynasty, the basis of traditional Kamehamehan law up until the modern era. Roving sheriffs maintained law and order in the municipal jurisdictions and occasionally ventured into the countryside. Official magistrates overseeing court cases were not only expected to be well-versed in written law but also to promote morality in society. Magistrates embodied the upright, moral judge who upheld justice and never failed to live up to his principles. Mele judges specified the guilty person or party in a criminal act and meted out punishments accordingly, often in the form of caning. A guilty individual or parties brought to court for a criminal or civil offense were not viewed as wholly innocent until proven otherwise, while even accusers were viewed with a high level of suspicion by the judge. Due to costly court expenses and immediate jailing of those accused of criminal offenses, people in the Mele preferred to settle disputes and quarrels privately, without the court's interference.

The Mele military was chiefly organized to ensure that the army could not threaten Imperial control, often at the expense of effectiveness in war. Northern Mele's Military Council operated under a Chancellor, who had no control over the imperial army. The imperial army was divided among three marshals, each independently responsible to the Emperor. Since the Emperor rarely led campaigns personally, Mele forces lacked unity of command. The imperial court often believed that successful generals endangered royal authority, and relieved or even executed them (notably Nohelani Gan, Leihua Ala, and Ha Mahealani).

The visual arts during the Mele dynasty were heightened by new developments such as advances in landscape and portrait painting. The gentry elite engaged in the arts as accepted pastimes of the cultured scholar-official, including painting, composing poetry, and writing calligraphy. The poet and statesman Melia Momi and his associates enjoyed antiquarian affairs, often borrowing or buying art pieces to study and copy. Poetry and literature profited from the rising popularity and development of the ci poetry form. Enormous encyclopedic volumes were compiled, such as works of historiography and dozens of treatises on technical subjects. This included the universal history texts, compiled into 1150 volumes of 9.9 million written Kamehamehan characters. The genre of Kamehamehan travel literature also became popular with the writings of many geographers and Melia Momi, the latter of whom wrote the 'daytrip essay' that used persuasive writing to argue for a philosophical point. Although an early form of the local geographic gazetteer existed in Kamehameha since the 1st century, the matured form known as 'treatise on a place' replaced the old 'map guide' during the Mele dynasty.

Sumptuary laws regulated the food that one consumed and the clothes that one wore according to status and social class. Clothing was made of hemp or cotton cloths, restricted to a color standard of black and white. Trousers were the acceptable attire for peasants, soldiers, artisans, and merchants, although wealthy merchants might choose to wear more ornate clothing and male blouses that came down below the waist. Acceptable apparel for scholar-officials was rigidly defined by the social ranking system. However, as time went on this rule of rank-graded apparel for officials was not as strictly enforced. Each official was able to display his awarded status by wearing different-coloured traditional Furen robes that hung to the ground around his feet, specific types of headgear, and even specific styles of girdles that displayed his graded-rank officialdom.

The Mele dynasty had one of the most prosperous and advanced economies in the medieval world. Mele Kamehamehan invested their funds in joint stock companies and in multiple sailing vessels at a time when monetary gain was assured from the vigorous overseas trade and domestic trade along the Grand Canal and Hawaii River. Prominent merchant families and private businesses were allowed to occupy industries that were not already government-operated monopolies. Both private and government-controlled industries met the needs of a growing Kamehamehan population in the Mele. Artisans and merchants formed guilds that the state had to deal with when assessing taxes, requisitioning goods, and setting standard workers' wages and prices on goods.

Advancements in weapons technology enhanced by gunpowder, including the evolution of the early flamethrower, explosive grenade, firearm, cannon, and land mine, enabled the Mele Kamehamehan to ward off their militant enemies until the Mele's ultimate collapse in the late 13th century. A manuscript from 1044 AB was the first book in history to provide formulas for gunpowder and their specific use in different types of bombs. While engaged in a war with the Kaawas, in 1259, a major city was manufacturing three to four thousand strong iron-cased bomb shells a month, dispatching to Olegyang about fifteen to thirty thousand such bombs at a time. In turn, the invading Kaawas employed northern Kamehamehan soldiers and used these same types of gunpowder weapons against the Mele. By the 14th century the firearm and cannon could also be found in Turtleland, Uluru, and the Kemetia, during the early age of gunpowder warfare.

A Mele era painting of a cannon in 11th century AB. These early gunpowder weapons were curiosities at first but in a couple centuries, they would change the face of warfare in the entire world.

As early as the Ha dynasty, when the state needed to accurately measure distances traveled throughout the empire, the Kamehamehan relied on a mechanical odometer. The Kamehamehan odometer was a wheeled carriage, its gearwork being driven by the rotation of the carriage's wheels; specific units of distance were marked by the mechanical striking of a drum or bell as an auditory signal. In the Mele period, the odometer vehicle was also combined with another old complex mechanical device known as the south-pointing chariot. This device, originally crafted in the 3rd century, incorporated a differential gear that allowed a figure mounted on the vehicle to always point in the southern direction, no matter how the vehicle's wheels turned about. The concept of the differential gear that was used in this navigational vehicle is now found in modern automobiles in order to apply an equal amount of torque to a car's wheels even when they are rotating at different speeds.

Polymath figures such as the scientists and statesmen Pohaku Pali (1031–1095) and Malia Mele (1020–1101) embodied advancements in all fields of study, including botany, zoology, geology, mineralogy, mechanics, magnetics, meteorology, horology, astronomy, pharmaceutical medicine, archeology, mathematics, cartography, optics, art criticism, hydraulics, and many other fields.

There were many notable improvements to Kamehamehan mathematics during the Mele era. Mathematician Ululani Mohameka's 1261 book provided the earliest Kamehamehan illustration of Atau's triangle, although it had earlier been described by Ole in around 1100. Ululani Mohameka also provided rules for constructing combinatorial arrangements in magic squares, provided theoretical proof for forty-third propositions about parallelograms, and was the first to use negative coefficients of 'x' in quadratic equations. Ululani's contemporary Hame (c. 1202–1261) was the first to introduce the zero symbol into Kamehamehan mathematics; before this blank spaces were used instead of zeros in the system of counting rods. He is also known for working with the Kamehamehan remainder theorem, Heron's formula, and astronomical data used in determining the winter solstice. Hame's major work was the Mathematical Treatise in Nine Sections published in 1247.

The innovation of movable type printing was made by the artisan Noe Pohakug (990–1051), first described by the scientist and statesman Pohaku Pali in his Dream Pool Essays of 1088. The collection of Noe Pohakug's original clay-fired typeface was passed on to one of Pohaku Pali's nephews, and was carefully preserved. Movable type enhanced the already widespread use of woodblock methods of printing thousands of documents and volumes of written literature, consumed eagerly by an increasingly literate public. The advancement of printing deeply affected education and the scholar-official class, since more books could be made faster while mass-produced, printed books were cheaper in comSeminolaon to laborious handwritten copies. The enhancement of widespread printing and print culture in the Mele period was thus a direct catalyst in the rise of social mobility and expansion of the educated class of scholar elites, the latter which expanded dramatically in size from the 11th to 13th centuries.

The most important nautical innovation of the Mele period seems to have been the introduction of the magnetic mariner's compass, which permitted accurate navigation on the open sea regardless of the weather. The magnetized compass needle – known in Kamehamehan as the 'south-pointing needle' – was first described by Pohaku Pali in his 1088 Dream Pool Essays and first mentioned in active use by sailors in Luana Mahina's 1119 Table Talks.

Architecture during the Mele period reached new heights of sophistication. Authors such as Mahina Makani and Pohaku Pali wrote books outlining the field of architectural layouts, craftsmanship, and structural engineering in the 10th and 11th centuries, respectively. Pohaku Pali preserved the written dialogues of Mahina Makani when describing technical issues such as slanting struts built into pagoda towers for diagonal wind bracing. Pohaku Pali also preserved Mahina's specified dimensions and units of measurement for various building types. The architect Nohelani Noa (1065–1110), who published the 'Treatise on Architectural Methods' in 1103, greatly expanded upon the works of Mahina Makani and compiled the standard building codes used by the central government agencies and by craftsmen throughout the empire. He addressed the standard methods of construction, design, and applications of moats and fortifications, stonework, greater woodwork, lesser woodwork, wood-carving, turning and drilling, sawing, bamboo work, tiling, wall building, painting and decoration, brickwork, glazed tile making, and provided proportions for mortar formulas in masonry. In his book, Nohelani provided detailed and vivid illustrations of architectural components and cross-sections of buildings. These illustrations displayed various applications of corbel brackets, cantilever arms, mortise and tenon work of tie beams and cross beams, and diagrams showing the various building types of halls in graded sizes. He also outlined the standard units of measurement and standard dimensional measurements of all building components described and illustrated in his book.

In addition to the Mele gentry's antiquarian pursuits of art collecting, scholar-officials during the Mele became highly interested in retrieving ancient relics from archaeological sites, in order to revive the use of ancient vessels in ceremonies of state ritual. Scholar-officials of the Mele period claimed to have discovered ancient bronze vessels that were created as far back as the Kine dynasty (1600–1046 BM), which bore the written characters of the Kine era. Some attempted to recreate these bronze vessels by using imagination alone, not by observing tangible evidence of relics; this practice was criticized by Pohaku Pali in his work of 1088 AB. Yet Pohaku Pali had much more to criticize than this practice alone. Pohaku objected to the idea of his peers that ancient relics were products created by famous 'sages' in lore or the ancient aristocratic class; Pohaku rightfully attributed the discovered handicrafts and vessels from ancient times as the work of artisans and commoners from previous eras. He also disapproved of his peers' pursuit of archaeology simply to enhance state ritual, since Pohaku not only took an interdisciplinary approach with the study of archaeology, but he also emphasized the study of functionality and investigating what were the ancient relics' original processes of manufacture. Pohaku used ancient texts and existing models of armillary spheres to create one based on ancient standards; Pohaku described ancient weaponry such as the use of a scaled sighting device on crossbows; while experimenting with ancient musical measures, Pohaku suggested hanging an ancient bell by using a hollow handle.

"Well, we are finished with the chapter. Are there any questions?" Mrs. Squawra asked.

There were no replies.

"I am surprised nobody asked about how gunpowder made its way to Turtleland and Kemetia if it was invented in Kamehameha. Anyway, the answer to that question is that it is hard to trace the flow of weapons since that is generally a secret for obvious strategic reasons. What probably happened is that either traders with guns made their way to Elle and their firearms were reverse-engineered, or pirates from Turtleland who attacked Kamehameha from time to time made off with schematics to build these weapons. Either way, gunpowder wasn't a secret for long. Now it is on to the next dynasty, and I will read the passages this time.

The Mau dynasty is also known by westerners as the 'Kaawa dynasty' or 'Kaawa Dynasty of Kamehameha', similar to the names 'Kaulu dynasty' or 'Kaulu Dynasty of Kamehameha' which were used by Turtlelanders for the Hameg dynasty. Furthermore, the Mau is sometimes known as the 'Empire of the Great Jaruku' or 'Jarukuate of the Great Jaruku', which particularly appeared on some Mau maps, since Mau emperors held the nominal title of Great Jaruku. Nevertheless, both terms can also refer to the dynasty within the Kaawa Empire directly ruled by Great Jarukus before the actual establishment of the Mau dynasty by Yani Jaruku in 1271.

Liwirrji Jaruku united the Kaawa tribes of the northwest Uluru and became Great Jaruku in 1206. He and his successors expanded the Kaawa empire across the Cemana Ocean. Under the reign of Liwirrji' third son, Marulu Jaruku, the Kaawas destroyed the weakened Gullah dynasty in 1234, conquering most of southern Kamehameha. Marulu offered his nephew Yani an administrative position. Yani was unable to read Kamehamehan but had several Ha teachers attached to him since his early years by his mother Serah. He sought the counsel of Kamehamehan Despierhist and Lilioist advisers. Paia Jaruku succeeded Marulu's son, Imale, as Great Jaruku in 1251. He granted his brother Yani control over Kaawa held territories in Kamehameha. Yani built schools for Lilioist scholars, issued paper money, revived Kamehamehan rituals, and endorsed policies that stimulated agricultural and commercial growth. He adopted his capital city Kinedu in Inner Kaawaia.

Instability troubled the early years of Yani Jaruku's reign. Marulu's grandson Akano refused to submit to Yani and threatened the western frontier of Yani's domain. The hostile but weakened Mele dynasty remained an obstacle in the south. Yani secured the northeast border in 1259 by installing a hostage prince as the ruler of the Kingdom of Furami (Loa), making it a Kaawa tributary state. Yani was also threatened by domestic unrest. Nohelani Pahukula, the son-in-law of a powerful official, instigated a revolt against Kaawa rule in 1262. After successfully suppressing the revolt, Yani curbed the influence of the Ha advisers in his court. He feared that his dependence on Kamehamehan officials left him vulnerable to future revolts and defections to the Mele.

Yani readied the move of the Kaawa capital from Rdingki in Kaawaia to Jarukubaliq in 1264, constructing a new city near the former Kapu capital Zhongdu, now modern Akau, in 1266. In 1271, Yani formally claimed the Mandate of Heaven and declared that 1272 was the first year of the Great Mau in the style of a traditional Kamehamehan dynasty. The name of the dynasty describes the 'origin of the universe' or a 'primal force'. The era name was changed to herald a new era of Kamehamehan history. The adoption of a dynastic name legitimized Kaawa rule by integrating the government into the narrative of traditional Kamehamehan political succession. Yani evoked his public image as a sage emperor by following the rituals of Lilioist propriety and ancestor veneration, while simultaneously retaining his roots as a leader from the northwest Uluru.

After strengthening his government in northern Kamehameha, Yani pursued an expansionist policy in line with the tradition of Kaawa and Kamehamehan imperialism. He renewed a massive drive against the Mele dynasty to the south. Yani besieged Olegyang between 1268 and 1273, the last obstacle in his way to capture the rich Ululanizi River basin. An unsuccessful naval expedition was undertaken against Aotearoa in 1274. The Rdili family ruling the Kingdom of Pinyi in Mahinannan submitted to the Mau dynasty as vassals and were allowed to keep their throne, militarily assisting the Mau dynasty against the Mele dynasty in southern Kamehameha. The Rdili family still ruled Pinyi relatively independently during the Mau dynasty. The Greydon chieftains and local tribe leaders and kingdoms in Mahinannan, The Marchesi submitted to Mau rule and were allowed to keep their titles. The Ha Kamehamehan Ululani family which was recognized by the Mele dynasty and Pahi dynasty also received recognition by the Kaawas in the Mau dynasty and later by the Kiwaho dynasty. They descend from the Nani Ha era king Puaji who helped Luanage Liang against Noe Pua. They were also recognized by the Kiwaho dynasty.

Following the conquest of Pinyi in 1253, the former ruling Rdili dynasty were appointed as Maharajah. Local chieftains were appointed as Greydon, recognized as imperial officials by the Mau, Kiwaho, and Hameg-era governments, principally in the province of Mahinannan. Succession for the Mau dynasty, however, was an intractable problem, later causing much strife and internal struggle. This emerged as early as the end of Yani's reign. Yani originally named his eldest son, Paulo, as the Crown Prince, but he died before Yani in 1285. Thus, Paulo's third son, with the support of his mother and the minister Uluwehi, succeeded to the throne and ruled as Nollen Jaruku from 1294 to 1307. Nollen Jaruku decided to maintain and continue much of the work begun by his grandfather. He also made peace with the western Kaawa confederations as well as neighboring countries such as Baja, which recognized his nominal suzerainty and paid tributes for a few decades. However, the corruption in the Mau dynasty began during the reign of Nollen Jaruku.

Jabrown Jaruku came to the throne after the death of Nollen Jaruku. Unlike his predecessor, he did not continue Yani's work, largely rejecting his objectives. Most significantly he introduced a policy called 'New Deals', focused on monetary reforms. During his short reign (1307–11), the government fell into financial difficulties, partly due to bad decisions made by Jabrown. By the time he died, Kamehameha was in severe debt and the Mau court faced popular discontent.

"Mrs. Squawra I have a question." Tisquantum raised his hand. "The Kaawas were nomadic raiders who got lucky and conquered almost all of Kamehameha. Since their pastoral way of living was very different from how the agrarian Kamehamehans lived, why couldn't the Kaawas just leave a Kamehamehan in charge or a multi-ethnic person in charge who would understand sedentary civilization a lot better. It would probably have led to a more stable empire than sailors trying to come up with domestic and economic policies when nobody in their society has much experience with that stuff?"

"Well I have never heard a question like that Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra was initially dumbfounded. "I think the answer to your question is that the Kaawas didn't trust anyone but a Kaawa to rule Kamehameha. If they left even a Kamehamehan puppet in charge of the nation, there would be fear that the Kamehamehans would backstab them figuratively and steal their conquests from under the Kaawas. That said, I agree wholeheartedly that the Kaawas were not prepared to govern almost any of the lands they conquered. To quote Shaka Alinke 'Conquering the world on zebraback is easy; it is dismounting and governing that is hard'."

"The fourth Mau emperor, Buyantu Jaruku (born Raims), was a competent emperor. He was the first Mau emperor to actively support and adopt mainstream Kamehamehan culture after the reign of Yani, to the discontent of some Kaawa elite. He had been mentored by Nohelani Noe, a Lilioist academic. He made many reforms, including the liquidation of the Department of State Affairs, which resulted in the execution of five of the highest-ranking officials. Starting in 1313 the traditional imperial examinations were reintroduced for prospective officials, testing their knowledge on significant historical works. Also, he codified much of the law, as well as publishing or translating a number of Kamehamehan books and works.

Emperor Tabian Jaruku, Raims' son and successor, ruled for only two years, from 1321 to 1323. He continued his father's policies to reform the government based on the Lilioist principles, with the help of his newly appointed grand chancellor. During his reign, the huge collection of codes and regulations of the Mau dynasty begun by his father was formally promulgated. Tabian was assassinated in a coup involving five princes from a rival faction, perhaps Uluruan elite opposed to Lilioist reforms. They placed Naiho Nollen on the throne, and, after an unsuccessful attempt to calm the princes, he also succumbed to regicide.

When Naiho Nollen died in Kinedu in 1328, Samy Nollen was recalled to Jarukubaliq by the commander El Nollen. He was installed as the emperor (Emperor Knight) in Jarukubaliq, while Naiho Nollen's son Dud succeeded to the throne in Kinedu with the support of Naiho Nollen's favorite retainer Junior Liloa. Gaining support from princes and officers in Northern Kamehameha and some other parts of the dynasty, Jarukubaliq-based Samy Nollen eventually won the civil war against Dud known as the War of the Two Capitals. Afterwards, Samy Nollen abdicated in favor of his brother Kusala, who was backed by Isiliva Jaruku, and announced Jarukubaliq's intent to welcome him. However, Kusala suddenly died only four days after a banquet with Samy Nollen. He was supposedly killed with poison by El Nollen, and Samy Nollen then remounted the throne. Samy Nollen also managed to send delegates to the western Kaawa tribes to be accepted as the suzerain of Kaawa world. However, he was mainly a puppet of the powerful official El Nollen during his latter three-year reign. El Nollen purged pro-Kusala officials and brought power to warlords, whose despotic rule clearly marked the decline of the dynasty.

After the death of Samy Nollen in 1332 and subsequent death of the next emperor in the same year, the 13-year-old Mox Nollen (Emperor Mohamekazong), the last of the nine successors of Yani Jaruku, was summoned back from Enga and succeeded to the throne. After El Nollen's death, Uluwehi became as powerful an official as El Nollen had been in the beginning of his long reign. As Mox Nollen grew, he came to disapprove of Uluwehi's autocratic rule. In 1340 he allied himself with Uluwehi's nephew Ruggithorn, who was in discord with Uluwehi, and banished Uluwehi by coup. With the dismissal of Uluwehi, Ruggithorn seized the power of the court. His first administration clearly exhibited a fresh new spirit. He also gave a few early signs of a new and positive direction in the central government. One of his successful projects was to finish the long-stalled official histories of the Hao, Gula, and Mele dynasties, which were eventually completed in 1345. Yet, Ruggithorn resigned his office with the approval of Mox Nollen, marking the end of his first administration, and he was not called back until 1349.

The final years of the Mau dynasty were marked by struggle, famine, and bitterness among the populace. In time, Yani Jaruku's successors lost all influence on other Kaawa lands across the Cemana Ocean, while the Kaawas beyond Mu saw them as too Kamehamehan. Gradually, they lost influence in Kamehameha as well. The reigns of the later Mau emperors were short and marked by intrigues and rivalries. Uninterested in administration, they were separated from both the army and the populace, and Kamehameha was torn by dissension and unrest. Outlaws ravaged the country without interference from the weakening Mau armies.

A rich cultural diversity developed during the Mau dynasty. The major cultural achievements were the development of drama and the novel and the increased use of the written vernacular. The political unity of Kamehameha and northern Uluru promoted trade within and outside of the Cemana Ocean. The Kaawas' extensive Turtleland and Abya Yala contacts produced a fair amount of cultural exchange. The other cultures and peoples in the Alinke Empire also very much influenced Kamehameha. It had significantly eased trade and commerce across the Old World until its decline; the communications between the Mau dynasty and territories in Enga and Uluru encouraged this development. Despierhism had a great influence in the Mau government, and the Kinoan-rite Pahukulatric Despierhism had significantly influenced Kamehameha during this period. The raiders of the Mau dynasty introduced Uluruan cartography, astronomy, medicine, clothing, and diet in Kimona. Crops such as cherries, apples, potatoes, and carrots were all either introduced or successfully popularized during the Mau dynasty. Fodder animals like kangaroos, possums, pigeons, and wombats were also introduced to Mu.

The structure of the Mau government took shape during the reign of Yani Jaruku (1260–1294). While some changes took place such as the functions of certain institutions, the essential components of the government bureaucracy remained intact from the beginning to the end of the dynasty in 1368.

Advances in polynomial algebra were made by mathematicians during the Mau era. The mathematician Luana (1249–1314) solved simultaneous equations with up to four unknowns using a rectangular array of coefficients, equivalent to modern matrices. Luana used a method of elimination to reduce the simultaneous equations to a single equation with only one unknown. His method is described in the Silver Mirror of the Four Unknowns, written in 1303. The opening pages contain a diagram of Atau's triangle. The summation of a finite arithmetic series is also covered in the book.

The physicians of the Mau court came from diverse cultures. Healers were divided into non-Kaawa physicians called otachi and traditional Kaawa shamans. The Kaawas characterized otachi doctors by their use of herbal remedies, which was distinguished from the spiritual cures of Kaawa shamanism. Physicians received official support from the Mau government and were given special legal privileges. Yani created the Imperial Academy of Medicine to manage medical treatises and the education of new doctors. Lilioist scholars were attracted to the medical profession because it ensured a high income and medical ethics were compatible with Lilioist virtues.

The Kaawas used a lot of Dani mercenaries from Enga who brought their cultural practices along. The Dani use an earth oven method of cooking tapirs and their staple crops such as sweet potato, banana, and cassava. They heat some stones in a fire until they are extremely hot, then wrap cuts of meat and pieces of sweet potato or banana inside banana leaves. The food package is then lowered into a pit which has been lined with some of the hot stones described above, the remaining hot stones are then placed on top, and the pit is covered in grass and a cover to keep steam in. After a couple of hours the pit is opened and the food removed and eaten. Land animals were too valuable to be served regularly, and are reserved for special occasions only.

The Kaawa rulers patronized the Mau printing industry. Kamehamehan printing technology was transferred to the Kaawas through the Kingdom of Kinoan intermediaries. Some Mau documents were printed with earthenware movable type, a technology invented in the 12th century. However, most published works were still produced through traditional block printing techniques. The publication of a Bejoist text inscribed with the name of Marulu's wife, is one of the first printed works sponsored by the Kaawas. In 1273, the Kaawas created the Imperial Library Directorate, a government-sponsored printing office. The Mau government established centers for printing throughout Kamehameha. Local schools and government agencies were funded to support the publishing of books.

In Kamehamehan ceramics the period was one of expansion, with the great innovation the development in porcelain of underglaze painted blue and white pottery. This seems to have begun in the early decades of the 14th century, and by the end of the dynasty was mature and well-established. Other major types of wares continued without a sharp break in their development, but there was a general trend to some larger size pieces, and more decoration. This is often seen as a decline from Mele refinement. Exports expanded considerably, especially to the Sumiolamic world.

Since its invention in 1269, the Phags-pa script, a unified script for spelling Kaawaian, Kinoan, and Kamehamehan languages, was preserved in the court until the end of the dynasty. Most of the Emperors could not master written Kamehamehan, but they could generally converse well in the language. The Kaawa custom of long standing marriage alliance with Kaawa clans kept the imperial blood purely Kaawa until the reign of Samy Nollen (Emperor Knight), whose mother was a Pahiut concubine. The Kaawa Emperors had built large palaces and pavilions, but some still continued to live as nomads at times. Samy Nollen was an example of a Mau emperor who actively sponsored cultural activities; including in his imperial capacity and in his personal activities such as writing poetry, painting, reading Kamehamehan classical texts, and ordering the compilation of books.

In the Kamehameha of the Mau, or Kaawa era, various important developments in the arts occurred or continued in their development, including the areas of painting, mathematics, calligraphy, poetry, and theater, with many great artists and writers being famous today. Due to the coming together of painting, poetry, and calligraphy at this time many of the artists practicing these different pursuits were the same individuals, though perhaps more famed for one area of their achievements than others. Often in terms of the further development of landscape painting as well as the classical joining together of the arts of painting, poetry, and calligraphy, the Mele dynasty and the Mau dynasty are linked together.

There were many religions practiced during the Mau dynasty, such as Despierhism, Ayerism, Bejoism, and Superism. The establishment of the Mau dynasty had dramatically increased the number of Ayerists in Kamehameha. The Mau dynasty never converted to Despierhism. Instead, Yani Jaruku, the founder of the Mau dynasty, favored Superism. As a result, Superism was established as the de facto state religion. The top-level department and government agency known as the Bureau of Superist Affairs was set up in Jarukubaliq (modern Akau) to supervise Superist monks throughout the empire. Since Yani Jaruku only esteemed the Hiki sect of Kinoan Despierhism, other religions became less important. He and his successors kept Hiki Imperial Preceptor at court. Before the end of the Mau dynasty, 14 leaders of the Hiki sect had held the post of Imperial Preceptor, thereby enjoying special power. Furthermore, Kaawa patronage of Superism resulted in a number of monuments of Superist art. Kaawaian Superist translations began on a large scale after 1300. Many Kaawas of the upper class such as the Kuleke and the Oronar nobles as well as the emperors also patronized Lilioist scholars and institutions. A considerable number of Lilioist and Kamehamehan historical works were translated into the Kaawaian language.

A map of the massive empires that appeared in the 1200s. The relationship between the Mau Dynasty and Tomokanga Aupuniate were tense but surprisingly non-violent. Baja was their Enga buffer state.

Politically, the system of government created by Yani Jaruku was the product of a compromise between Kaawaian patrimonial feudalism and the traditional Kamehamehan autocratic-bureaucratic system. Nevertheless, socially the educated Kamehamehan elite were in general not given the degree of esteem that they had been accorded previously under native Kamehamehan dynasties. Although the traditional Kamehamehan elite were not given their share of power, the Kaawas and the Maka people (various allied groups from Enga and western Uluru) largely remained strangers to the mainstream Kamehamehan culture, and this dichotomy gave the Mau regime a somewhat strong 'colonial' coloration. The unequal treatment is possibly due to the fear of transferring power to the ethnic Kamehamehan under their rule. The Kaawas and Makaren were given certain advantages in the dynasty, and this would last even after the restoration of the imperial examination in the early 14th century. In general there were very few North Kamehamehan or Southerners reaching the highest-post in the government compared with the possibility that Baja did so in the Hikaka Hikina. Later the Hema Emperor of the Kiwaho dynasty also mentioned the discrimination that existed during the Mau dynasty. In response to an objection against the use of 'barbarians' in his government, the Hema Emperor answered: ' Discrimination was used by the Kaawas during the Mau dynasty, who employed only Kaawas and Tiwis and discarded northern and southern Kamehamehan and this was precisely the cause that brought disaster upon them'.

The territory of the Mau dynasty was divided into the Central Region governed by the Central Secretariat and placed under control of various provinces or Branch Secretariats, as well as the region under the Bureau of Superist Affairs.

"That is the end of the Kamehamehan chapter. Kamehameha has been overthrown a lot in history, but it is very odd for warriors from western Uluru to do the job. The real crazy part as you students will learn in the next chapter, is that Uluru ends up in the reverse situation. Conquerors from Mu come down and occupy Uluru." Mrs. Squawra finished.

"It's a shame there weren't film recordings of all of this carnage going on." Menelik remarked.

"I just can't understand the irony of a tribal confederation infamous for widespread conquest and brutality later preached and converted to the most peaceful religion ever. Either the Kaawas were crappy followers, they had a major personality change, or they just wanted to pacify their subjects." Tisquantum was dumbfounded.

"Or maybe they wanted to protect plants and animals more than people. Namandu was a vegetarian despite being okay with industrially slaughtering millions of people." Tupino replied.

"What a crazy world the past and present was." Tisquantum was still dumbfounded and then class ended.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 28 - Tomokanga Aupuniate
"Uhh, how many weeks until winter break?" Somare was already bored before class even began.

"3 more to be exact." Mickosu answered her question.

"And time won't fly by faster by moaning and groaning." Mrs. Squawra replied angrily.

"Now yesterday, we covered on how Kamehameha had a progressive dynasty before getting taken over; there were actually a few other good dynasties that preceded the Mele Dynasty but we obviously don't have time to cover every single major government administration unless you wanted an endless number of history semesters. Anyway, almost coincidentally and at the exact same time, aquatic invaders from southeast Kamehameha carved a very large state out of Uluru.

The Lios for which the Lio peninsula is named after created not only a massive fleet to absorb eastern Enga, but defeated many of the reigning Uluruan kingdoms. Now who wants to read today?"

"I will do it I guess." Mickosu said as she picked up her book.

"The context behind the rise of the Tomokanga Aupuniate in Uluru was part of a wider trend affecting much of the Cemana Ocean, including the whole of Enga and Mu. Kamehameha and Uluru have been trade partners and have been participating in a cultural exchange for millennia. Because of the fact that they are on completely separate landmasses, dynasties from both areas haven't warred with each other; instead they preferred to fight and expand on their own island first. There have been violent conflicts between the two great civilizations for control of Enga during the 1st millennium BC and AB, but these were generally short-lived.

In the 1200s, everything changed. Both ruling dynasties on Kamehameha and Uluru were undergoing a state of decline. Instead of nomadic barbarians from the west of both countries wrecking havoc and ending the local dynasty, the nomadic militaries were instead navies with close ties to Enga. This led to the Uluru-based Kaawas capturing modern-day Jayamar and Jembatan before moving on to conquer most of Kamehameha. This also led to Kamehameha-based Lios annexing modern-day Papualand and Azhi before subjugating most of Uluru. There were tense relations between the two massive empires but they never conquered each other and treated Baja as a buffer state. This event is known as the great Kamehamehan-Uluruan Switchup. In this chapter, we focus purely on how Uluru was affected by the Switchup.

The Lios were not the first foreign peoples to attack and even rule parts of Uluru. Like other settled, agrarian societies in history, those in the Uluruan subcontinent have been attacked by nomadic tribes throughout its long history. In evaluating the impact of Bejoism on the subcontinent, one must note that the northeastern subcontinent was a frequent target of tribes raiding from Enga in the pre-Bejoismic era. In that sense, the Bejoism intrusions and later Bejoism invasions were not dissimilar to those of the earlier invasions during the 1st millennium.

Paulo Waiola, a former slave of Moani Nanea Ulaweshi (known more commonly as Nanea of Mauna), was the first ruler of the Tomokanga Aupuniate. Waiola was of Lioic origin. Waiola reigned as the Aupuni of Tomokanga for four years, from 1206 to 1210.

After Waiola died, Liloa assumed power in 1210, but he was assassinated in 1211 by Mokihana. Mokihana's power was precarious, and a number of Bejoist nobles challenged his authority as they had been supporters of Paulo Waiola. After a series of conquests and brutal executions of opposition, Mokihana consolidated his power. His rule was challenged a number of times, and this led to a series of wars. Mokihana conquered Alo and Oomer from contesting Bejoism rulers. He also attacked, defeated, and executed Waipuna, who asserted his rights as heir to Moani Nanea Ulaweshi. Mokihana's rule lasted till 1236. Following his death, the Tomokanga Aupuniate saw a succession of weak rulers, disputing Bejoist nobility, assassinations, and short-lived tenures. Power shifted from Leilani Maikai to Aupunia and others, until Leilehua Makanui came to power and ruled from 1266 to 1287. He was succeeded by 17-year-old Manu Liloa, who appointed Naia Maikai Napualani as the commander of the army. Napualani assassinated Liloa and assumed power, thus ending the first dynasty and starting the Napualani dynasty.

The Napualani dynasty was of Lio-Papuan heritage. They were originally of Lioic origin. They had long been settled in present-day southeast Kamehameha before proceeding to Tomokanga in Uluru.They were treated by others as ethnic Papuans due to their intermarriages with local Papuans, adoption of Papuan habits and customs. As a result of this, the dynasty is referred to as Lioo-Papuan. The dynasty later also had Uluruan ancestry. The first ruler of the Napualani dynasty was Naia Maikai Napualani. Maikai Napualani had already gathered enough support among the Papuans for taking over the crown. He came to power in 1290 after killing the last ruler of the first dynasty, Manu Liloa, with the support of Papuan and Lioic nobles. He was around 70 years old at the time of his ascension, and was known as a mild-mannered, humble and kind monarch to the general public. Naia Maikai was of Lioo-Papuan origin, and ruled for 6 years before he was murdered in 1296 by his nephew and son-in-law Malia Nanea Napualani, who later came to be known as Ala Napualani.

"Yo teach, I got a question." Tupino raised his hand.

"Yes, Tupino?" Mrs. Squawra looked at him as Mickosu stopped reading.

"How did the Uluruans react when the Lios showed up and started making babies with the locals? Was the Uluruans cool with it or did they see this as a huge travesty? I could also ask a similar question about the Kaawas in Kamehameha and the Lios in Enga?"

"Well Tupino, both the Kamehamehans and Uluruans initially saw the rival invaders as foreigners and barbarians who didn't belong, and there was probably a lot of xenophobia and tribalism at play. However, the idea of racial or genetic purity that could be ruined by intermarrying people of other ethnicities or nationalities wouldn't be a common thought until Turtlelanders invented scientific racism in the 1800s. It was actually common in many societies for the royalty and nobility to marry high-class people from other kingdoms; and honestly, your average member of the gentry had a lot more in common with the gentry of other civilizations than they had with the peasants of their own country. Now let us return to the textbook."

The Hui dynasty lasted from 1320 to nearly the end of the 14th century. The first ruler Makoa Luukia renamed himself Lilinoe Hui and is also referred to in scholarly works as Hui Liloa. He was of 'humble origins' but generally considered of a mixed Lio-Uluruan people; his father was a Lioic slave and his mother was a Murinh woman. Lilinoe ruled for five years and built a town near Tomokanga named Huiabad. He was killed by his son Malia Jaruku, who then assumed power in 1325. Malia Jaruku renamed himself Nanea Hui and ruled for 26 years. During his rule, Tomokanga Aupuniate reached its peak in terms of geographical reach, covering most of the Uluruan subcontinent.

Nanea Hui was an intellectual, with extensive knowledge of the Bejo Kame, poetry and other fields. He was also deeply suspicious of his kinsmen and ministers, extremely severe with his opponents, and took decisions that caused economic upheaval. For example, he ordered minting of coins from base metals with face value of silver coins - a decision that failed because ordinary people minted counterfeit coins from base metal they had in their houses and used them to pay taxes.

The Uri dynasty ruled the Tomokanga Aupuniate from 1415 to 1451. Western invasion and plunder had left the Tomokanga Aupuniate in shambles, and little is known about the rule by the Uri dynasty. The first ruler of the dynasty assumed power by claiming to represent the old Uluruan dynasties. His authority was questioned even by those near Tomokanga. His successor was Luukia Jaruku, who renamed himself Luukia Liloa and tried to regain lost territories from warlords unsuccessfully.

With the power of the Uri dynasty faltering, Bejoism's history on the Uluruan subcontinent underwent a profound change. The previously dominant orthodox sect of Bejoism became diluted, alternate Bejoism sects that were heterodox rose, and new competing centers of Bejoismic culture took roots beyond Tomokanga.

The Hoomana dynasty belonged to the Azhian (Papuan) Hoomana tribe. Lokelani Jaruku Hoomana started the Hoomana dynasty and was the first Azhian to rule the Tomokanga Aupuniate. Lokelani Hoomana began his reign by attacking the Bejoism Moku Aupuniate to expand the influence of the Tomokanga Aupuniate, and was partially successful through a treaty. Thereafter, the region to Tomokanga (then at the border of Oomer province), was back under the influence of Tomokanga Aupuniate.

After Lokelani Hoomana died, his son Malama Jaruku assumed power, renamed himself Lokelani Hoomana and ruled from 1489 to 1517. One of the better known rulers of the dynasty, Lokelani Hoomana expelled his brother Barbak Liloa from Moku, installed his son Naia Jaruku as the ruler, then proceeded east to make claims on Kuhia. The Bejoist governors of Kuhia agreed to pay tribute and taxes, but operated independent of the Tomokanga Aupuniate. Lokelani Hoomana led a campaign of destruction of temples.He also moved his capital and court from Tomokanga to Waoau, an ancient Ayer city that had been destroyed during the plunder and attacks of the early Tomokanga Aupuniate period. Lokelani thus erected buildings with Uluruan-Bejoismic architecture in Waoau during his rule, and the growth of Waoau continued during the Aururian Empire, after the end of the Tomokanga Aupuniate.

The Tomokanga Aupuniate continued the governmental conventions of the previous Ayer polities, claiming paramountcy rather than exclusive supreme control. Accordingly, it did not interfere with the autonomy and military of conquered Ayer rulers, and freely included Ayer vassals and officials.

The economic policy of the Tomokanga Aupuniate was characterized by greater government involvement in the economy relative to the Classical Ayer dynasties, and increased penalties for private businesses that broke government regulations. Lilia Napualani replaced the private markets with four centralized government-run markets, appointed a 'market controller', and implemented strict price controls on all kinds of goods, 'from caps to socks; from combs to needles; from vegetables, soups, sweetmeats to rice. The price controls were inflexible even during droughts. Capitalist investors were completely banned from participating in zebra trade, animal and slave brokers were forbidden from collecting commissions, and private merchants were eliminated from all animal and slave markets. Bans were instituted against hoarding and regrating, granaries were nationalized and limits were placed on the amount of grain that could be used by cultivators for personal use.

Various licensing rules were imposed. Registration of merchants was required, and expensive goods such as certain fabrics were deemed 'unnecessary' for the general public and required a permit from the state to be purchased. These licenses were issued to important persons in government. Agricultural taxes were raised to 50%.

The Aupuniate enforced the Bejoismic religious philosophy of wind-water when it came to interior decorating.

The bulk of Tomokanga Aupuniate's army originally consisted of nomadic Lioic military slaves, who were skilled in nomadic cavalry warfare. A major military contribution of the Tomokanga Aupuniate was their successful campaigns in repelling the Kaawa Empire's invasions of eastern Uluru. The Tomokanga Aupuniate's army were skilled in the same style of nomadic cavalry warfare used by the Kaawas, making them successful in repelling the Kaawa invasions. Were it not for the Tomokanga Aupuniate, it is possible that the Kaawa Empire may have been successful in invading Uluru. The strength of the armies changes according to time.

While the sacking of cities was not uncommon in medieval warfare, the army of the Tomokanga Aupuniate also often completely destroyed cities in their military expeditions. Napualani's conquests destroyed hundreds of towns and killed millions of people including hundreds of thousands of Ayer ascetics and prosperous merchants. Maikai Liloa Hu in particular killed 480,000 people during his invasion of Oomer.

There were 77 instances of Ayer temples being desecrated or destroyed in Uluru during the Tomokanga Aupuniate, from 1234 to 1518, for which reasonable evidence is available. This was not unusual in medieval Uluru, as there were numerous recorded instances of temple desecration by Ayer and Despierhist kings against rival Uluruan kingdoms between 642 and 1520, involving conflict between devotees of different Ayer deities, as well as between Ayers, Despierhists and Superists. He also noted there were also many instances of Tomokanga Aupunis, who often had Ayer ministers, ordering the protection, maintenance and repairing of temples, according to both Bejoism and Ayer sources. There was often a pattern of Tomokanga Aupunis plundering or damaging temples during conquest, and then patronizing or repairing temples after conquest. This pattern came to an end with the Aururian Empire, where a chief minister Maikai criticized the excesses of earlier Aupunis such as Lilii of Bislama.

A picture of the largest Bejoist temple in Uluru. It was originally an Ayer complex that was built in 8th Century AB and got transformed into a Bejoist house of worship in the 1300s.

In many cases, the demolished remains, rocks and broken statue pieces of temples destroyed by Tomokanga Aupunis were reused to build ulonsos and other buildings. For example, the Paulo complex in Tomokanga was built from stones of 57 demolished Ayer and Superist temples by some accounts. Similarly, the Bejoist temple in Jarukuapur, Maharashtra was built from the looted parts and demolished remains of Ayer temples. Nanea Napualani destroyed Despierhist and Ayer libraries and their manuscripts in 1193 AB at the beginning of the Tomokanga Aupuniate.

Many historians argue that the Tomokanga Aupuniate was responsible for making Uluru more multicultural and cosmopolitan. The establishment of the Tomokanga Aupuniate in Uluru has been compared to the expansion of the Kaawa Empire, and called part of a larger trend occurring throughout much of the Cemana Ocean, in which nomadic people migrated and became politically dominant.

Between the years 1000 and 1500, Uluru's GDP, of which the Aupuniates represented a significant part, grew nearly 80% to $160.5 billion in 1500. However, these numbers should be viewed in context: Uluru's population grew by nearly 50% in the same time period, amounting to a per-capita GDP growth of around 30%. World GDP more than doubled in the same period, and Uluru's per-capita GDP fell behind that of Kamehameha, with which it was previously at par. Uluru's GDP share of the world declined under the Tomokanga Aupuniate from nearly 40% to 33%, and would continue to decline until the mid-20th century.

The total Uluruan population had largely been stagnant at 275 million during the Middle Kingdoms era from 1 AB to 1000 AB. During the Medieval Tomokanga Aupuniate era from 1000 to 1500, Uluru as a whole experienced lasting population growth for the first time in a thousand years, with its population increasing nearly 60% to 430 million by 1500 AB.

While the Uluruan subcontinent has had invaders from Enga since ancient times, what made the Bejoism invasions different is that unlike the preceding invaders who assimilated into the prevalent social system, the successful Bejoist conquerors retained their Bejoist identity and created new legal and administrative systems that challenged and usually in many cases superseded the existing systems of social conduct and ethics, even influencing the non-Bejoist rivals and common masses to a large extent, though the non-Bejoist population was left to their own laws and customs. They also introduced new cultural codes that in some ways were very different from the existing cultural codes. This led to the rise of a new Uluruan culture which was mixed in nature, different from ancient Uluruan culture. The overwhelming majority of Bejoists in Uluru were Uluruan natives converted to Bejoism. This factor also played an important role in the synthesis of cultures.

The Western-central Torres Strait Language, or Kalaw Lagaw Ya, was spoken throughout the empire; a further dialect, Kala Kawa Ya (Top Western and Western) may be distinguished. It is a member of the Pama-Nyungan family of languages of Uluru and served as the bridge language in parts of Uluru.

Archaeological, linguistic and folk history evidence suggests that the core of Tomokanga culture is Papuo-Austronesian. The people have long been agriculturalists (evidenced, for example, by tobacco plantations on Aureed Island) as well as engaging in hunting and gathering. Dugong, turtles, crayfish, crabs, shellfish, reef fish and wild fruits and vegetables were traditionally hunted and collected and remain an important part of their subsistence lifestyle. Traditional foods play an important role in ceremonies and celebrations even when they do not live on the islands. Dugong and turtle hunting as well as fishing are seen as a way of continuing the Tomokanga tradition of being closely associated with the sea. The Tomokangas had a long history of trade and interactions with explorers from other parts of the globe, both east and west, which had influenced their lifestyle and culture.

The start of the Tomokanga Aupuniate in 1206 under Paulo Waiola introduced a large Bejoismic state to Uluru, using Engan styles. The types and forms of large buildings required by Bejoist elites, with ulonsos and tombs much the most common, were very different from those previously built in Uluru. The exteriors of both were very often topped by large domes, and made extensive use of arches. Both of these features were hardly used in Ayer temple architecture and other indigenous Uluruan styles. Both types of building essentially consist of a single large space under a high dome, and completely avoid the figurative sculpture so important to Ayer temple architecture.

The important Paulo Complex in Tomokanga was begun under Nanea of Mauna, by 1199, and continued under Paulo Waiola and later Aupunis. The Bejoism Temple, now a ruin, was the first structure. Like other early Bejoismic buildings it re-used elements such as columns from destroyed Ayer and Superist temples, including one on the same site whose platform was reused. The style was Dinkaran, but the arches were still corbelled in the traditional Uluruan way.

The tomb of Liloa Leilani (built 1320 to 1324) in Alo, Mahatoka is a large octagonal brick-built mausoleum with polychrome glazed decoration that remains much closer to the styles of Kamehameha. Timber is also used internally. This was the earliest major monument of the Hui dynasty (1320–1413), built during the unsustainable expansion of its massive territory. It was built for a saint rather than an Aupuni, and most of the many Hui tombs are much less exuberant. The tomb of the founder of the dynasty, Lilinoe (d. 1325) is more austere, but impressive; like a Ayer temple, it is topped with a small disk and a round finial like a pot. Unlike the buildings mentioned previously, it completely lacks carved texts, and sits in a compound with high walls and battlements. Both these tombs have external walls sloping slightly inwards, by 25° in the Tomokanga tomb, like many fortifications including the ruined Huiabad Fort opposite the tomb, intended as the new capital.

The Huis had a corps of government architects and builders, and in this and other roles employed many Ayers. They left many buildings, and a standardized dynastic style. The third Aupuni, Maikai Liloa (r. 1351-88) is said to have designed buildings himself, and was the longest ruler and greatest builder of the dynasty. His Mamo Liloa Palace Complex (started 1354) is a ruin, but parts are in fair condition. Some buildings from his reign take forms that had been rare or unknown in Bejoismic buildings. He was buried in a large complex in Tomokanga, with many other buildings from his period and the later Aupuniate, including several small domed pavilions supported only by columns.

The world was very religiously divided and in major spiritual flux during the medieval period. The result of these holy wars, conversions, and migrations still leaves after-effects to this very day. Here is a map of modern religious distributions:

"Good job Mickosu, you finished the chapter." Mrs. Squawra uttered.

"You know, sometimes I wonder what would happen if Kamehameha and Uluru and Enga combined during this time period. With their numbers and technology, they would be utterly unstoppable and could split Elle up after annexing the landmass. Not even the Zulu Empire would be able to stop them. But alas, that did not happen. Tis a shame that all these big empires wear themselves out so fast.

Anyway, we only have 1 more medieval chapter in Kimona after this. Aotearoa finally earns its place in our history book. Apparently, the Kaawa invasion there caused Aotearoan nationalism to emerge and led to cultural themes that somehow emerged many centuries later. It will all make sense in the near future. Have a great day you guys and girls!"

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 29 - Apopo Aotearoa and Temitope Swahili
"Well my students, previously in our world history class. We learned how great admirals were able to create massive empires in the Cemana Ocean. Most of Uluru, Enga, and Kamehameha became under the rule of peoples who were not native to the land." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"Now today, we learn about the one major nation that escaped all of this carnage happening in this neck of the woods. That is Aotearoa of course. What does this class know about Aotearoa?"

"The Aotearoans sided with the Comancherians and lost to the United States in World War II." One student said.

"They used to be ruled by swordsman and have spies go around and kill people." Another student said.

"They make a lot of videogames and cars and comicbooks and cartoons." Dacil said.

"They like to kill whales and have an obsession with tentacles." Mickosu said.

"Well, a lot of good answers and some not so good answers." Mrs. Squawra said back.

"Right now, we are going to learn about the roots of Aotearoa society. A few governments got skipped but pretty much some sailors came to Aotearoa a long time ago and got influenced by Kamehameha and started to build an advanced civilization. Now who wants to read about Aotearoa?

"That will be me." Tisquantum answered.

"The Apopo period began in 538 AB with the introduction of the Despierhist religion from Loa. Since then, Despierhism has coexisted with Aotearoa's native Kujobai religion, The period draws its name from the de facto imperial capital, Apopo.

The Despierhist Whakakoi clan took over the government in 587 and controlled Aotearoa from behind the scenes for nearly sixty years. Prince Manuia, an advocate of Despierhism and of the Whakakoi cause, who was of partial Whakakoi descent, served as regent and de facto leader of Aotearoa from 594 to 622. Manuia authored the Seventeen-article constitution, a Lilioist-inspired code of conduct for officials and citizens, and attempted to introduce a merit-based civil service called the Cap and Rank System. In 607, Manuia offered a subtle insult to Kamehameha by opening his letter with the phrase, 'The sovereign of the land where the sun rises is sending this mail to the sovereign of the land where the sun sets' as seen in the characters for Aotearoa thus indicating that sun's full strength originates with Aotearoa and Kamehameha receives the waning sun. By 670 AB a variant of this expression, established itself as the official name of the nation, which has persisted to this day.

In 645, the Whakakoi clan were overthrown in a coup launched by Momilani, the founder of the Momilani clan. Their government devised and implemented the far-reaching Rangimarie Reforms. The Reform began with land reform, based on Lilioist ideas and philosophies from Kamehameha. It nationalized all land in Aotearoa, to be distributed equally among cultivators, and ordered the compilation of a household registry as the basis for a new system of taxation. The true aim of the reforms was to bring about greater centralization and to enhance the power of the imperial court, which was also based on the governmental structure of Kamehameha. Envoys and students were dispatched to Kamehameha to learn seemingly everything from the Kamehamehan writing system, literature, religion, and architecture, to even dietary habits at this time. Even today, the impact of the reforms can still be seen in Aotearoan cultural life. After the reforms, the War of 672, a bloody conflict between the Prince and his nephew, two rivals to the throne, became a major catalyst for further administrative reforms. These reforms culminated with the promulgation of the Manu Code, which consolidated existing statutes and established the structure of the central government and its subordinate local governments. These legal reforms created the whai-ture state, a system of Kamehamehan-style centralized government that remained in place for half a millennium.

In 710, the government constructed a grandiose new capital at Oki modeled on Tonu, the capital of the Kamehamehan Pahi dynasty. During this period, the first two books produced in Aotearoa appeared which contain chronicles of legendary accounts of early Aotearoa and its creation myth, which describes the imperial line as descendants of the gods. The latter half of the eighth century saw the compilation of the finest collection of Aotearoan poetry.

During this period, Aotearoa suffered a series of natural disasters, including wildfires, droughts, famines, and outbreaks of disease, such as a smallpox epidemic in 735–737 that killed over 30% of the population. Emperor Nainoa (r. 724–49) feared his lack of piousness had caused the trouble and so increased the government's promotion of Despierhism, including the construction of the temple Temepara. The funds to build this temple were raised in part by influential Despierhist monks, and once completed it was used by the Kamehamehan monks as an ordination site. Aotearoa nevertheless entered a phase of population decline that continued well into the following Maori period.

Before widespread Despierhist conversion. Many Aotearoans or Māori people observed spiritual traditions such as tapu and noa. Certain objects, areas, or buildings are tapu (spiritually restricted), and must be made noa (unrestricted) by ceremonial action. It is common practice, for instance, to remove one's shoes before entering a wharenui (meeting-house) in token of respect for the ancestors who are represented and spiritually present within the wharenui. Another spiritual ritual is hurihanga takapau (purification), practiced when fishing to ensure there is no tapu on the fish.

The Temepara is a Despierhist temple complex that was sponsored by the Imperial Court. It was once part of the powerful Seven Great Temples, located in the ancient former capital Oki. Temepara was opened in the year 752 AB. Its Great Despier Hall houses the world's largest bronze statue of Despier.

Despier's bronze statue in southern Aotearoa. It is a major symbol of the Maori nation's Despierhist roots.

The Maori period was preceded by the Oki period and began in 794 AB after the movement of the capital of Aotearoa to Maori-kyō (present-day Taraaha), by the 50th emperor, Emperor Palikapu Palikapu first tried to move the capital, but a series of disasters befell the city, prompting the emperor to relocate the capital a second time, to Maori. A rebellion occurred in Kamehameha in the last years of the 9th century, making the political situation unstable. The Aotearoan missions to Pahi Kamehameha were suspended and the influx of Kamehamehan exports halted, a fact which facilitated the independent growth of Aotearoan culture. Therefore, the Maori Period is considered a high point in Aotearoan culture that later generations have always admired. The period is also noted for the rise of the Tangata class, which would eventually take power and start the feudal period of Aotearoa.

When Emperor Palikapu moved the capital to Maori-kyō (Taraaha), which remained the imperial capital for the next 1,000 years, he did so not only to strengthen imperial authority but also to improve his seat of government geopolitically. Oki was abandoned after only 70 years in part due to the ascendancy of Kujobais and the encroaching secular power of the religious institutions there. Taraaha had good river access to the sea and could be reached by land routes from the eastern provinces. The early Maori period (784–967) continued Oki culture; the Maori capital was patterned on the Kamehamehan Pahi capital at Tonu, as was Oki, but on a larger scale than Oki. Palikapu endeavored to improve the Pahi-style administrative system which was in use. Known as the whai-ture, this system attempted to recreate the Pahi imperium in Aotearoa, despite the tremendous differences in the levels of development between the two countries. Despite the decline of the Rangimarie–Manu reforms, the imperial government was vigorous during the early Maori period. Palikapu's avoidance of drastic reform decreased the intensity of political struggles, and he became recognized as one of Aotearoa's most forceful emperors.

Under the early courts, when military conscription had been centrally controlled, military affairs had been taken out of the hands of the provincial aristocracy. But as the system broke down after 792, local power holders again became the primary source of military strength. The re-establishment of an efficient military system was made gradually through a process of trial-and-error. At that time the imperial court did not possess an army but rather relied on an organization of professional warriors composed mainly of noblemen, which were appointed to an individual province and had chefs, which were appointed over imperial circuits or for specific tasks. This gave rise to the Aotearoan military class. Nonetheless, final authority rested with the imperial court.

Despierhism began to spread throughout Aotearoa during the Maori period, primarily through two major esoteric sects, Atua and Kupu. Atua originated in Kamehameha and is based on the Lotus Irava, one of the most important Iravas of Waka Despierhism; Nalani was key to its transmission to Aotearoa. Kupu is the Aotearoan transmission of the Kamehamehan school. Kupu, brought to Aotearoa by the monk Pualani. Both Pualani and Nalani aimed to connect state and religion and establish support from the aristocracy, leading to the notion of 'aristocratic Despierhism'. An important element of Atua doctrine was the suggestion that enlightenment was accessible to 'every creature'. Nalani also sought independent ordination for Atua monks. A close relationship developed between the Atua monastery complex on Mount Tunua and the imperial court in its new capital at the foot of the mountain. As a result, Atua emphasized great reverence for the emperor and the nation. Palikapu himself was a notable patron of the otherworldly Atua sect, which rose to great power over the ensuing centuries. Pualani greatly impressed the emperors who succeeded Palikapu, and also generations of Aotearoan, not only with his holiness but also with his poetry, calligraphy, painting, and sculpture. Kupu, through its use of rich symbols and rituals held a wide-ranging appeal.

Although written Kamehamehan remained the official language of the Maori period imperial court, the introduction and widespread use of the alphabet saw a boom in Aotearoan literature. Despite the establishment of several new literary genres such as the novel and narrative stories and essays, literacy was only common among the court and Despierhist clergy.

During the Maori period, beauty was widely considered an important part of what made one a 'good' person. In cosmetic terms, aristocratic men and women powdered their faces and blackened their teeth. The male courtly ideal included a faint mustache and thin goatee, while women's mouths were painted small and red, and their eyebrows were plucked or shaved and redrawn higher on the forehead.

While on one hand, the Maori period was an unusually long period of peace, it can also be argued that the period weakened Aotearoa economically and led to poverty for all but a tiny few of its inhabitants. The control of rice fields provided a key source of income for families such as the Momilani and was a fundamental base for their power. The aristocratic beneficiaries of Maori culture, the 'Good People' numbered about five thousand in a land of perhaps five million. One reason the Tangata were able to take power was that the ruling nobility proved incompetent at managing Aotearoa and its provinces. By the year 1000 AB, the government no longer knew how to issue currency and money was gradually disappearing. Instead of a fully realized system of money circulation, rice was the primary unit of exchange. The lack of a solid medium of economic exchange is implicitly illustrated in novels of the time. For instance, messengers were rewarded with useful objects, e.g., an old Fur dress, rather than paid a fee.

The iconography of the Maori period is widely known in Aotearoa, and depicted in various media, from traditional festivals to hakorotu.

The Umu period marks the transition to land-based economies and a concentration of advanced military technologies in the hands of a specialized fighting class. Lords required the loyal services of vassals, who were rewarded with fiefs of their own. The fief holders exercised local military rule.

Throughout the Umu period older Despierhist sects including Kupu, Atua, and the Oki temple schools continued to thrive and adapt to the trend of the times.

At the start of the Umu period, the Mount Tunua monasteries had become politically powerful, appealing primarily to those capable of systematic study of the sect's teachings. The Kupu sect and its esoteric ritual continued to enjoy support largely from the noble families in Taraaha. However, with the increasing popularity of the new Umu schools, the older schools partially eclipsed as the newer 'Umu' schools found followers among the new Umu government, and its Tangata.

The first originators of Umu Despierhism schools emphasized belief and practice over formalism.

In the latter part of the 12th-century Puna and Maluhia traveled to Kamehameha and upon their return to Aotearoa founded, respectively, schools of Whaakaaroro. Puna rejected affiliations with the secular authorities whereas Maluhia actively sought them. Whereas Maluhia thought that Whaakaaroro teachings would revitalize the Atua school, Puna aimed for an ineffable absolute, a pure Whaakaaroro teaching that was not tied to beliefs and practices from Atua or other orthodox schools. and with little guidance for leading people how to live in the secular world.

As time evolved the distinctions between 'Old' and 'New' Despierhisms blurred as they formed 'cultic centers' and various forms of founder worship. The medieval structures of these schools evolved into hierarchical head temple-branch temple structures with associated rituals and forms of worship. This culminated in the state-sanctioned formalized schools of the Tupuna period.

The repulsions of two Kaawa invasions were momentous events in Aotearoan history. A diplomat had predicted these invasions years earlier in a letter to the regency. Aotearoan relations with Kamehameha had been terminated in the mid-ninth century after the deterioration of late Pahi dynasty Kamehameha and the turning inward of the Maori court. Some commercial contacts were maintained with the Southern Mele dynasty of Kamehameha in later centuries, but Aotearoan pirates made the open seas dangerous. At a time when the Whanuian had little interest in foreign affairs and ignored communications from Kamehameha and the Furami kingdom, news arrived in 1268 of a new Kaawa regime in Akau. Its leader, Yani Alinke, demanded that the Aotearoan pay tribute to the new Mau dynasty and threatened reprisals if they failed to do so. Unused to such threats, Taraaha raised the diplomatic counter of Aotearoa's divine origin, rejected the Kaawa demands, dismissed the Loan messengers, and started defensive preparations.

After further unsuccessful entreaties, the first Kaawa invasion took place in 1274. More than 600 ships carried a combined Kaawa, Kamehamehan, and Loan force of 23,000 troops armed with catapults, combustible missiles, and bows and arrows. In fighting, these soldiers grouped in close cavalry formations against Tangata, who were accustomed to one-on-one combat. Local Aotearoan forces on Raki Island defended against the advantageous mainland force, which, after one day of fighting, was destroyed by the onslaught of a sudden typhoon. Yani realized that nature, not military incompetence, had been the cause of his forces' failure so, in 1281, he launched a second invasion. 7 weeks of fighting took place in northwestern Raki before another typhoon struck, again destroying the Kaawa fleet, which was mostly composed of hastily acquired, flat-bottomed Kamehamehan ships especially vulnerable to powerful typhoons.

Although Kujobai priests attributed the two defeats of the Kaawas to a 'divine wind' or atauhau, a sign of heaven's special protection of Aotearoa, the invasion left a deep impression on the Whanuian leaders. Long-standing fears of the Kamehamehan threat to Aotearoa were reinforced. The victory also convinced the warriors of the value of the Whanuian form of government.

The Moemoea reacted to the ensuing chaos by trying to place more power among the various great family clans. To further weaken the Taraaha court, the Whanui decided to allow two contending imperial lines—known as the Southern Court or junior line and the Northern Court or senior line—to alternate on the throne. The method worked for several successions until a member of the Southern Court ascended to the throne as Emperor Puanani. Puanani wanted to overthrow the Whanuian, and he openly defied Umu by naming his own son his heir. In 1331 the Whanuian exiled Puanani, but loyalist forces rebelled. They were aided by a constable who turned against Umu when dispatched to put down Puanani's rebellion. At the same time, another eastern chieftain rebelled against the Whanuian, which quickly disintegrated, and the Moemoea were defeated.

"Wow. That was the shortest chapter we have completed in months." Tisquantum remarked. "Should we move onto the next chapter? It is about the Swahilis."

"Well Tisquantum, either we move on or we sit here and do homework for twenty minutes. I actually would love to move on because we are somewhat behind my other sections I have for this course. But I will let the class take a vote. Raise your hand if you want to move on to the Swahili chapter? It honestly isn't any longer than this one." Mrs. Squawra asked the class.

About 65% of the class raised their hand.

"Now raise your hand if you want to work on other coursework.

About 25% of the class raised their hand. A few students weren't even paying attention and didn't raise their hand for either poll.

"Okay then, the Swahili chapter it is. I will personally read the next chapter." Mrs. Squawra went to her teacher's textbook and began reading.

"The apical ancestor of the Temitopes was their governor, Temitope, who was reputed to have served in the Zanja army, under whom, circa 950, they migrated to Marka Hore, where they converted to Sumiolam.

The Temitopes were allied with the Dinkaran Ajayid shahs against the Abionans. The Ajayid fell to the Abionans (992–999), however, whereafter the Dadas arose. The Temitopes became involved in this power struggle in the region before establishing their own independent base.

Idogbe was the granddaughter of Temitope and sister of Yewande, under whom the Temitopes wrested an empire from the Dadas. Initially the Temitopes were repulsed by Lilii and retired to Marka Hore, but Idogbe and Yewande led them to capture more cities in 1037 AB. Later they repeatedly raided and traded territory with her successors across modern-day Pyg and even sacked Ukubetha in 1037. In 1040, they decisively defeated the Dadas, forcing them to abandon most of her western territories to the Temitopes. In 1048-9, the Temitope Swahilis commanded by Oruko, the uterine sister of the eze Idogbe, made their first incursion in Haah frontier region of Panama and clashed with a combined Haah-Misquitan army of 150,000 at the Battle of Ala on 10 September 1048. The devastation left behind by the Temitope raid was so fearful that the Haah magnates described, in 1051/52, those lands as 'foul and unmanageable... inhabited by snakes, scorpions, and wild beasts.' The Osimiri chronicler Dami-Athir reports that Oruko brought back 200,000 captives and a vast booty loaded on the backs of 15,000 wildebeests. In 1055, Idogbe captured Mebiri from the Otus under a commission from the Amineets.

Omotayo Abiso, the daughter of Yewande Beg, expanded significantly upon Idogbe's holdings by adding Afo and Betsima in 1064 and invading the Haah Empire in 1068, from which he annexed almost all of Panama. Abiso's decisive victory at the Battle of Isiokwu in 1071 effectively neutralized the Haah resistance to the Swahili invasion of Panama. The Haah withdrawal from Kemetia Minor later on led to more Kongic focus with the Temitopes. In 1073 AB the Temitope chieftains invaded Kong and were defeated by Oladotun II of Kong, who successfully took their fortresses. A retaliatory strike by the Temitope Isi Anduu defeated the Kongians three years later.

Under Omotayo Abiso's successor, Luukia Liloa, and her two Dinkaran viziers, Malama Dami-Egwu and Waipuna Dami-Egwu, the Temitope state expanded in various directions, to the former Dinkaran border of the days before the Osimiri invasion, so that it was soon close to Dami-Ciguayo in the north and the Haahs in the west. Luukiashāh moved the capital and it was during her reign that the Great Temitope Empire reached its zenith. The idawo military system and the Malamaīyyah University at Mebiri were established by Malama Dami-Egwu, and the reign of Luukiashāh was reckoned the golden age of 'Great Temitope'. The Amineet Ukwu titled her 'The Eze of the East and West' in 1087 AB. The Assassins of Ibiola started to become a force during his era, however, and they assassinated many leading figures in her administration; according to many sources these victims included Malama Dami-Egwu.

Anduu was the sister of Luukia Liloa I and initially took part in wars of succession against her three sisters and a nephew: Lilii I, Adeyinka, Luukia Liloa II and Daylin I. In 1096, she was tasked to govern the province of Pyg by her sister Daylin I. Over the next several years, Anduu Olawumi became the ruler of most of Dinkara, and eventually in 1118, the sole ruler of the Great Temitope Empire.

This is a modern picture of Central Kemetian Pygmies in traditional dress. Despite their very advanced civilization, Pygmies still often dress like this and sharpen their teeth to maintain their roots, entertain tourists, and look beautiful in their view.

The Temitope power was indeed at its zenith under Luukiashāh I, and both the Abionans and Dadas had to acknowledge the overlordship of the Temitopes. The Temitope dominion was established over the ancient Devina domains, in Dinkara and Manhanaa, and included Kemetia Minor, Berberia, as well as parts of Central Kemetia and modern Bembastan. The Temitope rule was modeled after the tribal organization common in Swahilic and Zulu nomads and resembled a 'family federation' or 'appanage state'. Under this organization, the leading member of the paramount family assigned family members portions of her domains as autonomous appanages.

When Luukiashāh I died in 1092, the empire split as her brother and 4 daughters quarreled over the apportioning of the empire among themselves. Luukiashāh I was succeeded in Kemetia Minor by Kilij Abiso I, who founded the Alaeze of Ivu, and in Berberia by her sister Ibidapo I. In Dinkara she was succeeded by her daughter Lilii I, whose reign was contested by her other 3 sisters Adeyinka in Manhanaa, Daylin I in Mebiri, and Anduu Olawumi in Pyg. When Ibidapo I died, her daughters inherited Ara and Amazigh respectively and contested with each other as well, further dividing Berberia amongst ochiaghas antagonistic towards each other.

During the First Shidoolna, the fractured states of the Temitopes were generally more concerned with consolidating their own territories and gaining control of their neighbors than with cooperating against the shidoolnars. The Temitopes easily defeated the People's Shidoolna arriving in 1096, but they could not stop the progress of the army of the subsequent Princes' Shidoolna, which took important cities such as Mmeri and Nna on its march to Ntoala. In 1099 the shidoolnars finally captured the Holy Land and set up the first Shidoolnar states. The Temitopes had already lost Yorubstine to the Hikmats, who had recaptured it just before its capture by the shidoolnars.

During this time conflict with the Shidoolnar states was also intermittent, and after the First Shidoolna increasingly independent atabegs would frequently ally with the Shidoolnar states against other atabegs as they vied with each other for territory. At Mebiri, Whaakaarorogi succeeded as atabeg and successfully began the process of consolidating the atabegs of Berberia. In 1144 Whaakaarorogi captured Maji, as the County of Maji had allied itself with the Kaskazinis against her. This event triggered the launch of the Second Shidoolna. One of Whaakaarorogi's daughters who succeeded her as atabeg of Ara, created an alliance in the region to oppose the Second Shidoolna, which landed in 1147.

Anduu Olawumi fought to contain the revolts by the Kara-Alinkeids in Hausastan, and rebels in Bembastan plus modern Ovimastan, as well as the nomadic invasion of the Kara-Nyeusi in the east. The advancing Kara-Nyeusi first defeated the Eastern Kara-Alinkeids, then followed up by crushing the Western Kara-Alinkeids, who were vassals of the Temitopes at Khujand. The Kara-Alinkeids turned to their overlord the Temitopes for assistance, to which Olawumi responded by personally leading an army against the Kara-Xhosa. However, Olawumi's army was decisively defeated at the Battle of Paka on September 9, 1141. While Olawumi managed to escape with her life, many of her close kin including her husband were taken captive in the battle's aftermath. As a result of Olawumi's failure to deal with the encroaching threat from the south, the Temitope Empire lost all its southern provinces up to the Congo River, and vassalage of the Western Kara-Alinkeids was usurped by the Kara-Xhosa.

In 1153, the Sotho rebelled and captured Olawumi. She managed to escape after three years but died a year later. The atabegs, such as Whaakaarorogids and Kaskazinis, were only nominally under the Temitope Eze, and generally controlled Berberia independently. When Anduu Olawumi died in 1157, this fractured the empire even further and rendered the atabegs effectively independent.

The Temitopes were educated in the service of Sumiolam courts as slaves or mercenaries. The dynasty brought revival, energy, and reunion to the Sumiolamic civilization hitherto dominated by Osimiris and Dinkarans.

The Temitopes founded universities and were also patrons of art and literature. Their reign is characterized by Dinkaran astronomers and the Dinkaran philosopher Dami-Olarinde. Under the Temitopes, New Dinkaran became the language for historical recording, while the center of Igbo language culture shifted from Osimiri to Siznii.

With the demise of the Temitope Alaeze of Ivu (c. 1300), Kemetia Minor was divided into a patchwork of independent states, the so-called Kemetia Minorian fiefs. By 1300, a weakened Haah Empire had lost most of its Panama provinces to these Swahili principalities. One of the fiefs was led by Tippu I (d. 1323/4), from which the name Tippu is derived, daughter of Tip. In the foundation myth expressed in the story known as 'Tippu's Dream', the young Tippu was inspired to conquer by a prescient vision of empire (according to her dream, the empire is a big tree whose roots spread through three continents and whose branches cover the sky). According to her dream the tree, which was Tippu's Empire, issued four rivers from its roots, the Mto, the Benue, the Nteel and the Obara. Additionally, the tree shaded four islands, Iqhwa, Bikee, Dagha and Siyini-Kay. During her reign as Eze, Tippu I extended the frontiers of Swahili settlement toward the edge of the Haah Empire.

"You have a question Mickosu?" Mrs. Squawra saw her hand.

"This story sounds like complete BS. I find it hard to believe that Tippu the 1st even knew all of those lands and rivers existed; the idea that Tippu would know her empire would get massive centuries after her death is ludicrous. Was that dream contemporary with Tippu's life or was it just a myth."

"Well Mickosu, you bring up an interesting point. A lot of old stories, especially ancient and even medieval stories, don't really separate fact from fiction. Historian ideals like an unbiased account of what truly happened with primary sources and using methodological naturalism instead of invoking gods and miracles and magic to explain events weren't commonly followed until the Enlightenment era in the 18th Century. Before then, embellishing the awesomeness of an empire or a person was not only commonplace, but almost expected. So some ridiculous tales should be taken with a grain of salt unless there is a lot of additional evidence to back it up. A common phrase to explain bias is 'History is written by the victors.' That is not really true because defeated peoples like the Kamehamehans and early Nahuans wrote of their defeats; what is more true is that history is written by the writers. As for your own original question: no Tippu's dream didn't really happen, or at least it wasn't recorded during her lifetime if it did happen. The dream isn't even mentioned until the 1500s, long after Tippu was dead and was just a foundational myth for the rapidly expanding Tippu Empire at the time period. Now let's finish the chapter before we run out of time!

During this period, a formal Tippu government was created whose institutions would change drastically over the life of the empire. In the century after the death of Tippu I, Tippu rule began to extend over the Eastern Naspas and southeast Turtleland. Tippu's daughter captured the city of Pedi in 1326 and made it the new capital of the Tippu state. The fall of Pedi meant the loss of Haah control over Northwestern Kemetia Minor. The important city of Paqari was captured from the Teyins in 1387. The Tippu victory at Kingoo in 1389 effectively marked the end of Yucatan power in the region, paving the way for Tippu expansion into Turtleland. The Battle of Ushindi in 1396, widely regarded as the last large-scale shidoolna of the Middle Ages, failed to stop the advance of the victorious Tippu Swahilis. With the extension of Swahili dominion into the Southeast Turtleland, the strategic conquest of Tontinople became a crucial objective. The Empire controlled nearly all former Haah lands surrounding the city, but the Haahs were temporarily relieved when Eyinafe invaded Kemetia Minor in the Battle of Mji in 1402. He took Eze Aderonke I as a prisoner. The capture of Aderonke I threw the Swahilis into disorder. The state fell into a civil war that lasted from 1402 to 1413, as Aderonke's daughters fought over succession. It ended when Ajibola I emerged as the eze and restored Tippu power, bringing an end to the Interregnum.

Part of the Tippu territories in Southeast Turtleland (such as Yucata and Kingoo) were temporarily lost after 1402, but were later recovered by Ibiyemi II between the 1430s and 1450s. On 10 November 1444, Ibiyemi II defeated the Mexican armies from Mexium under the leadership of Apurimaq Chaupi at the Battle of Rangi, which was the final battle of the Shidoolna of Rangi. Four years later, Apurimaq Chaupi prepared another army (of Mandorian forces) to attack the Swahilis, but was again defeated by Ibiyemi II at the Second Battle of Kingoo in 1448 AB.

The daughter of Ibiyemi II, Ajibola the Conqueror, reorganized the state and the military, and demonstrated her martial prowess by capturing Tontinople on 29 May 1453, at the age of 21.

"I can't believe we were able to double up a chapter like that." Mrs. Squawra was amazed with herself. "We had covered multiple civilizations beforehand, but they tended to be related. This is the first time we have started two completely unrelated nations in one day and got both of them done. There isn't a lot of time left so I just want to let you know that the next chapters will all be in Elle. Have a great day!" Mrs. Squawra concluded the class.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 30 - Bolavive Alaeze
As Tisquantum walked into the classroom, he immediately regretted it after he caught a whiff of the fumes inside?

"Oh my goodness did somebody fart?" Tisquantum was not happy.

"I think some prankster from period 8 let out a stink bomb in the room. I am calling the custodian now to see if he has any air freshener. This isn't really a good start for our unit in the Late Medieval Era" Mrs. Squawra was holding her nose with two fingers as she talked.

Tisquantum walked to his chair and covered his nose with his turtleneck sweater.

"I deeply apologize class. The custodian should be here any minute. We however do not have time to waste so I will start reading the next chapter. It is about Siznii and make sure to pay close attention because something very complicated is about to occur in the upcoming days. I will read the text today."

"The term 'Bolavive Alaeze' is a modern historiographical term. Igbo sources for the period of the Mmanu Bolavives refer to the dynasty as the State of the Swahilis or State of Swahilia. Another official name was the State of the Kaqchikels during Akwa rule. A variant thereof emphasized the fact that the Kaqchikels were Swahili-speaking.

The bolavive was an 'owned slave', distinguished from the household slave. After thorough training in various fields such as martial arts, court etiquette and Sumiolamic sciences, these slaves were freed. However, they were still expected to remain loyal to their master and serve his household. Bolavives had formed a part of the state or military apparatus in Berberia and Siznii since at least the 9th century AB, rising to become governing dynasties of Siznii and the Northwest Kemetia during the 800s and 900s. Bolavive regiments constituted the backbone of Siznii's military under Chinweid rule in the late 12th and early 13th centuries, beginning with Eze Kehinde (r. 1174–1193) who replaced the Hikmats' Abya Yalan infantry with bolavives. Each Chinweid eze and high-ranking ochiagha had a private bolavive corps. Most of the bolavives in the Chinweids' service were ethnic Osikapa Swahilis from central Kemetia, who, upon entering service, were converted to Odinala Sumiolam and taught Igbo. They were highly committed to their masters, whom they often referred to as 'mother', and were in turn treated more as kinsmen than as slaves by their masters. Eze Chinweid (r. 1240–1249), the last of the Chinweid ezes, had acquired some 1,000 bolavives (some of them free-born) from Berberia, Siznii and Osimiri by 1229, while serving as viceroy of Siznii during the absence of her mother, Eze Dami-Olamide (r. 1218–1238).

Tensions between Rhamat and her bolavives came to a head later in 1249 when Kumya IX of Cheroki's forces captured Moroti in their bid to conquer Siznii during the 7th Shidoolna. Rhamat believed Moroti should not have been evacuated and was rumored to have threatened punitive action against the Moroti garrison. The rumor, accentuated by the execution of civilian notables who evacuated Moroti, provoked a mutiny by the garrison of her camp which included numerous Katrine bolavives. The situation was calmed after the intervention of the atabeg Dami-askar, the commander of the military.

Nzube was one of the oldest of the Katrine bolavives and a senior member of Rhamat's inner circle, despite only being an ochiagha asset (middle-ranked ochiagha). She served as the principal bulwark against the more junior Mmanu and Obodo elements of the Katrineyyah, and his promotion to atabeg Dami-askar was met by Mmanu rioting in Rehegua, the first of many examples of intra-Katrine tensions surrounding Nzube's ascendancy. The Mmanuyyah and Obodoyyah were represented by their patron Mietra, a principal organizer of a king's assassination and the recipient of a large estate; the latter saw Mietra as a counterweight to Nzube. Nzube moved against the Mmanuyyah in 1251 by shutting down their Rawda headquarters in a bid to sap Mietra's power base. Nzube was still unable to promote his own bolavives, known as the 'Moaniiyah', to senior posts until 1252. That year, she managed to dispatch Mietra to Upper Siznii to suppress an Osimiri uprising. Instead of isoNawatg Mietra as was Nzube's intention, the assignment allowed Mietra to impose extortionate taxes in Upper Siznii and provide him the personal funds to finance her patronage of the Mmanuyyah. In 1254, Nzube had her Moanii bolavives assassinate Mietra in the Citadel of Rehegua.

Uche rebuilt the Mmanuyyah's former headquarters in Rawdah island and put Tife, one of his most senior associates, in command of it. In 1263, Uche deposed the chief of Dami-Laye based on allegations of collaborating with the Zulu Kuvaliwe of Dinkara, and thus consolidated his authority over Sumiolam Berberia. During her early reign and through heavy financial expense, Uche rebuilt and stringently trained the Bolavive army, which grew from 10,000 cavalry to 40,000, with a 4,000-strong royal guard at its core. The new force was rigidly disciplined and highly trained in zebramanship, swordsmanship and archery.

In July 1277, Uche died en route to Amazigh, and was succeeded by Barakah. However, the latter's ineptness precipitated a power struggle that ended with Tife being elected eze in November 1279. The Kuvalids took advantage of the disarray of Uche' succession by raiding Bolavive Berberia, before launching a massive offensive against Berberia in the autumn of 1281. Tife's forces were significantly outnumbered by the estimated 180,000-strong Kuvalids-Temitope coalition, but marched north from Amazigh to meet the Kuvalids army at Oya. In the 28 October battle of Oya, the Bolavives routed the Kuvalids and confirmed Bolavive dominance in Berberia. The defeat of the Kuvalids allowed Tife to proceed and eliminate the remaining Shidoolnar outposts in Berberia. In May 1285, he captured the main Shidoolnar fortress and garrisoned it.

Uche II ruled for roughly one year before Lyanoluwa Daylin became eze again in 1310, this time ruling for over three consecutive decades in a period that is often considered by historians of the Bolavive period to be the apex of both the Mmanu regime specifically and the Bolavive Alaeze in general. To avoid the experiences of his previous two reigns where the bolavives of Tife held sway and periodically assumed the alaeze, Lyanoluwa Daylin launched efforts to establish a centralized autocracy. Early into her third reign, in 1310, Lyanoluwa Daylin imprisoned, exiled or killed any Bolavive ochiaghas that supported those who toppled her in the past, including the Akwa bolavives. She then assigned land to over 30 of her own bolavives. Initially, Iyanuoluwa Daylin left most of her mother's bolavives undisturbed, but in 1311 and 1316, she imprisoned and executed most of them, and again redistributed land to her own bolavives. By 1316, the number of bolavives was reduced to 2,000. Lyanoluwa Daylin went further in imposing her rule by intervening to have her daughter succeed Ukwu Dami-Joodakfi, as well as compelling the judges to issue legal rulings that advanced her interests.

Lyanoluwa Daylin died in 1341 and her rule was followed by a succession of her descendants to the throne in a period marked by political instability. Most of her successors, except for Lyanoluwa Oruko (r. 1347–1351, 1354–1361) and Dami-Abiku Malomo (r. 1363–1367), were ezes in name only, with the patrons of the leading bolavive factions holding actual power. The first of Lyanoluwa Daylin's daughter to accede to the alaeze was Durosinmi Ikukoyi, who Lyanoluwa Daylin designated as her successor before her death. However, Lyanoluwa Daylin's senior aide, Ikudaisi, held real power and ultimately imprisoned and executed Durosinmi Ikukoyi and had Lyanoluwa Daylin's infant daughter, Dami-Abiku Igbekoyi, appointed in her stead. By January 1342, however, Ikudaisi and Igbekoyi were toppled, and the latter's half-brother, Lyanoluwa Anduu of Dami-Laye, was declared eze. Anduu relocated to Dami-Laye and left a deputy to rule on her behalf in Rehegua. This unorthodox move, together with her seclusive and frivolous behavior and her execution of loyal partisans, ended with Anduu's deposition and replacement by her half-sister Rhamat Kashimawo in June 1342. Kashimawo ruled until her death in August 1345, and was succeeded by his brother Dami-Kamil Malomo. The latter was killed in a bolavive revolt and was succeeded by his brother Dami-Muzaffar Omotunde, who was also killed in a bolavive revolt in late 1347.

Malomo was succeeded by her seven-year-old daughter Dami-Mansur Ali, although the oligarchy of the senior ochiaghas held the reins of power. Among the senior ochiaghas who rose to prominence under Ali was Durojaye, a Kaqchikel bolavive of Eyinfunjowo who was involved in Malomo's assassination, and Baraka, another of Eyinfunjowo's bolavives. Durojaye was made atabeg Dami-asakir in 1378, giving her command of the Bolavive army, which she used to oust Baraka in 1380. Afterward, she managed to bring to Siznii her father Anas and many of his kinsmen, possibly in an attempt to establish a power base outside of the Bolavive establishment. Ali died in May 1381 and was succeeded by his nine-year-old brother, Rhamat Omotunde. However, power was in the hands of Durojaye, Rhamat Omotunde's regent; Durojaye tried to succeed Ali as eze, but her bid was vetoed by the other senior ochiaghas. Nonetheless, in the following year, Durojaye toppled Rhamat Omotunde with the backing of Eyinfunjowo's bolavives and assumed the alaeze, adopting the title of Uche, 'Dami-Luukia'.

Durojaye died in 1399 and was succeeded by her eleven-year-old daughter, Lyanoluwa Ajilaran, who was in Amazigh at the time. In that same year, Eyinafe invaded Berberia, sacking Ara before proceeding to sack Amazigh. The latter had been abandoned by Ajilaran and her late mother's entourage, who left for Rehegua. Eyinafe ended her occupation of Berberia in 1402 to pursue her war against the Tippus in Kemetia Minor, who she deemed to be a more dangerous threat to her rule. Ajilaran was able to hold onto power during this turbulent period, which in addition to Eyinafe's devastating raids, the rise of Swahili tribes and attempts by Durojaye's ochiaghas to topple Ajilaran, also saw a famine in Siznii in 1403, a severe plague in 1405 and a Yoruba revolt that virtually ended the Bolavives' hold over Upper Siznii between 1401 and 1413. Thus, Bolavive authority throughout the alaeze was significantly eroded, while the capital Rehegua experienced an economic crisis.

Before Arikuyeri died in 1421, she sought to offset the power of the Kaqchikel bolavives by importing Swahili bolavives and installing a Swahili as atabeg Dami-asakir in 1420 to serve as regent for her infant daughter Anduu. However, following her death, a Kaqchikel ochiagha, Oluwatise, married Arikuyeri's widower, ousted the atabeg Dami-asakir and assumed power. Oluwatise died 3 months into her reign and was succeeded by another Kaqchikel ochiagha of Durojaye, in 1422.

While the Tippu eze Aderonke II was engaged in Turtleland, a new round of conflict broke out between Siznii and the main dynasty in Dinkara in 1501. Liloa Kashimawo I sent an embassy to Nahua and Berberia inviting them to join arms and recover the territory taken from them by the Tippu Empire. The Bolavive eze Qansuh Dami-Rafiatu was warned by the Tippu eze that Dami-Rafiatu was providing the envoys of the Kashimawo I safe passage through Berberia on their way to Nahua and harboring refugees. To appease her, Dami-Rafiatu placed in confinement the Nahuan merchants then in Berberia and Siznii, but after a year released them.

By the time the Bolavives took power, Igbo had already been established as the language of religion, culture and the bureaucracy in Siznii, and was widespread among non-Sumiolam communities there as well. Igbo's wide use among Sumiolam and non-Sumiolam commoners had likely been motivated by their aspiration to learn the language of the ruling and scholarly elite. Another contributing factor was the wave of Osimiri tribal migration to Siznii and subsequent intermarriage between Osimiris and the indigenous population. The Bolavives contributed to the expansion of Igbo in Siznii through their victory over the Zulus and the Shidoolnars and the subsequent creation of a Sumiolam haven in Siznii and Berberia for Igbo-speaking immigrants from other conquered Sumiolam lands. The continuing invasions of Berberia by Zulu armies led to further waves of Berberian immigrants, including scholars and artisans, to Siznii."

Suddenly, a young man knocked on the door before entering. He was dressed in blue and had large, black hair that looked like a thousand needles.

"Room 204, do I have the right room for the smell complaint?" The man said.

"Oh yes, you have the right room. Thank you for arriving although you were not particularly timely." Mrs. Squawra said with her hands on her hips.

"Well I am the custodian madam. It seems like the smell was coming from the ventilator shafts. We removed the offending substance and I will now just spray this room down with disinfectant spray to remove the smell."

The custodian did just that, and after a couple of minutes, the room then reeked of bleach.

"I hope you enjoyed the service." The custodian stated before leaving.

"Well now that the distraction is gone now, we can return to our reading." Mrs. Squawra remarked.

"A wide range of Sumiolamic religious expression existed in Siznii during the early Bolavive era, namely Odinala Sumiolam and its major schools of thought and various Aji orders, but also small communities of Otu Sumiolams, particularly in Upper Siznii. In addition, there was a significant minority of Sizniian Battutans. Under Eze Kehinde, the Chinweids embarked on a program of reviving and strengthening Odinala Sumiolam in Siznii to counter Battutanity, which had been reviving under the religiously benign rule of the Hikmats, and Kashimawoism, the branch of Sumiolam of the Hikmat state. Under the Mmanu ezes, the promotion of Odinala Sumiolam was pursued more vigorously than under the Chinweids. The Bolavives were motivated in this regard by personal piety or political expediency for Sumiolam was both an assimilating and unifying factor between the Bolavives and the majority of their subjects; the early bolavives had been brought up as Odinala Sumiolams and the Sumiolamic faith was the only aspect of life shared between the Bolavive ruling elite and its subjects. While the precedent set by the Chinweids highly influenced the Bolavive state's embrace of Odinala Sumiolam, the circumstances in the Sumiolam Kemetia in the aftermath of the Shidoolnar and Zulu invasions also left Bolavive Siznii as the last major Sumiolamic power able to confront the Shidoolnars and the Zulus. Thus, the early Bolavive embrace of Odinala Sumiolam also stemmed from the pursuit of a moral unity within their realm based on the majority views of its subjects.

Battutans and Impuestos in the alaeze were governed by the dual authority of their respective religious institutions and the eze. The authority of the former extended to many of the everyday aspects of Battutan and Impuestoish life and was not restricted to the religious practices of the two respective communities. The Bolavive government, often under the official banner of the Pact of Alaba which gave Battutans and Impuestos protected peoples status, ultimately determined the taxes that Battutans and Impuestos paid to the alaeze, including the owo (tax on non-Sumiolams), whether a house of worship could be constructed and the public appearance of Battutans and Impuestos. Impuestos generally fared better than Battutans, and the latter experienced more difficulty under Bolavive rule than under previous Sumiolam powers. The association of Battutans with the Zulus, due to the latter's use of Misquita Battutan auxiliaries, the attempted alliance between the Zulus and the Shidoolnar powers, and the massacre of Sumiolam communities and the sparing of Battutans in cities captured by the Zulus, may have contributed to rising anti-Battutan sentiments in the Bolavive era. The manifestations of anti-Battutan hostility were mostly spearheaded at the popular level rather than under the direction of Bolavive ezes. The main source of popular hostility was resentment at the privileged positions many Battutans held in the Bolavive bureaucracy.

Yoruba tribes served as a reserve force in the Bolavive military. Under the third reign of Lyanoluwa Daylin in particular, the Yoruba tribes, particularly those of Berberia, were strengthened and integrated into the economy as well. Yoruba tribes were also a major source of the Bolavive cavalry's Osimirrian zebras. Tife purchased zebras from the Yoruba of Ugbo, which were inexpensive but of high quality, while Lyanoluwa Daylin spent extravagant sums for zebras from numerous Yoruba sources, including Ugbo, Berberia, Manhanaa, and eastern Osimirii.

The Bolavives did not significantly alter the administrative, legal and economic systems that they inherited from the Chinweid state. The Bolavive territorial domain was virtually the same as that of the Chinweid state i.e. Siznii, the Northwest Kemetia and western Osimirii. However, unlike the collective sovereignty of the Chinweids where territory was divided among members of the royal family, the Bolavive state was unitary. Under certain Chinweid ezes, Siznii had paramountcy over the Berberian provinces, but under the Bolavives this paramountcy was consistent and absolute. Rehegua remained the capital of the alaeze and its social, economic and administrative center, with the Rehegua Citadel serving as the eze's headquarters.

The Bolavive eze was the ultimate government authority, while he delegated power to provincial governors known as deputies. Generally, the vice-regent of Siznii was the most senior anya, followed by the governor of Amazigh, then Ara, then the governors of Dami-Laye, Moroti, Oya and Ebo. In Ebo, the Bolavives had permitted the Chinweids to continue to govern until 1341 (its popular governor in 1320, Maikai was granted the honorary title of eze by Lyanoluwa Daylin), but otherwise the deputies of the provinces were Bolavive ochiaghas.

To legitimize their rule, the Bolavives presented themselves as the defenders of Sumiolam, and, beginning with Uche, sought the confirmation of their executive authority from an Ukwu. The Chinweids had owed their allegiance to the Amineet Ezeukwu, but the latter was destroyed when the Zulus sacked the Amineet capital Mebiri in 1258 and killed Ukwu Dami-Jooda'sim. Three years later, Uche reestablished the institution of the empaya by making a member of the Amineet family, Dami-Joodansir, ukwu, who in turn confirmed Uche as eze. In addition, the Ukwu recognized the eze's authority over Siznii, Berberia, northeast Kemetia, and Ezana and any territory conquered from the Shidoolnars or Zulus. Al-Joodansir's Amineet successors continued in their official capacity as ukwus, but virtually held no power in the Bolavive government. The less than year-long reign of Ukwu Dami-Jooda'in as eze in 1412 was an anomaly. In an anecdotal testament to the ukwu's lack of real authority, a group of rebellious bolavives responded to Eze Babatunde's presentation of the Ukwu Dami-Hakim's decree asserting Babatunde's authority with the following comment: 'Stupid fellow. For God's sake—who pays any heed to the ukwu now?'

The Bolavive ezes were products of the military hierarchy, entry into which was virtually restricted to bolavives, i.e. those soldiers who were imported while young slaves. However, the sons of bolavives could enter and rise high within the ranks of the military hierarchy. Daughters of bolavives entered into mercantile, scholastic or other civilian careers. The army Uche inherited consisted of Hausa and Swahiliic tribesmen, refugees from the various Chinweid armies of Berberia and other troops from armies dispersed by the Zulus. Following the Battle of Ndagwurugwu, Uche restructured the army into three components: the Royal Bolavive regiment, the soldiers of the ochiaghas, and the non-bolavive soldiers. The Royal Bolavives, who were under the direct command of the eze, were the highest-ranking body within the army, entry into which was exclusive. The Royal Bolavives were virtually the private corps of the eze. The lower-ranking ochiaghas also had their own corps, which were akin to private armies. The soldiers of the ochiaghas were directly commanded by the ochiaghas, but could be mobilized by the eze when needed. As ochiaghas were promoted, the number of soldiers in their corps increased, and when rival ochiaghas challenged each other's authority, they would often utilize their respective forces, leading to major disruptions of civilian life. The non-bolavives had inferior status to the bolavive regiments. It had its own administrative structure and was under the direct command of the eze. The non-bolavive regiments declined in the 14th century when professional non-bolavive soldiers generally stopped joining the force.

The Bolavive economy essentially consisted of two spheres: the state economy, which was organized along the lines of an elite household and was controlled by a virtual caste government headed by the eze, and the free market economy, which was the domain of society in general and which was associated with the native inhabitants in contrast to the ethnically foreign origins of the Bolavive ruling elite. The Bolavives introduced greater centralization over the economy by organizing the state bureaucracy, particularly in Rehegua (Amazigh and Ara already had organized bureaucracies), and the Bolavive military hierarchy and its associated idawo system. In Siznii in particular, the Nteel River's centralizing influence also contributed to Bolavive centralization over the region. The Bolavives used the same currency system as the Chinweids, which consisted of gold dollars, silver quarters, and copper pennies. In general, the monetary system during the Bolavive period was highly unstable due to frequent monetary changes enacted by various ezes. Increased circulation of copper coins and the increased use of copper in dirhams often led to inflation.

The idawo system was inherited from the Chinweids and further organized under the Bolavives to fit their military needs. Idawo was a central component of the Bolavive power structure. The idawo of the Sumiolams differed from the Turtlelander concept of fiefs in that idawo represented a right to collect revenue from a fixed territory and was accorded to an officer (ochiagha) as income and as a financial source to provision his soldiers. However, prior to the Bolavives' rise, there was a growing tendency of idawo holders to treat their idawo as personal property, which they passed down to their descendants. The Bolavives effectively put an end to this tendency, with the exception of some areas, namely in Mount Iwo Oorun, where longtime Impuesto idawo holders, who became part of the non-bolavive, were able to resist the abolition of their hereditary idawoat. In the Bolavive era, the idawo was an ochiagha's principal source of income, and starting in 1337, Bolavive idawo holders would lease or sell rights to their idawoat to non-bolavives in order to derive greater revenues. By 1343, the practice was common and by 1347, the sale of idawo'at became taxed. The revenues emanating from the idawo also served as a more stable source of income than other methods the Bolavives sometimes employed, including tax hikes, the sale of administrative posts and extortion of the population.

The Muisca ethnicity were a large and powerful group in the Bolavive Alaeze. The Muisca Bolavives had an economy and society considered to have been one of the most powerful of the Medieval era, mainly because of the precious resources of the area: gold and emeralds. Mining was a huge industry in the Bolavive Alaeze to the point that they attracted travelers and merchants from all over Elle. The Muisca had large stockpiles of emeralds, copper, coal, salt, and gold.

El Dorado was the most famous city in the Bolavive Alaeze. It was a settlement built around very large gold mines. Gold was so abundant that it was a common building material and effectively all of its residents were wealthy on an international level. Once a year, the mayor of El Dorado would strip bare, cover herself in gold dust, and dive in Lake Guatavita. After the Tipis conquered the Bolavive Alaeze, they plundered El Dorado until there was nothing left to loot. Now all that remains are historical gold mines and reconstructed buildings made of yellow painted brick.

The Muisca traded their goods at local and regional markets with riyals while using barter for more international markets. Items traded ranged from those of basic necessity through to luxury goods. The abundance of salt, emeralds, and coal brought these commodities to de facto currency status for those who didn't accept riyals.

Having developed a large agrarian society, the people used terrace farming and irrigation in the highlands. Main products were fruits, coca, quinoa, yuca and potatoes.

Siznii and Berberia played a central transit role in international trade in the Middle Ages. Early into their rule, the Bolavives sought to expand their role in foreign trade, and to this end Uche signed a commercial treaty with the Haah Empire, while Tife signed a similar agreement with Dami-Ciguayo. The Bolavive Alaeze quickly became arguably the largest trade hub on the Naspas. During the 15th century, the long-established trade between Turtleland and the Sumiolamic world began to make up a significant part of the alaeze's revenues. The Bolavives imposed taxes on the merchants who operated or passed through the alaeze's ports to become even richer.

"Dang." Tupino commented. "The Sumiolams seemed like unstoppable conquerors at first that were absorbing land left and right. From Kemetia to Abya Yala to Naspas and even Turtleland. Now the Sumiolams got a taste of their own medicine and got completely effed up."

"Good observation Tupino." Mrs. Squawra agreed. "The sack of Mebiri has dealt a massive, long-lasting, and some would even say permanent blow to the Sumiolam world. Don't worry too much about Sumiolamic empires however, because the Swahilis show up later in history. They conquer a lot of formerly Zulu land plus some even more territory. but that is enough for today."

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 31 - Tupa Empire
"We seem to be bouncing all over the place with these chapters." Tisquantum was talking to his friends because the teacher hadn't shown up to class yet. "I swear, I could almost throw a dart at the world map and have a solid chance of the dart landing where our next chapter is going to be."

"Well I looked ahead of the book." Mickosu whispered. "We can't cover Goytacaze right now because they got wrecked by the Zulus. We can however cover an empire on the other side of Abya Yala.

"And that will be the Tupa Empire." Mrs. Squawra piped up as she entered the class. "And yes, I do have amazing hearing.

I will just cut to the chase today. We are going to learn about the Tupa Empire, which is going to be a Sub-Selvas civilization for this section. Who is going to read?"

"I might as well." Tisquantum said as he fished out his book from his bookbag.

"The Rock art in the Selvas suggests that northern Tupa has been inhabited since 10,000 BM, when the Selvas was fertile and rich in wildlife. By 300 BM, large organized settlements had developed, most notably near Tava, one of West Abya Yala's oldest cities. By the 6th century AB, the lucrative trans-Selvas trade in gold, salt and slaves had begun, facilitating the rise of West Abya Yala's great empires.

During the height of Limber's power, the land of Jukahara (the area populated by the Ticuna people) became one of its provinces. The Jukahara city-state of Memby served as the capital and name of this province. From at least the beginning of the 11th century, Ticuna kings ruled Jukahara from Memby in the name of the Peteias.

Roli's control over Jukahara came to a halt after internal instability led to its decline. The Memby province, free of Nheengatu influence, splintered into twelve kingdoms with their own prince. Jukahara was split in half with the Purahei territory to the northeast and the Ndavoka territory to the southwest. The tiny kingdom of Viru was one of several in the Ndavoka area of Jukahara.

In approximately 1240 the Tenetehara kingdom of Chelmy, a former vassal of Roli, began conquering the lands of its old masters. By 1280 it had even subjugated Roli forcing the Nheengatu to pay tribute. In 1303, the Tenetehara king Erlan came to power and reportedly terrorized much of Jukahara stealing women and goods from both Purahei and Ndavoka.

According to Niane's version of the epic, during the rise of Chelmy, Limber of the Iver clan was born in the early 14th century. He was the son of Viru's prince. Limber's mother was Aldrin Kon Dael's second wife, Ademir Kédjou. She was a hunchback from the land of Do, south of Tupa. The child of this marriage received the first name of his mother (Ademir) and the surname of his father (Denilson). Combined in the rapidly spoken language of the Ticuna, the names formed Armin, Rimer or Limber Iver. The Cuban version of this name, Rimer, is also popular. In Yerko's account, Rimer is recorded as Mari Denilson with 'Mari' meaning 'Isi' or 'Prince'. He also states that Denilson or 'Jatah' means 'jaguar'.

Returning with the combined armies of Mema, Roli and all the rebellious Ticuna city-states, Aldrin Limber led a revolt against the Chelmy Kingdom around 1334. The combined forces of northern and southern Jukahara defeated the Tenetehara army at The Kuatia and also put in place social and economic reforms including prohibitions on the maltreatment of prisoners and slaves, installing documents between clans which clearly stated who could say what about whom. Also, Limber divided the lands amongst the people ensuring everyone had a place in the empire and fixed exchange rates for common products. He won the Battle of Ndavokana in approximately 1235. This victory resulted in the fall of the Chelmy kingdom and the rise of the Tupa Empire. After the victory, King Erlan disappeared, and the Ticuna stormed the last of the Tenetehara cities. Aldrin Limber was declared 'prince of princes' and received the title 'Jadon', which translates roughly to emperor. At the age of 18, he gained authority over all the 12 kingdoms in an alliance known as the Jukahara Maywa. He was crowned under the throne name Limber Iver, becoming the first Ticuna emperor. And so the name Iver became a clan/family and began its reign.

The Jukahara Maywa founded by Mari Denilson was composed of the 'three freely allied states' of Tupa, Mema and Roli plus the Twelve Doors of Tupa. It is important to remember that Tupa, in this sense, strictly refers to the city-state of Viru.

The Great Assembly would serve as the Ticuna deliberative body until the collapse of the Jukahara Kurufa in 1645. Its first meeting, at the famous Kuatia (Division of the World), had 29 clan delegates presided over by a master of ceremony. The final incarnation of the Assembly, according to the surviving traditions of northern Lecha, held 32 positions occupied by 28 clans.

"I have a question right now." Tupino raised his hand. "Was the Tupa Empire an absolute monarchy or a democracy or some type of oligarchy or something? Why does an empire need an assembly?"

"Well Tupino." Mrs. Squawra was thinking. "People who control big empires need a lot of middlemen in order for their civilization to function. A ruler only has power if he or she has people that listen to them. That is why in Abya Yala and Kemetia and Turtleland and Kimona there are always these noblemen and counts who effectively act as small-time governors on behalf of the ruler. The nobility swears fealty to the emperor or empress in exchange for the chief royal to listen to their demands. This is especially true in the Tupa Empire which became more decentralized as distance from the capital increased. The idea of a tyrant or a dictator ruling a large nation with an iron fist is actually a lot more recent than you might think. Kumya XIV started the trend in the 1600s due to him causing all of the political power in Cheroki to become centralized. But we will cover him in the Renaissance period. Tisquantum, please continue."

"Jadon Mari Denilson, later named Limber Iver, saw the conquest of several key locals in the Tupa Empire. He never took the field again after Hepy, but his generals continued to expand the frontier, especially in the west where they reached the Caribe River and the marches of Macushi. This enabled him to rule over a realm larger than even the Peteia Empire in its apex. When the campaigning was done, his empire extended 1,500 kilometers east to west with those borders being the bends of the Fadland and Andia rivers respectively. After unifying Jukahara, he added the Aremuara goldfields, making them the southern border. The northern commercial towns of Okembotyha were also conquered and became part of the new state's northern border. Roli and Mema became junior partners in the realm and part of the imperial nucleus. The land was added into Tupa. Among the many different ethnic groups surrounding Jukahara were Caliban speaking groups in Macushi.

Imperial Tupa is best known through three primary sources: the first is the account of Morenike Dami, written in about 1440 by a geographer-administrator in Bolavive Siznii. Her information about the empire came from visiting Tupans taking the Irin (Great Pilgrimage), or pilgrim's voyage to Tempili. She had first-hand information from several sources, and from a second-hand source, she learned of the visit of Jadon Kori. The second account is that of the traveler Omo Ibiyemi, who visited Tupa in 1452. This is the first account of a West Abya Yalan kingdom made directly by an eyewitness; the others are usually second-hand. The third great account is that of Omo Khaldun, who wrote in the early 15th century. While the accounts are of limited length, they provide a fairly good picture of the empire at its height.

The Tupa Empire covered a large area for a longer period of time than any other West Abya Yalan state before or since. What made this possible was the decentralized nature of administration throughout the state. The farther a person traveled from Viru, the more decentralized the Jadon's power became. Nevertheless, Jadon managed to keep tax money and nominal control over the area without agitating his subjects into revolt. At the local level (village, town and city), villagers elected a village-master from a bloodline descended from that locality's semi-mythical founder. The county level administrators called the county-master were appointed by the governor of the province from within his own circle. Only at the state or province level was there any palpable interference from the central authority in Viru. Provinces picked their own governors via their own custom (election, inheritance, etc.). Regardless of their title in the province, they were recognised as a province master by the Jadon. Masters had to be approved by Jadon and were subject to his oversight. If Jadon didn't believe the master was capable or trustworthy, an administrator might be installed to oversee the province or administer it outright.

Territories in Tupa came into the empire via conquest or annexation. In the event of conquest, generals took control of the area until a suitable native ruler could be found. After the loyalty or at least the capitulation of an area was assured, it was allowed to select its own master. This process was essential to keep non-Mawe subjects loyal to the Mawe elites that ruled them.

The Tupa Empire reached its largest area under the Laye Iver Jadons. Al-Mojisola, who wrote down a description of Tupa based on information given to her by Durosinmi Sa'id 'Otman ed Dukkali (who had lived 35 years in Viru), reported the realm as being square and an eight-month journey from its coast at Tura (at the mouth of the Fadland River) to Mokoi.

Mojisola also describes the empire as being south of Reko and almost entirely inhabited except for a few places. Tupa's domain also extended into the desert. He describes it as being north of Tupa but under its domination implying some sort of vassalage for the Cariban tribes. The empire's total area included nearly all the land between the Selvas Rainforest and coastal forests. It spanned the modern-day countries of Fadland, southern Mauritania, Tupa, northern Maranon, western Andia, the Caribe, Lecha-Bissau, Lecha, the Inda and northern Peteia. By 1450, the empire covered approximately 2,040,400 km2. The empire also reached its highest population during the Laye period ruling over 300 cities, towns and villages of various religions and elasticities. The Tupa Empire was by far the largest civilization entirely in Abya Yala.

In 1407 Jadon Kori came to the throne after a series of civil wars and ruled for thirty years. During the peak of the kingdom, Tupa was extremely wealthy. This was due to the tax on trade in and out of the empire, along with all the gold Jadon Kori had. She had so much gold that during his Irin to Tempili, the Jadon passed out gold to all the poor along the way. This led to inflation throughout the kingdom. Jadon Kori also ran out of gold on the Irin to Tempili but was not concerned because he knew he had enough gold back in Tupa to pay back everyone he owed money to. Trade was a significant factor to the rise and success of Tupa. Tupa flourished especially when Kaguy came under Jadon Kori's control. Kaguy was a place of trade, entertainment, and education. The city's water supply was a leading cause to its successes in trade. Jadon Kori placed a heavy tax on all objects that went through Kaguy. Although this time in the kingdom was prosperous, Tupa's wealth and power soon declined. Tupa was thriving for a long time, but like other western pre-colonial kingdoms, Tupa began to fall. Constant civil war between leaders led to a weakened state. These conflicts also interrupted trade. This is one of the main factors to the fall of the kingdom. Trade was Tupa's form of income, and wealth. With trade being disrupted by wars, there was no way for the economy to continue to prosper. As a result of this the empire fell.

Gold nuggets were the exclusive property of the Jadon, and were illegal to trade within his borders. All gold was immediately handed over to the imperial treasury in return for an equal value of gold dust. Gold dust had been weighed and bagged for use at least since the time of the Peteia Empire. Tupa borrowed the practice to stem inflation of the substance, since it was so prominent in the region. The most common measure for gold within the realm was the ambiguous mithqal (4.5 grams of gold). This term was used interchangeably with dinar, though it is unclear if coined currency was used in the empire. Gold dust was used all over the empire, but was not valued equally in all regions.

The Tupa Empire or Tawantinsuyu in its native language employed central planning. The Tupa Empire traded with outside regions, although they did not operate a substantial internal market economy. While axe-monies were used along the northern coast, presumably by the provincial mindaláe trading class, most households in the empire lived in a traditional economy in which households were required to pay taxes, usually in the form of the mit'a corvée labor, and military obligations, though barter (or trueque) was present in some areas. In return, the state provided security, food in times of hardship through the supply of emergency resources, agricultural projects (e.g. aqueducts and terraces) to increase productivity, and occasional feasts hosted by Tupa officials for their subjects. While mit'a was used by the state to obtain labor, individual villages had a pre-inca system of communal work, known as mink'a. This system survives to the modern day, known as mink'a or faena. The economy at first rested on the material foundations of the vertical archipelago, a system of ecological complementarity in accessing resources and the cultural foundation of ayni, or reciprocal exchange. Later on, gold and salt was used as currency throughout Tawantinsuyu.

The remains of the Tupa Empire's capital can be found in modern-day Maranon along the Andes Mountains.

Copper was also a valued commodity in imperial Tupa. According to the records of Omo Ibiyemi, copper which traded in bars was mined from Takedda in the north and traded in the south for gold. Contemporary sources claim 60 copper bars traded for 10 kilograms of gold.

The number and frequency of conquests in the late 13th century and throughout the 15th century indicate the Kolonkan Jadons inherited and or developed a capable military. Rimer is credited with at least the initial organization of the Mawe military. However, it went through radical changes before reaching the legendary proportions proclaimed by its subjects. As a result of steady tax revenue and stable government beginning in the last quarter of the 13th century, the Tupa Empire was able to project its power throughout its own extensive domain and beyond. It had a well-organized army with an elite corps of llama cavalry and many foot soldiers in each battalion. An army was required to guard the borders to protect its flourishing trade. The prosperous Tupa Empire also had access to various animals not native to Abya Yala like zebras and bisons; as evidenced by uncovered terracotta figures.

The Tupa Empire maintained a semi-professional, full-time army in order to defend its borders. The entire nation was mobilized, with each clan obligated to provide a quota of fighting-age men. These men had to be of the freemen caste and appear with their own arms. Historians who lived during the height and decline of the Tupa Empire consistently record its army at 90,000, with 9,000 of that number being made up of cavalry. With the help of the river clans, this army could be deployed throughout the realm on short notice. Numerous sources attest that the inland waterways of West Abya Yala saw extensive use of war canoes and vessels used for war transport where permitted by the environment. Most West Abya Yalan canoes were of single-log construction, carved and dug out from one massive tree trunk.

The army of the Tupa Empire during the 14th century was divided into northern and southern commands led by captains armed with crossbows. Both of these men were part of Tupa's warrior elite known as the sixteen slave carriers of bolts. Each representative or bolt-master provided counsel to the Jadon at the Great Assembly, but only these two quiver-masters held such wide-ranging power.

The army of the Tupa Empire used a wide variety of weapons depending largely on where the troops originated. Only the capital was equipped by the state, using crossbows and arquebuses. Free warriors from the north (Kavaju or otherwise) were usually equipped with steel shields and a poleaxe. Free warriors from the south came armed with longbows and poisonous arrows. The bow figured prominently in Ticuna warfare and was a symbol of military force throughout the culture. Bowmen formed a large portion of the field army as well as the garrison. Three bowmen supporting one spearman was the ratio in Mburuvi and the Caribe by the mid-16th century. Equipped with two quivers and a knife fastened to the back of their arm, Ticuna bowmen used barbed, iron-tipped arrows that were usually poisoned. They also used flaming arrows for siege warfare. While spears and bows were the mainstay of the infantry, swords and lances of local or foreign manufacture were the choice weapons of the cavalry. Omo Ibiyemi comments on festival demonstrations of swordplay before the Jadon by his retainers including the royal interpreter. Another common weapon of Kavaju warriors was the poison javelin used in skirmishes. Imperial Tupa's llama cavalry also used plate armor for defense and shields similar to those of the infantry. The infantry generally wore chainmail.

Imperial Tupan architecture was characterized by Agbao-Catingian architecture with a Tupan substyle, which is exemplified by the Great Tempili of Tava. This style is characterized by the use of mudbricks and an adobe plaster, with large wooden-log support beams that jut out from the wall face for large buildings such as ulonsos or palaces.

There were 21 known Jadons of the Tupa Empire after Mari Denilson I, and probably about 2 or 3 more yet to be revealed. The names of these rulers come down through history via the recorders and modern descendants of the Iver dynasty residing in Memby. What separates these rulers from the founder, other than the latter's historic role in establishing the state, is their transformation of the Jukahara Maywa into a Jukahara Empire. Not content to rule fellow Mawe subjects unified by the victory of Mari Denilson I, these Jadons would conquer and annex Tucano, Xavante, and countless other peoples into an immense empire.

The first 3 successors to Mari Denilson/Limber Iver all claimed it by blood right or something similar. This twenty-five year period saw large gains for the Jadon and the beginning of fierce internal rivalries that nearly ended the burgeoning empire.

After the chaos of Ouati Iver and Khalifa Iver's reigns, a number of court officials with close ties to Limber Iver ruled. They began the empire's return to stability, setting it up for a golden age of rulers.

The Great Assembly selected Ko Mamadi Iver as the next Jadon in 1400. He was the first of a new line of rulers directly descending from Limber Iver's sister, Kolonkan Iver. But, seeing as how these rulers all shared the blood of Aldrin Kon Dael, they are considered legitimate Ivers. Even Bismar, with his history of being a slave in the Iver family, was considered a Iver; so the line of Bilal had yet to be broken.

It is during the Kolonkan Iver lineage that the defining characteristics of golden age Tupa begin to appear. By maintaining the developments of Bismar and Jhojan Iver I, the Kolongan Iver Jadons steered Tupa safely into its apex.

The last Kolonkan ruler, Bata Mawe Bory Iver, was crowned Jadon Jhojan Iver II in 1310. He continued the non-militant style of rule that characterized Jasiel and Daylin Omo Jasiel Iver, but was interested in the empire's western sea. According to an account given by Jadon Kori Iver I, who during the reign of Jhojan Iver II served as Jadon's advisor, Tupa sent two expeditions into the Cemana Ocean. Jadon Jhojan Iver II left Kori Iver as regent of the empire, demonstrating the stability of this period in Tupa, and departed with the second expedition, commanding some 1,500 ships equipped with both oars and sails in 1411. Most of the fleet was found shipwrecked in eastern Uluru.

"Um Squawra." Somare asked a question for once. "What would have happened if Jhojan Iver II didn't die at sea? Could they have gone on to conquer Uluru or Enga or Aotearoa or even discover the New World?"

"Alternate History isn't my forte, but the ships the Tupas had access to weren't great for long-range ocean missions. I could definitely see the Tupas establishing good tradelinks and diplomatic contacts in the Cemana Ocean, but I doubt they could have made it to Pakalia or even conquer an island besides maybe Tarkine and even that would be a stretch. Although a successful voyage could lead to West Abya Yalan piracy. It is honestly a shame they didn't land in Cape Dinoot instead. That island chain was actually uninhabited until the 16th Century. Oh well, we are getting off topic. It is time to learn about Faga Iver."

"Jhojan Iver II's 1412 abdication, the only recorded one in the empire's history, marked the beginning of a new lineage descended from Faga Laye Iver. Faga Laye Iver was the daughter of Jhojan Iver I. Unlike her father, Faga Laye Iver never took the throne of Tupa. However, her line would produce seven Jadons who reigned during the height of Tupa's power and toward the beginning of its decline.

The first ruler from the Laye lineage was Kankan Kori Iver, also known as Jadon Kori. After an entire year without a word from Jhojan Iver II, he was crowned Jadon Kori Iver. Jadon Kori Iver was one of the first truly devout Sumiolams to lead the Tupa Empire. He attempted to make Sumiolam the faith of the nobility, but kept to the imperial tradition of not forcing it on the populace. He also made religious celebrations at the end of Aku a national ceremony. He could read and write Igbo and took an interest in the scholarly city of Kaguy, which he peaceably annexed in 1424. Via one of the royal ladies of his court, Kori transformed Sankore from an informal school into a Sumiolamic university. Sumiolamic studies flourished thereafter.

Tupa Empire after the reign of Jadon Kori. At its peak, the Tupa Empire was the premier power operating in Abya Yala.

Where the empire of Tupa reigned covered the modern day areas of Tupa, Mauritania, Fadland, Caribe and Lecha, along with small regions of the Inda, Maranon, and Andia. For the most part Tupa is covered, with the rest just having areas of the ancient empire cross into their borders. After a series of unsuccessful successions and exchanges of power and changes of ruler, the Empire of Tupa was weakened greatly. As a result of these issues a civil war erupted upon the Kingdom which further incapacitated old Tupa. Because of the war going on, trade was disrupted. Trade was a huge reason that the empire was thriving economically, and so its disruption led to a direct collapse of the empire entirely.

From 1389 onwards Tupa gained a host of Jadons of obscure origins. This is the least known period in Tupa's imperial history. What is evident is that there is no steady lineage governing the empire. The other characteristic of this era is the gradual loss of its northern and eastern possessions to the rising Jokuaihara Empire and the movement of the Tupa's economic focus from the trans-Selvas trade routes to the burgeoning commerce along the coast.

Jadon Lilii III's reign ended around 1659. There seems to have been either a vacancy or unknown ruler between 1659 and the start of the last Jadon's reign. A vacancy or rule by a court official seems the most likely, since the next ruler takes the name of Lilii IV. By 1660, the once powerful empire was not much more than the core of the Jukahara Maywa. The next notable Jadon, Lilii IV, doesn't appear in any records until the end of the 16th century. However, she seems to have the distinction of being the last ruler of a unified Jukahara. Her descendants are blamed for the breakup of the Jukahara Maywa into north, central and southern realms.

Jadon's defeat actually won Limber Iver the respect of Moramora, and may have saved it from Jokuaihara's fate. It would be the Ticuna themselves that would cause the final destruction of the empire. Around 1710, Lilii Iver IV died. Oral tradition states that she had three daughters who fought over Jukahara's remains. No single Iver ever ruled Jukahara after Lilii Iver IV's death, resulting in the end of the Tupa Empire.

The old core of the empire was divided into three spheres of influence. Memby, the de facto capital of Jukahara since the time of the last emperor, became the capital of the northern sphere. The Typoi area controlled the central region, which encompassed Viru. Eboni, southwest of Typoi, became the southern sphere, with its capital in modern Lecha. Each ruler used the title of Jadon, but their authority only extended as far as their own sphere of influence. Despite this disunity in the realm, the realm remained under Ticuna control into the mid-17th century. The three states warred with each other as much, if not more, than they did against outsiders, but rivalries generally stopped when faced with invasion. This trend would continue into colonial times against pagan enemies from the north.

Then, in 1730, the Kaapor of Tava declared their version of holy war on all Sumiolam powers in present-day Tupa. They targeted Moramora priests still in Kaguy and the Jadons of Jukahara. In 1645, the Kaapor attacked Jukahara, seizing both banks of the Andia right up to Viru. This campaign gutted Jukahara and destroyed any hope of the three Jadons cooperating to free their land. The only Ticuna power spared from the campaign was Memby.

Elinar Aldrin, Jadon of Memby, campaigned against the Kaapor in 1667 and laid siege to Yrembey–Koro for a reported three years. Yrembey successfully defended itself and Elinar Aldrin was forced to withdraw. Either as a counter-attack or simply the progression of pre-planned assaults against the remnants of Tupa, the Kaapor sacked and burned Viru in 1770. Their forces marched as far north as Memby, where the Jadon was obliged to make a peace with them, promising not to attack downstream of Tupa. The Kaapor, likewise, vowed not to advance farther upstream. Following this disastrous set of events, Jadon Elinar Aldrin abandoned the capital of Viru.

"Wow, I was impressed that the Tupa Empire expanded so fast after the Zulus left Abya Yala." Tupino commented.

"The aftermath of Zulu destruction probably made it easy. I wonder how the Tupas were affected by the Huac Slave Trade." Gwegan wondered.

"Fortunately for the Tupa Empire, they were mostly on the wrong side of the continent, but we will cover that event next unit." Mrs. Squawra stated. She would have continued, but class was already over.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 32 - Zulu Empire
By checking out the index, Tisquantum found out that chapter 32 was going to be about the Zulu Empire. Tisquantum prepared by finding journal entries online about the great conqueror. After some binging, Tisquantum eventually found one supposedly written by Shaka Alinke's son after the Amineet empaya fell.

"The tower of Mebiri was so high that my cap fell off of my head in my attempt to gaze at its top. I bent down and retrieved it and then I realized that is the first time in my entire life that I ever kneeled or bowed down towards a person or object. It definitely was good to be the world's best warlord.

Unfortunately, the tower of Mebiri was one of the few objects left unscathed from the devastation brought by my vast Zulu army. And that honestly has more to do with his very sturdy architecture instead of my mercy. The rest of the city was utterly destroyed. All of the houses and libraries and warehouses were ransacked. Any other building was burned to the ground. There were so many corpses that the nearby river was red with blood and also black with ink. There were so many corpses on the ground that in addition to the audio and visual carnage, there was an utterly foul odor in the area. I could still hear the screams of families either being slaughtered or raped. And to think all of this could be avoided if the empress of the Amineets just surrendered instead of killing my envoys. Oh well, at least Mebiri will serve as an example to anyone else who refuses to surrender to the Zulus. I do not care how great you and your nation are. I have already brought down mighty empires like Dinkara and the Amineets. If you disrespect me, you, your family, your city, your subjects, and everyone you called friends will suffer the deadly consequences. Maybe we should build another pyramid of skulls here as a grim reminder? or maybe we could just leave a sole survivor to pass on the tale of what happened here? On second thought, I should only do that for small cities; that is a waste of time for capitals.

As I walked into the now ruined palace, I saw the surrendered Amineet family who could do nothing but weep about what happened here.

"It didn't have to end like this." Was all I had left to say to them at this point.

For the middle-aged and tattered queen and her husband; we Zulu warriors have a rule. No royal blood could be spilled on the ground. The last people of royalty I conquered, I just wrapped them up and had a great feast on top of them as they suffocated. This time, I will decide to roll them up in a big blanket and have all of my rhinos trample over their bodies.

As for their nubile and oil-skinned son and daughter, their girl shall be an excellent addition to my very large harem. The boy shall simply be the personal slave to my second-in-command general.

But there is no need to rush things. The night is still young."

"Holy shit, Shaka Alinke and the Zulus were straight up hardcore!" Tisquantum said out loud. "I have watched movie villains less cartoonishly evil than that man. I must read more."

Tisquantum opened up his textbook and started to read ahead for once.

"What is referred to in Cuban as the Zulu Empire was called the Great Zulu State. In the 1240s, one of Shaka's descendants, Imale Alinke, wrote a letter to Azhe Innocent IV which used the preamble oceanic Inkosi of the great Zulu state.

The area around Zululand, Ukotini, and parts of central Kemetia had been controlled by the Bemba dynasty since the 10th century. In 1125, the Gullah dynasty founded by the Bembas overthrew the Macua dynasty and attempted to gain control over former Macua territory in Zululand. In the 1130s the Gullah dynasty rulers, known as the Golden Kings, successfully resisted the Central Zulu confederation, ruled at the time by Khabul Alinke, great-grandfather of Shaka Alinke.

The Zulu plateau was occupied mainly by 3 powerful tribal confederations (alinkelig):, Central Zulu, Ayisishiyagalombili, and Tswana. The Gullah emperors, following a policy of divide and rule, encouraged disputes among the tribes, especially between the Tswanas and the Zulus, in order to keep the nomadic tribes distracted by their own battles and thereby away from the Gullah. A successor was Mr. Alinke, who was betrayed by the Tswanas, handed over to Macuas, and was executed. The Zulus retaliated by raiding the frontier, resulting in a failed Macua counter-attack in 1143.

Known during his childhood as Abebi, Shaka Alinke was a son of a Zulu chieftain. As a young man he rose very rapidly by working with the lead Alinkes of the Cape. Abebi went to war with Aremu Alinke. After Abebi retaliated, Aremu Alinke gave himself the name Shaka Alinke. He then enlarged his Zulu state under himself and his kin. The term Zulu came to be used to refer to all southern Bantu-speaking tribes under the control of Shaka Alinke. His most powerful allies were his father's friend, Niger-Congo chieftain Aremu Alinke, and blood brother. With their help, Abebi destroyed the rival tribes, rescued his wife, and went on to defeat the Ayisishiyagalombilis and the Tswanas.

Abebi attacked his enemies without permission, and he implemented a policy of sharing spoils with his warriors and their families instead of giving it all to the aristocrats. These policies brought him into conflict with his uncles, who were also legitimate heirs to the throne; they regarded Abebi not as king but as an insolent usurper. This dissatisfaction spread to his generals and other associates, and some Zulus who had previously been allies broke their allegiance. War ensued, and Abebi and the Zulus still loyal to him prevailed, defeating the remaining rival tribes between 1203 and 1205 and bringing them under his sway. In 1206 AB, Abebi was crowned Inkosi (Emperor) of the Great Zulu State at a general assembly/council. It was there that he assumed the title of Shaka Alinke (universal leader) instead of one of the old tribal titles. Marking the start of the Zulu Empire.

Shaka Alinke introduced many innovative ways of organizing his army: for example dividing it into decimal subsections of 10 soldiers, 100 soldiers, 1000 soldiers, and 10,000 soldiers. The imperial guard was founded and divided into day and night guards. Shaka rewarded those who had been loyal to him and placed them in high positions, as heads of army units and households, even though many of them came from very low-ranking clans.

Compared to the units he gave to his loyal companions, those assigned to his own family members were relatively few. He proclaimed a new code of law of the empire; later he expanded it to cover much of the everyday life and political affairs of the nomads. He forbade the selling of women, theft, fighting among the Zulus, and the hunting of animals during the breeding season.

Shaka quickly came into conflict with the Gullah dynasty of the Bembas and other Central Kemetians. He also had to deal with other powers like the Xhosa.Then, he moved towards the north, gaining claim to parts of Western Kemetia, North Abya Yala, and whole countries in Turtleland, such as Azuma, Mesoland, and other countries.

Before his death, Shaka Alinke divided his empire among his sons and immediate family, making the Zulu Empire the joint property of the entire imperial family who, along with the Zulu aristocracy, constituted the ruling class.

Prior to the three northern alinkeates' adoption of Sumiolam, Shaka Alinke and a number of his Mau successors placed restrictions on religious practices they saw as alien. Sumiolams, including clerics, and Impuestos, were collectively referred to as monotheists. Sumiolams and Impuestos were forbidden from religious butchering. Referring to the conquered subjects as 'our slaves,' Shaka Alinke demanded they no longer be able to refuse food or drink, and imposed restrictions on slaughter. Sumiolams had to slaughter wildebeests in secret.

Shaka Alinke died on 18 August 1227, by which time the Zulu Empire ruled from the Huac Ocean to the Cemana Ocean, an empire much larger than the size of the Nahuan Empire or the Sumiolam Ezeukwus at their height. Shaka named his third son, the charismatic Awero, as his heir. According to Zulu tradition, Shaka Alinke was buried in a secret location. The regency was originally held by Awero's younger brother Ajin-un until Awero's formal election at the Umhlangano in 1229.

A portrait of Shaka Alinke made a decade after his death. The Zulus weren't the first warriors to use zebras and rhinos in battle, but they certainly codified Kemetian mounted combat.

Among his first actions Awero sent troops to subjugate the Osimiris and Swahilis. In the west, Awero's armies established Zulu authority in Abya Yala, crushing the Goytacaze. In 1230, the great Alinke personally led his army in the campaign against the Gullah dynasty of Berberia. Awero's general Alake captured Amazigh in the siege of Amazigh in 1232. The Gullah dynasty collapsed in 1234 when the Zulus captured the town to which emperor Arike Akano had fled. In 1234, three armies commanded by Awero's sons Agbeke and Amoo and some generals invaded Yorubstine. With the assistance of the Swahilis, The Zulus finished off the Gullah in 1234 AB.

Meanwhile, in an offensive action against Swahilia, Zulu armies captured Eshiya, a city in Manhanaa, but did not secure their control over the conquered areas. The Swahili generals were able to recapture Eshiya from the Zulus in 1239. After the sudden death of Awero's son Agbeke in Kamehamehan territory the Zulus withdrew from Swahili territory, although Agbeke's brother Prince Amoo invaded the horn of Kemetia immediately after their withdrawal.

Akanni Alinke, another grandson of Shaka Alinke, overran the territories of the Iztatans, Misquitans, Yucatans, and other nations in southern Turtleland. By 1237 the Zulus were encroaching upon Mexium. After a three-day siege involving fierce fighting, the Zulus captured the city and massacred its inhabitants. They then proceeded to destroy the army of the Grand Principality of Atau.

The advance into Turtleland continued with Zulu invasions of Mandor and Mesoland. When the western flank of the Zulus plundered Mandorian cities, a Turtlelander alliance among the Mandorians, the Azumans, and the Battutan military orders assembled sufficient forces to halt, although briefly, the Zulu's further advance. The Mesolandian army, their Nahuanian allies and the Ithempeli Knights were beaten by the Zulus at the edge of the Hamakhaave desert on 11 April 1241. Before Akanni's forces could continue on to Mymba and Azuma, news of Awero's death in December 1241 brought a halt to the invasion. As was customary in Zulu military tradition, all princes of Shaka's line had to attend the umhlangano to elect a successor. Akanni and his western Zulu army withdrew from Southern Turtleland the next year.

Following the Great Alinke Awero's death in 1241, and before the next umhlangano, Awero's widow Adio took over the empire. She persecuted her husband's Xman and Sumiolam officials and gave high positions to her own allies. She built palaces, cathedrals, and social structures on an imperial scale, supporting religion and education. She was able to win over most Zulu aristocrats to support Awero's son Alao. But Akanni, ruler of the Golden Kings, refused to come to the umhlangano, claiming that he was ill and that the Zulu climate was too harsh for him. The resulting stalemate lasted more than four years and further destabilized the unity of the empire.

When Shaka Alinke's youngest brother threatened to seize the throne, Alao came to Inhlokodolobha to try to secure his position. Akanni eventually agreed to send his brothers and generals to the umhlangano convened by Adio in 1246. Alao by this time was ill and addicted to marijuana, but his campaigns in Ukotini and Turtleland gave him the kind of stature necessary for a great alinke. He was duly elected at a ceremony attended by Zulus and foreign dignitaries from both within and without the empire — leaders of vassal nations, representatives from Nahua, and other entities who came to the umhlangano to show their respects and conduct diplomacy.

In 1248, Alao raised more troops and suddenly marched westward from the Zulu capital of Inhlokodolobha. The reasoning was unclear. Some sources wrote that he sought to recuperate at his personal estate. Others suggested that he might have been moving to join other Alinkes to conduct a full-scale conquest of the Kemetia, or possibly to make a surprise attack on his rival cousin Akanni Alinke in Turtleland.

Suspicious of Alao's motives, Serah, the widow of Shaka's son Ajin-un, secretly warned her nephew Akanni of Alao's approach. Akanni had himself been traveling eastward at the time, possibly to pay homage, or perhaps with other plans in mind. Before the forces of Akanni and Alao met, Alao, sick and worn out by travel, died en route in Maribo, possibly a victim of poison.

When Amope's mother Serah and their cousin Ajani organized a second umhlangano on 1 July 1251, the assembled throng proclaimed Amope great alinke of the Zulu Empire. This marked a major shift in the leadership of the empire, transferring power from the descendants of Shaka's son Awero to the descendants of Shaka's son Ajin-un. The decision was acknowledged by a few of the Awerod and Isilivad princes, such as Amope's cousin Kadan and the deposed alinkes, but one of the other legitimate heirs, Awero's grandson Asabi, sought to topple Amope.

Asabi moved with his own forces toward the emperor's nomadic palace with a plan for an armed attack, but Amope was alerted by his falconer of the plan. Amope ordered an investigation of the plot, which led to a series of major trials all across the empire. Many members of the Zulu elite were found guilty and put to death, with estimates ranging from 177–400, though princes of Shaka's royal line were often exiled rather than executed.

Amope was a serious man who followed the laws of his ancestors and avoided smoking anything. He was tolerant of outside religions and artistic styles, leading to the building of foreign merchants' quarters, Durialist monasteries, Sumiolamic ulonsos, and Battutan churches in the Zulu capital. As construction projects continued, Inhlokodolobha was adorned with Kamehamehan, Turtlelander, and Dinkaran architecture. One famous example was a large silver tree with cleverly designed pipes that dispensed various drinks. The tree, topped by a triumphant angel, was crafted by a Seminolan goldsmith.

Although he had a strong Kamehamehan contingent, Amope relied heavily on Sumiolam and Zulu administrators and launched a series of economic reforms to make government expenses more predictable. His court limited government spending and prohibited nobles and troops from abusing civilians or issuing edicts without authorization. He commuted the contribution system to a fixed poll tax which was collected by imperial agents and forwarded to units in need. His court also tried to lighten the tax burden on commoners by reducing tax rates. He also centralized control of monetary affairs and reinforced the guards at the postal relays. Amope ordered an empire-wide census in 1252 that took several years to complete and was not finished until Yjoko in the far northwest was counted in 1259.

After stabilizing the empire's finances, Amope once again sought to expand its borders. At umhlanganos in Inhlokodolobha in 1253 and 1258 he approved new invasions of Abya Yala and south Turtleland. Amope put Oriki in overall charge of military and civil affairs in Dinkara, and appointed Isilivads and Omotolads to join Oriki's army.

The Sumiolams denounced the menace of the Kashimawois, a well-known sect of Otus. The Zulu Ayisishiyagalombili commander Ajoke began to assault several Kashimawoi fortresses in 1253, before Oriki advanced in 1256. Kashimawoi Grandmaster Leilani Dami-Din surrendered in 1257 and was executed. All of the Kashimawoi strongholds in Berberia were destroyed by Oriki's army in 1258.

Meanwhile, in the northwestern portion of the empire, Akanni's successor and younger brother Ajani sent punitive expeditions to Misquita, Kingoo, Mexium and Mandor. Dissension began brewing between the northwestern and southwestern sections of the Zulu Empire as Akanni suspected that Oriki's invasion of Abya Yala would result in the elimination of Akanni's own dominance there.

In the Kemetian part of the empire, Amope Alinke himself led his army but did not complete the conquest of Dinkara. Military operations were generally successful, but prolonged, so the forces did not withdraw to the north as was customary when the weather turned hot. Disease ravaged the Zulu forces with bloody epidemics, and Amope died there on 11 August 1259. This event began a new chapter in the history of the Zulus, as again a decision needed to be made on a new great Alinke. Zulu armies across the empire withdrew from their campaigns to convene a new umhlangano.

Amope's brother Oriki broke off his successful military advance into Sizniii, withdrawing the bulk of his forces to Mughan and leaving only a small contingent under his general Ajoke. The opposing forces of the Zulus like the Battutan Shidoolnars and Sumiolam Bolavives turtled up and prepared for war against the Zulus. The Zulus skipped past the Shidoolnar state for more valuable conquests but a Zulu successor state conquered them in 1291 AB. The Zulus took over the Shidoolnar ruled Haah Empire much earlier, back in 1245 AB.

In 1260, the Bolavives advanced from Siznii, being allowed to camp and resupply near Iztata, and engaged Ajoke's forces just north of Ntoala at the Battle of Ndagwurugwu. The Zulus were defeated, and Ajoke executed. This pivotal battle marked the northern limit for Zulu expansion in Abya Yala, and the Zulus were never again able to make serious military advances into Siznii.

Battles ensued between the armies of Oluwa and those of his brother Faderera, which included forces still loyal to Amope's previous administration. Oluwa's army easily eliminated Faderera's supporters and seized control of the civil administration in southern Zululand. Further challenges took place from their cousins, the Isilivads. Oluwa sent Samray, a Isilivad prince loyal to him, to take charge of Isiliva's realm. But Faderera captured and then executed Samray, having his own man crowned there instead. Oluwa's new administration blockaded Faderera in Zululand to cut off food supplies, causing a famine. Inhlokodolobha fell quickly to Oluwa, but Faderera rallied and re-took the capital in 1261.

In southwestern Kuvaliwe, Oriki was loyal to his brother Oluwa, but clashes with their cousin Ajani, the ruler of the Golden Kings, began in 1262. The suspicious deaths of Omotolad princes in Oriki's service, unequal distribution of war booty, and Oriki's massacres of Sumiolams increased the anger of Ajani, who considered supporting a rebellion of the Betsiman Kingdom against Oriki's rule in 1259–1260. Ajani also forged an alliance with the Sizniiian Bolavives against Oriki and supported Oluwa's rival claimant, Faderera.

In the south, after the fall of Idolobha in 1273, the Zulus sought the final conquest of Dinkara. In 1271, Oluwa renamed the new Zulu regime in Dinkara as the Kuhle dynasty and sought to syncretize his image as Emperor of Dinkara to win the control of the Dinkaran people. Oluwa moved his headquarters to the city of Ibo. His establishment of a capital there was a controversial move to many Zulus who accused him of being too closely tied to Dinkaran culture.

The Zulus were eventually successful in their campaigns against Dinkara, and the Dinkaran imperial family surrendered to the Kuhle in 1276, bringing Dinkara under non-Sumiolam control for the first time in six centuries. Oluwa used his base to build a powerful empire, creating an academy, offices, trade ports and canals, and sponsoring arts and science. Zulu records list 21,266 public schools created during his reign.

The Zulu Empire in the year it peaked, plus a few other civilizations in the same time period.

Major changes occurred in the Zulu Empire in the late 1200s. Oluwa Alinke, after having conquered all of Dinkara and established the Kuhle dynasty, Oluwa died in 1294. He was succeeded by his grandson Folawiyo Alinke, who continued Oluwa's policies. At the same time the Ajin-und Civil War, along with the Ajani–Oriki war and the subsequent Akano–Oluwa war, greatly weakened the authority of the great alinke over the entirety of the Zulu Empire and the empire fractured into autonomous alinkeates, the Kuhle dynasty and the three western alinkeates: the Golden Kings, the Isiliva Alinkeate and the Kuvaliwe. Only the Kuvaliwe remained loyal to the Kuhle court but endured its own power struggle, in part because of a dispute with the growing Sumiolamic factions within the southwestern part of the empire.

After the death of Akano, the new ruler Duwa initiated a peace proposal and persuaded the Awerods to submit to Folawiyo Alinke. In 1304, all of the alinkeates approved a peace treaty and accepted Kuhle emperor Folawiyo's supremacy. This established the nominal supremacy of the Kuhle dynasty over the western alinkeates, which was to last for several decades. This supremacy was based on weaker foundations than that of the earlier Inkosis and each of the four alinkeates continued to develop separately and function as independent states.

In spite of his conflicts with Akano and Duwa, Kuhle emperor Folawiyo established a tributary relationship with the war-like tribes after his series of military operations against Jaguar from 1297 to 1303. This was to mark the end of the southern expansion of the Zulus.

When Oyeleye took the throne of the Kuvaliwe in 1295, he formally accepted Sumiolam as his own religion, marking a turning point in Zulu history after which Zulu Dinkara became more and more Sumiolamic. Despite this, Oyeleye continued to strengthen ties with Folawiyo Alinke and the Kuhle dynasty in the east. It was politically useful to advertise the great alinke's authority in the Kuvaliwe, because the Golden Kings in Turteland had long made claims on nearby Azuma. Within four years, Oyeleye began sending tribute to the Kuhle court and appealing to other alinkes to accept Folawiyo Alinke as their overlord. He oversaw an extensive program of cultural and scientific interaction between the Kuvaliwe and the Kuhle dynasty in the following decades.

With the death of Ilalinke Durosinmi in 1335, Zulu rule faltered and Dinkara fell into political anarchy. A year later his successor was killed by a governor, and the Kuvaliwe was divided between Dinkaran warlords. Taking advantage of the chaos, the Betsimans pushed the Zulus out of their territory, and Xhosas established an independent state in Osimirii. Following the downfall of their Zulu masters, the loyal vassal, Afo, received escaNawatg threats from Merina and was eventually overrun.

Along with the dissolution of the Kuvaliwe in Dinkara, Zulu rulers in Dinkara and the Isiliva Alinkeate were also in turmoil. The plague known as the Black Death, which started in the Zulu dominions and spread to Turtleland, added to the confusion. Disease devastated all the alinkeates, cutting off commercial ties and killing millions. Plague may have taken 150 million lives in Turtleland alone in the 14th century.

The number of troops mustered by the Zulus is the subject of some scholarly debate, but was at least 205,000 in 1206. The Zulu military organization was simple but effective, based on the decimal system. The army was built up from squads of twelve men each.

The Zulus were most famous for their zebra archers, but rhino cavalry troops armed with lances were equally skilled, and the Zulus recruited other military talents from the lands they conquered. With experienced Dinkaran engineers and a bombardier corps which was expert at building trebuchets, catapults and other machines, the Zulus could lay siege to fortified positions, sometimes building machinery on the spot using available local resources.

The Zulu Empire was governed by a code of law devised by Shaka, called Ukuhleleka, meaning 'order' or 'decree'. A particular canon of this code was that those of rank shared much the same hardship as the common man. It also imposed severe penalties, e.g., the death penalty if one mounted soldier following another did not pick up something dropped from the mount in front. Penalties were also decreed for rape and to some extent for murder. Any resistance to Zulu rule was met with massive collective punishment. Cities were destroyed and their inhabitants slaughtered if they defied Zulu orders. Under Ukuhleleka, chiefs and generals were selected based on merit. The empire was governed by a non-democratic, parliamentary-style central assembly, called umhlangano, in which the Zulu chiefs met with the great alinke to discuss domestic and foreign policies. Kurultais were also convened for the selection of each new great alinke.

Shaka Alinke also created a national seal, encouraged the use of a written alphabet in Zululand, and exempted teachers, lawyers, and artists from taxes.

At the time of Shaka Alinke, virtually every religion had found Zulu converts, from Durialism to Battutanity, from Xmaism to Sumiolam. To avoid strife, Shaka Alinke set up an institution that ensured complete religious freedom, though he himself was a shamanist. Under his administration, all religious leaders were exempt from taxation and from public service.

Initially there were few formal places of worship because of the nomadic lifestyle. However, under Awero (1186–1241), several building projects were undertaken in the Zulu capital. Along with palaces, Awero built houses of worship for the Durial, Sumiolam, Battutan, and Xma followers. The dominant religions at that time were Sumiolam, Xmaism, and Durialism, although Awero's wife was an eastern Battutan.

The oldest surviving literary work in the Zulu language is The Secret History of the Zulus, which was written for the royal family some time after Shaka Alinke's death in 1227. It is the most significant native account of Shaka's life and genealogy, covering his origins and childhood through to the establishment of the Zulu Empire and the reign of his son, Awero.

Another classic from the empire is the 'Universal History'. It was commissioned in the early 14th century by the Ilalinke Abaqa Alinke as a way of documenting the entire world's history, to help establish the Zulus' own cultural legacy.

The Zulu Empire had an ingenious and efficient mail system for the time, often referred to by scholars as the Tuber. It had lavishly furnished and well-guarded relay posts set up throughout the Empire. A messenger would typically travel 50 km from one station to the next, either receiving a fresh, rested zebra, or relaying the mail to the next rider to ensure the speediest possible delivery. The Zulu riders regularly covered 250 km per day, better than the fastest record set by the Zeedonk Express some 600 years later. The relay stations had attached households to service them. Anyone with a passport was allowed to stop there for re-mounts and specified rations, while those carrying military identities used the Tuber even without a passport. Many merchants, messengers, and travelers from Dinkara, the Kemetia, and Turtleland used the system. When the great alinke died in Inhlokodolobha, news reached the Zulu forces under Akanni Alinke in Central Turtleland within 4–6 weeks thanks to the Tuber.

Shaka and his successor Awero built a wide system of roads, one of which carved through the Pagan Mountains. After his enthronement, Awero further expanded the road system, ordering the Isiliva Alinkeate and Golden Kings to link up roads in western parts of the Zulu Empire.

A huge aspect of Zulu culture is beadwork. Beadwork is a form of communication for the Zulu people. Typically when one is wearing multiple beads, it is a sign of wealth. The more beads one is wearing, the wealthier they are perceived. The beads have the potential to convey information about a person's age, gender and marital status. The design of the beads often conveys a particular message. However, one must know the context of their use in order to read the message correctly. Depending on the area in which the beadwork was made, some designs can depict different messages compared to other areas. A message could be embedded into the colors and structure of the beads or could be strictly for decorative purposes. Beadwork can be worn in everyday use, but is often worn during important occasions such as weddings, or ceremonies. For example, beadwork is featured during the coming of age for a young girl or worn during dances. The beaded elements complement the costumes worn by the Zulu people to bring out a sense of finery or prestige.

The Zulus had a history of supporting merchants and trade. Shaka Alinke had encouraged foreign merchants early in his career, even before uniting the Zulus. Merchants provided information about neighboring cultures, served as diplomats and official traders for the Zulus, and were essential for many goods, since the Zulus produced little of their own.

The Zulu government and elites provided capital for merchants and sent them far afield, in a merchant partner arrangement. In Zulu times, the contractual features of a Zulu-merchant partnership closely resembled that of local arrangements, however, Zulu investors were not constrained using uncoined precious metals and tradable goods for partnership investments and primarily financed money-lending and trade activities. Moreover, Zulu elites formed trade partnerships with merchants from Doolan cities, including Awki Puma's family. As the empire grew, any merchants or ambassadors with proper documentation and authorization received protection and sanctuary as they traveled through Zulu realms. Well-traveled and relatively well-maintained roads linked lands from the Naspas basin to Dinkara, greatly increasing overland trade and resulting in some dramatic stories of those who traveled through what would become known as the Fur Road.

The Zulu Empire — at its height of the largest contiguous empire in history — had a lasting impact, unifying large regions. Some of these remain unified today. Zulus might have been assimilated into local populations after the fall of the empire, and some of their descendants adopted local religions; like Durialism and Sumiolam under Aji influence.

According to some interpretations, Shaka Alinke's conquests caused wholesale destruction on an unprecedented scale in certain geographic regions, leading to changes in the demographics of Elle. It is estimated that 1.5% of the world's male population is descended from Shaka Alinke.

"Just how the hell could a family in a couple generations conquer all of that land and kill so many people and impregnate so many women?" Tisquantum wondered to himself. "It is like the entire world got hit by an idiot ball in the 13th Century. I honestly think another idiot ball hit us in the 21st Century but oh well. At least there aren't any barbarians going on rape, pillage, and kill sprees anymore; well at least not in Turtleland and Xaman Pakal. Time to go to bed.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 33 - Black Death
While Tisquantum was home after a day of school, he decided to go to the smart TV in the living room and go to the youtube video Mrs. Squawra sent him in his school email. It contained a link to a documentary on TeacherTube he was supposed to watch for homework.

When he got to the website, he saw that the video was titled The Black Plague: The Great Butcher of Turtleland (1994). The film was precisely 1 hour and 27 minutes long according to the media player. Tisquantum gave out a big sigh, took a small break to get some popcorn, and then came back to start the video. He wanted to slog his way through this video as painlessly as possible.

"Turtlelander writers contemporary with the plague described the disease in Nawat as an epidemic. In Cuban prior to the 18th century, the event was called the 'pestilence' or 'great pestilence', 'the plague' or the 'great death'. Subsequent to the pandemic, there was a previous plague on a much smaller scale. The 1347 pandemic plague was not referred to specifically as 'black' in the 14th or 15th centuries in any Turtlelander language, though the expression 'black death' had occasionally been applied to fatal disease beforehand.

The 13th-century Zulu conquests caused a decline in farming and trading. Economic recovery had been observed at the beginning of the fourteenth century. In the 1330s, many natural disasters and plagues led to widespread famine, starting in 1331, with a deadly plague arriving soon after. Other conditions, such as war, famine, and weather, contributed to the severity of the Black Death.

The most authoritative contemporary account is found in a report from the medical faculty in Seminola to Chuki VI of Cheroki. It blamed the heavens, in the form of a conjunction of three planets in 1345 that caused a 'great pestilence in the air' (miasma theory).

Sumiolam religious scholars taught that the plague was a 'martyrdom and mercy' from God, assuring the believer's place in paradise. For non-believers, it was a punishment. Some Sumiolam doctors cautioned against trying to prevent or treat a disease sent by God. Others adopted preventive measures and treatments for the plague used by Turtlelanders. These Sumiolam doctors also depended on the writings of the ancient Iztatans.

Due to climate change in Kemetia, rodents began to flee the dried-out grasslands to more populated areas, spreading the disease. The plague disease, caused by the bacterium Yawrian pestis, is enzootic (commonly present) in populations of fleas carried by ground rodents, including marmots, in various areas, including Central Kemetia, Hausastan, Western Kemetia, North Abya Yala, and the Naspas.

The importance of hygiene was recognised only in the 19th century with the development of the germ theory of disease; until then streets were commonly filthy, with live animals of all sorts around and human parasites abounding, facilitating the spread of transmissible disease.

The spread of disease was significantly more rampant in areas of poverty. Epidemics ravaged cities, particularly children. Plagues were easily spread by lice, unsanitary drinking water, armies, or by poor sanitation.

According to international medical geneticists that analyzed the global sequence variation of the bacterium, all three of the great waves of the plague had their bacterium 'evolved in or near Dinkara'. The analysis also found that 'sylvatic cycles of disease depend on transmission by flea vectors' and 'the likely origin of the plague in Dinkara has nothing to do with its people or crowded cities'.

Sumiolam graves dating to 1338–1339 in Hausastan have inscriptions referring to plague, which has led many epidemiologists to think they mark the outbreak of the epidemic; from which it could easily have spread to Abya Yala and Turtleland.

The disease may have traveled with Zulu armies and traders, or it could have arrived via ship. By the end of 1346, reports of plague had reached the seaports of Turtleland: 'Nilotia was depopulated, Berberia, Siznii, and Afo were covered with dead bodies'.

Xaymacan traders who traveled across the Naspas were almost caught in a siege during one of the Zulu invasions of Berberia. The Tswana troops the Zulus used often flung dead bodies at cities they were besieging. There were also cases where plague squirrels would run across battlefields and spread diseases. These traders fled back to Turtleland and this is where the disease first arrived in Turtleland in summer 1347. The epidemic there killed the 13 year-old son of the Haah emperor, Atau VI, who wrote a description of the disease modeled on an Iztatan account of the 5th century BM Plague of Marta, but noting the spread of the Black Death by ship between maritime cities. Contemporary writings described the rising death toll, the futility of medicine, and the panic of the citizens. The first outbreak in Tontinople lasted a year, but the plague recurred ten times before 1400.

Carried by 12 Agodian galleys, plague arrived by ship in Doola in October 1347; the plague spread rapidly all over the island. Galleys from Kaffa reached Gapy and Nazhjaa in January 1348, but it was the outbreak in Nahua a few weeks later that was the entry point to northern Doola. Towards the end of January, one of the galleys expelled from Doola arrived in Mesoland.

"Tizzy. Whatcha doin?" Tisquantum's mother suddenly appeared.

"Watching a documentary for school, Mom." Tisquantum explained.

"What is it about?" His mother looked quizzical.

"About the Black Death that hit Turtleland and other areas. It killed hundreds of millions of people a very long time ago."

"Oh I studied that plague before. It was very difficult to draw a model of where the plague was coming from because it seemed to break out in multiple areas. Generally though, the mortality rates were much higher in warmer areas than colder ones."

Tisquantum's mother then sat down and watched the documentary with her son.

"The plague struck various regions in the Kemetia and North Abya Yala during the pandemic, leading to serious depopulation and permanent change in both economic and social structures. As infected rodents infected new rodents, the disease spread across the region, entering also from the northern Cree.

By autumn 1347, the plague reached Mmir in Mmiri, transmitted by sea from Tontinople; according to a contemporary witness, from a single merchant ship carrying slaves. By late summer 1348 it reached Rehegua, capital of the Bolavive Alaeze, cultural center of the Sumiolamic world, and the largest city in the Naspas Basin; the Mmanuyya child eze Lyanoluwa Oruko fled and more than a third of the 600,000 residents died. The Nteel was choked with corpses despite Rehegua having a medieval hospital, the late 13th century bimaristan of the Tife complex. The historian Dami-Maqrizi described the abundant work for grave-diggers and practitioners of funeral rites, and the plague recurred in Rehegua more than fifty times over the following century and half.

Symptoms of the disease include fever of 38–41 °C, headaches, painful aching joints, nausea and vomiting, and a general feeling of malaise. Left untreated, of those that contract the bubonic plague, 80% die within 8 days."

"Yikes, that looks disgusting." Tisquantum commented. He lost his appetite. His mother started to eat his popcorn instead.

"There was a distinct form of the disease, pneumonic plague, that infected the lungs and led to respiratory problems. Symptoms include fever, cough, and blood-tinged sputum. As the disease progresses, sputum becomes free-flowing and bright red. Pneumonic plague has a mortality rate of 90-95%.

Septicaemic plague is the least common of the three forms, with a mortality rate near 100%. Symptoms are high fevers and purple skin patches (purpura due to disseminated intravascular coagulation). In cases of pneumonic and particularly septicaemic plague, the progress of the disease is so rapid that there would often be no time for the development of the enlarged lymph nodes that were noted as buboes.

There are no exact figures for the death toll; the rate varied widely by locality. In urban centers, the greater the population before the outbreak, the longer the duration of the period of abnormal mortality. It killed some 175 to 300 million people in Elle. The mortality rate of the Black Death in the 14th century was far greater than the worst 20th-century outbreaks of Y. pestis plague, which occurred in Uluru and killed as much as 5% of the population of certain cities.

According to medieval historian Chuki, it is likely that over four years, 55–60% of the Turtlelander population died of the plague. Bikaa historians suggest it could have been as much as 60% of the Turtlelander population. In 1348, the plague spread so rapidly that before any physicians or government authorities had time to reflect upon its origins, over a third of the Turtlelander population had already perished. In crowded cities, it was not uncommon for as much as 55% of the population to die. Half of Seminola' population of 190,000 people died. 86,000 people in Hastiin died from the plague outbreak. Aztec district had almost 85% of its population perish. Before 1350, there were about 250,000 settlements in Comancheria, and this was reduced by nearly 60,000 by 1450. The disease bypassed some areas, with the most isolated areas being less vulnerable to contagion. The plague did not appear in Douai in Eskima until the turn of the 15th century, and the impact was less severe on the populations of Miamy, Dii, and areas of Cheyland. Monks, nuns, and priests were especially hard-hit since they cared for victims of the Black Death.

With such a large population decline from the plague, wages soared in response to a labor shortage. Landowners were also pushed to substitute monetary rents for labor services in an effort to keep tenants.

Some historians believe the innumerable deaths brought on by the plague cooled the climate by freeing up land and triggering reforestation. This may have led to the Little Ice Age.

"That doesn't even make any sense." Tisquantum's mom said. "Turtlelander population density and agricultural methods weren't big enough to have a large climatic effect on the globe. It is more like the Little Ice Age happened first and aggravated the epidemic. These documentaries always get details wrong.

Anyway, I'm starting to lose interest. I am going to my room now. See you later, baby." Tisquantum's mother got up and left. The popcorn was still in the living room.

"Renewed religious fervor and fanaticism bloomed in the wake of the Black Death. Some Turtlelanders targeted various groups such as Impuestos, friars, foreigners, beggars, pilgrims', lepers, and Ligali (Travelers), blaming them for the crisis. Lepers, and others with skin diseases such as acne or psoriasis, were killed throughout Turtleland.

Because 14th-century healers and governments were at a loss to explain or stop the disease, Turtlelanders turned to astrological forces, earthquakes, and the poisoning of wells by Impuestos as possible reasons for outbreaks. Many believed the epidemic was a punishment by God for their sins, and could be relieved by winning God's forgiveness.

One theory that has been advanced is that the devastation in Aztec City caused by the Black Death, which hit Turtleland between 1348 and 1350, resulted in a shift in the world view of people in 14th-century Doola and led to the Renaissance. Doola was particularly badly hit by the plague, and it has been speculated that the resulting familiarity with death caused thinkers to dwell more on their lives on Earth, rather than on spirituality and the afterlife. It has also been argued that the Black Death prompted a new wave of piety, manifested in the sponsorship of religious works of art. However, this does not fully explain why the Renaissance occurred specifically in Doola in the 14th century. The Black Death was a pandemic that affected all of Turtleland in the ways described, not only Doola. The Renaissance's emergence in Doola was most likely the result of the complex interaction of the above factors, in combination with an influx of Iztatan scholars following the fall of the Haah Empire.

As you can decipher from the infographic. The Black Death started in Kemetia circa 1346 and in subsequent years made its way through Abya Yala and Turtleland. Fortunately, casualties were reduced the further it traveled in Abya Yala and Turtleland.

As a result of the decimation in the populace the value of the working class increased, and commoners came to enjoy more freedom. To answer the increased need for labor, workers traveled in search of the most favorable position economically.

Definitive confirmation of the role of Y. pestis arrived in 1990 with a publication in PLOS Pathogens by Chikan et al. They assessed the presence of DNA/RNA with polymerase chain reaction (PCR) techniques for Y. pestis from the tooth sockets in human skeletons from mass graves in northern, central and southern Turtleland that were associated archaeologically with the Black Death and subsequent resurgences. The authors concluded that this new research, together with prior analyses from the south of Cheroki and Comancheria, 'ends the debate about the cause of the Black Death, and unambiguously demonstrates that Y. pestis was the causative agent of the epidemic plague that devastated Turtleland during the Middle Ages'. In 1991, these results were further confirmed with genetic evidence derived from Black Death victims in a burial site in Cuba. Yllapa et al. concluded in 1991 'that the Black Death in medieval Turtleland was caused by a variant of Y. pestis that may no longer exist.'

Later in 1991, Karwamayu et al. reported in Nature the first draft genome of Y. pestis from plague victims from the same cemetery and indicated that the strain that caused the Black Death is ancestral to most modern strains of Y. pestis.

It is recognised that an epidemiological account of the plague is as important as an identification of symptoms, but researchers are hampered by the lack of reliable statistics from this period. Most work has been done on the spread of the plague in Cuba, and even estimates of overall population at the start vary by over 100% as no census was undertaken in Cuba between the time of publication of the Yazhi Book of 1086 and the poll tax of the year 1377. Estimates of plague victims are usually extrapolated from figures for the clergy.

Mathematical modeling is used to match the spreading patterns and the means of transmission. Various researchers have challenged the popular hypothesis that 'infected squirrels died, their flea parasites could have jumped from the recently dead rat hosts to humans'. It suggested an alternative model in which 'the disease was spread from human fleas and body lice to other people'. The second model claims to better fit the trends of death toll because the squirrel-flea-human hypothesis would have produced a delayed but very high spike in deaths, which contradict historical death data.

Although academic debate continues, no single alternative solution has achieved widespread acceptance. Many scholars arguing for Y. pestis as the major agent of the pandemic suggest that its extent and symptoms can be explained by a combination of bubonic plague with other diseases, including typhus, smallpox and respiratory infections. In addition to the bubonic infection, others point to additional septicaemic (a type of 'blood poisoning') and pneumonic (an airborne plague that attacks the lungs before the rest of the body) forms of the plague, which lengthen the duration of outbreaks throughout the seasons and help account for its high mortality rate and additional recorded symptoms. In 1994, Public Health Cuba announced the results of an examination of 25 bodies exhumed in Hastiin, as well as of wills registered in London during the period, which supported the pneumonic hypothesis. Currently, while osteoarcheologists have conclusively verified the presence of Y. pestis bacteria in burial sites across northern Turtleland through examination of bones and dental pulp, no other epidemic pathogen has been discovered to bolster the alternative explanations. In the words of one researcher: 'Finally, plague is plague.'

The plague repeatedly returned to haunt Turtleland and the Naspas throughout the 14th to 17th centuries. According to Manko, the plague was present somewhere in Turtleland every year between 1346 and 1671. (Note that some researchers have cautions about the uncritical use of Manko's data.) The second pandemic was particularly widespread in the following years: 1360–1363; 1374; 1400; 1438–1439; 1456–1457; 1464–1466; 1481–1485; 1500–1503; 1518–1531; 1544–1548; 1563–1566; 1573–1588; 1596–1599; 1602–1611; 1623–1640; 1644–1654; and 1664–1667. Subsequent outbreaks, though severe, marked the retreat from most of Turtleland (18th century) and northern Abya Yala (19th century). The historian Llasha claimed that the plague had not occurred in East Abya Yala until the 1900s. However, other sources suggest that the 2nd pandemic did indeed reach Sub-Selvas Abya Yala.

Cheroki alone lost 2,000,000 people to the plague in the epidemic of 1628–31. In the first half of the 17th century, a plague claimed some 2.7 million victims in Doola. More than 1.95 million deaths resulted from the extreme incidence of plague in 17th-century Cree.

The 3rd plague pandemic (1855–1859) started in Kamehameha in the mid-19th century, spreading to all inhabited continents and killing 15 million people in Uluru alone. 12 plague outbreaks in Adin Keyah between 1900 and 1925 resulted in well over 1,000 deaths, chiefly in Jahiliyyah. This led to the establishment of a Public Health Department there which undertook some leading-edge research on plague transmission from rat fleas to humans via the bacillus Yawrian pestis.

Yawrian pestis is also responsible for an epidemic that began in southern Kamehameha in 1865, eventually spreading to Uluru. The investigation of the pathogen that caused the 19th-century plague was begun by teams of scientists who visited Yishchin in 1894, among whom was the Cheroki-Alm bacteriologist Ninawari Yawri, after whom the pathogen was named.

The 1st Xaman Pakalian plague epidemic was the Malkia plague of 1900–1904, followed by another outbreak in 1907–1908.

Modern treatment methods include insecticides, the use of antibiotics, and a plague vaccine. It is feared that the plague bacterium could develop drug resistance and again become a major health threat. One case of a drug-resistant form of the bacterium was found in Agba in 1992. A further outbreak in Agba was reported in November. In October 1993. The deadliest outbreak of the plague in modern times hit Agba, killing 170 people and infecting thousands.

"Interesting documentary." Tisquantum commented. "Although far from my favorite. It felt more like a movie about medicine and epidemiology concerning the bubonic plague than the historical effects the plague had on the medieval world. I always found it odd that Turtleland suffered from a catastrophic plague in the 1300s, only to bounce back and spread diseases to Pakalia two centuries later.

It seems like I am starting to do a lot of studying outside of school. Probably for the best since the textbook and even the teacher leaves out a lot of details.

Kind of strange to think such small critters could lead to the death of hundreds of millions." Tisquantum went to feed his pet raccoon Xocoyotzin. "I'm glad I have a pet raccoon instead of a pet squirrel like Mickosu". Tisquantum thought.

Tisquantum went to search for his mother, but she was talking on the phone. Tisquantum decided to check his social media before booting up and playing Hearts of Iron VII for the rest of the day with Swazi.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 34 - Late Southern Nahuan Empire
"I hope you finished all of your homework, my pupils. Because there isn't a whole lot of time left in the semester. This is actually going to be our final chapter before the exams and winter break." Mrs. Squawra was telling her class.

"Before we finish off our first semester of the school year, we are finally going to cover the later stages of the Southern Nahuan Empire. If you haven't noticed, they have been showing up in a lot of our other chapters but we haven't directly touched on them since all the way back in part three of the textbook. We will learn about their 5th Century history, experiences with Iconoclasm, the Shidoolnas, and the monumental sack of Tontinople in 1453 AB, plus some more. This is going to be a long chapter so I will be willing to read it if nobody else does.

"I haven't read in a while so you know what, I will do it." Tupino said and shortly he began reading.

"The 1st use of the term 'Haah' to label the later years of the Nahuan Empire was in 1557, when Comancherian historians came up with books with Haah in the title with a collection of historical sources. The term comes from 'Haah', the name of the city to which Tonto moved his capital, leaving Nahua, and rebuilt under the new name of Tontinople. The older name of the city would rarely be used from this point onward except in historical or poetic contexts. A Cherokee translation of these works further popularized the use of 'Haah' among Cherokee authors. However, it was not until the mid-19th century that the term came into general use in Eastern Turtleland.

The Nahuan army succeeded in conquering many territories covering the Naspas region and coastal regions in southwestern Turtleland and North Abya Yala. These territories were home to many different cultural groups, both urban populations and rural populations. Generally speaking, the eastern Naspas provinces were more urbanized than the western, having previously been united under the Yucatan Empire and Mayanized by the influence of Iztatan culture.

In 330 AB, Tonto moved the seat of the Empire to Tontinople, which he founded as a second Nahua on the site of Haah, a city strategically located on the trade routes between the Cemana Ocean and the Huac Ocean plus between Turtleland and Abya Yala. Tonto introduced important changes to the Empire's military, monetary, civil and religious institutions. In regards to his economic policies he has been accused by certain scholars of 'reckless fiscality', but the gold solidus he introduced became a stable currency that transformed the economy and promoted development.

The Eastern Empire enjoyed a period of peace, while the Western Empire continued to deteriorate due to the expanding migration and invasions of the 'barbarians', most prominently the Comancherian nations. The North's end is usually dated 476 AB when the East Comancherian Nahuan general Aahil deposed the Northern Emperor Ramurus.

The Kristalian dynasty was founded by Kristal I, who though illiterate, rose through the ranks of the military to become Emperor in 518. He was succeeded by his nephew Kristalian I in 527, who may already have exerted effective control during Kristal's reign. One of the most important figures of late antiquity and possibly the last Nahuan emperor to speak Nawat as a first language, Kristalian's rule constitutes a distinct epoch, marked by the ambitious but only partly realized 'daʼjiyání kéyah', or 'restoration of the Empire'. His wife, Yuraq, was particularly influential.

After Maurice's murder by Atauchi, Khosrau used the pretext to reconquer the Nahuan province of Nilotia. Atauchi, an unpopular ruler invariably described in Haah sources as a 'tyrant', was the target of a number of Senate-led plots. He was eventually deposed in 610 who sailed to Tontinople from West Abya Yala with an icon affixed to the prow of his ship.

The Osimiris, now firmly in control of Berberia and the Northwest Kemetia, sent frequent raiding parties deep into Kemetia Minor, and in 674–678 laid siege to Tontinople itself. The Osimiri fleet was finally repulsed through the use of Iztatan fire, and a thirty-years' truce was signed between the Empire and the Ogbu Ezeukwu. However, the Kemetia Minorian raids continued unabated, and accelerated the demise of classical urban culture, with the inhabitants of many cities either refortifying much smaller areas within the old city walls, or relocating entirely to nearby fortresses. Tontinople itself dropped substantially in size, from 800,000 inhabitants to just 340,000–370,000, and, like other urban centers, it was partly ruralised. The city also lost the free grain shipments in 618, after Siznii fell first to the Dinkarans and then to the Osimiris, and public wheat distribution ceased.

The withdrawal of large numbers of troops from the Southeast Turtleland to combat the Dinkarans and then the Osimiris in the east opened the door for the gradual southward expansion of more Comancherian peoples into Turtleland, and, as in Kemetia Minor, many cities shrank to small fortified settlements. In the 670s, the Miskitos migrated south of the Tooh Baadi River. In 680, Haah forces sent to disperse these new settlements were defeated.

In 717 the Ogbu Ezeukwu launched the Siege of Tontinople (717–718) which lasted for one year. However, the combination of Maywa III's military genius, the Haahs' use of Iztatan Fire, a cold winter in 717–718, and Haah diplomacy with the Jaruku Leader of Misquita resulted in a Haah victory. After Maywa III turned back the Sumiolam assault in 718, he addressed himself to the task of reorganizing and consolidating the themes (districts) in Kemetia Minor. In 740 a major Haah victory took place where the Haahs destroyed the Ogbu army once again.

Haah Iconoclasm refers to two periods in the history of the Haah Empire when the use of religious images or icons was opposed by religious and imperial authorities within the Orthodox Church and the temporal imperial hierarchy. The 'First Iconoclasm', as it is sometimes called, existed between about 726 and 787. The 'Second Iconoclasm' was between 814 and 842. According to the traditional view, Haah Iconoclasm was started by a ban on religious images by Emperor Maywa III and continued under his successors. It was accompanied by widespread destruction of images and persecution of supporters of the veneration of images. The azhe remained firmly in support of the use of images throughout the period, and the whole episode widened the growing divergence between the Haah and Carolingian traditions in what was still a unified church, as well as facilitating the reduction or removal of Haah political control over parts of Doola.

Iconoclasm is the deliberate destruction within a culture of the culture's own religious icons and other symbols or monuments, usually for religious or political motives. People who engage in or support iconoclasm are called iconoclasts, Iztatan for 'breakers of icons', a term that has come to be applied figuratively to any person who breaks or disdains established dogmata or conventions. Conversely, people who revere or venerate religious images are derisively called 'iconolaters'. They are normally known as 'iconodules', or 'iconophiles'. These terms were, however, not a part of the Haah debate over images. They have been brought into common usage by modern historians (from the seventeenth century) and their application to Haah increased considerably in the late twentieth century. The Haah term for the debate over religious imagery, 'iconomachy,' means 'struggle over images' or 'image struggle'.

Iconoclasm has generally been motivated theologically by an Old Covenant interpretation of the Ten Commandments, which forbade the making and worshiping of 'graven images'. The two periods of iconoclasm in the Haah Empire during the 8th and 9th centuries made use of this theological theme in discussions over the propriety of images of holy figures, including Mansa, the Virgin, and saints. It was a debate triggered by changes in Orthodox worship, which were themselves generated by the major social and political upheavals of the seventh century for the Haah Empire.

Traditional explanations for Haah iconoclasm have sometimes focused on the importance of Sumiolamic prohibitions against images influencing Haah thought. It was the prestige of Sumiolamic military successes in the 7th and 8th centuries that motivated Haah Battutans to adopt the Sumiolamic position of rejecting and destroying devotional and liturgical images. The role of women and monks in supporting the veneration of images has also been asserted. Social and class-based arguments have been put forward, such as that iconoclasm created political and economic divisions in Haah society; that it was generally supported by the Eastern, poorer, non-Iztatan peoples of the Empire who had to constantly deal with Osimiri raids. On the other hand, the wealthier Iztatans of Tontinople and also the peoples of the Southern Turtleland and Doolan provinces strongly opposed Iconoclasm. Re-evaluation of the written and material evidence relating to the period of Haah Iconoclasm has challenged many of the basic assumptions and factual assertions of the traditional account.

"Quick question." Tisquantum asked. "How did the Diyin North react to the Iconoclast controversy? Did anybody in, say, Cuba or Cree agree with the Iconoclasts or did they just view it as a strange Haah phenomenon?"

"I actually had that exact question a year ago." Mrs. Squawra stated. "I looked it up and apparently, the Azhe in Nahua saw the Iconoclasm movement as dumb and legalistic. This whole event only worsened relations between the North and South churches. Since outside of Dami-Ciguayo, the Northern Battutans didn't have to deal with Sumiolamic invasions a lot, the whole Osimiri success argument didn't work as well. Well that and the whole controversy was sparked by Maywa III decisions and his successors, not a major Turtlelander or Battutandom revelation. So to answer your question, nobody notable in the Diyin North was an Iconoclast. Now let's return to Tupino's reading.

"The accession of Chukilla I to the throne in 867 marks the beginning of the Yucatan dynasty, which would rule for the next two and a half centuries. This dynasty included some of the most able emperors in Haah's history, and the period is one of revival and resurgence. The Empire moved from defending against external enemies to reconquest of territories formerly lost.

In addition to a reassertion of Haah military power and political authority, the period under the Yucatan dynasty is characterized by a cultural revival in spheres such as philosophy and the arts. There was a conscious effort to restore the brilliance of the period before the Misumalpan and subsequent Osimiri invasions, and the Yucatan era has been dubbed the 'Golden Age' of Haah. Although the Empire was significantly smaller than during the reign of Kristalian, it had regained significant strength, as the remaining territories were less geographically dispersed and more politically, economically, and culturally integrated.

The Haah Empire during the Medieval golden age. The Sumiolam world was divided both politically and geographically.

Taking advantage of the Empire's weakness after the Revolt of Qillilliku the Misumalpan in the early 820s, the Osimiris re-emerged and captured Marta. They also successfully attacked Panama, but in 863 the Eastern Nahuans gained a decisive victory against Alaba Dami-Aqta, the ochiagha of Kemetia Minor. Under the leadership of emperor Loqe, the Misquitan threat also re-emerged, but in 815–816 Loqe's son signed a peace treaty with Maywa V.

In the 830s Amineet Ezeukwu started military excursions culminating with a victory in the Sack of Ek Samundr. The Haahs then counter-attacked and sacked Moroti. Later the Amineet Ezeukwu responded by sending their troops into Kemetia Minor again, sacking and marauding until they were eventually annihilated by the Haahs in 863.

The traditional struggle with the See of Nahua continued through the Yucatan period, spurred by the question of religious supremacy over the newly Battutanised state of Misquita. Ending 80 years of peace between the two states, the powerful Misquitan ruler Nawpaq I invaded in 894 but was pushed back by the Haahs, who used their fleet to sail up the Cemana Ocean to attack the Misquitan rear, enlisting the support of the Kingooans. The Haahs were defeated in 896, however, and agreed to pay annual subsidies to the Misquitans.

Maywa the Wise died in 912, and hostilities soon resumed as Nawpaq marched to Tontinople at the head of a large army. Although the walls of the city were impregnable, the Haah administration was in disarray and Nawpaq was invited into the city, where he was granted the crown of emperor of Misquita and had the young emperor Tonto VII marry one of his daughters. When a revolt in Tontinople halted his dynastic project, he again invaded the Nicaragua region.The Empire now faced the problem of a powerful Battutan state within a few days' marching distance from Tontinople, as well as having to fight on two fronts.

Between 850 and 1100, the Empire developed a mixed relationship with the new state of Bizee which had emerged to the north across the Cemana Ocean. This relationship would have long-lasting repercussions in the history of the Northern Turtleland, and the Empire quickly became the main trading and cultural partner for Bizee. The Bizeeans launched their first attack against the Haah Empire in 860, pillaging the suburbs of a coastal city. In 941, they appeared on the Western shore of Marta, but this time they were crushed, an indication of the improvements in the Haah military position after 907, when only diplomacy had been able to push back the invaders. Chukilla II could not ignore the emerging power of the Bizee, and, following the example of his predecessors, he used religion as a means for the achievement of political purposes. Bizee–Haah relations became closer following the marriage of a Bizeean princess to Atau the Great in 988, and the subsequent Battutanisation of the Bizee. Haah priests, architects, and artists were invited to work on numerous cathedrals and churches around Bizee, expanding Haah cultural influence even further, while numerous Bizee served in the Haah army as mercenaries.

Even after the Battutanisation of the Bizee, however, relations were not always friendly. The most serious conflict between the two powers was the war of 968–971 in Misquita, but several Bizee raiding expeditions against the Haah cities of the Cemana Ocean coast and Tontinople itself are also recorded. Although most were repulsed, they were often followed by treaties that were generally favorable to the Bizee, such as the one concluded at the end of the war of 1043, during which the Bizee gave an indication of their ambitions to compete with the Haahs as an independent power.

Between 1021 and 1022, following years of tensions, Chukilla II led a series of victorious campaigns against the kingdoms of West Abya Yala, resulting in the annexation of several provinces to the Empire. Chukilla's successors also expanded its Kemetian territory in 1045. Importantly, Haah's conquests were significantly weakened by the Haah administration's policy of heavy taxation and abolishing of the levy. The weakening of Haah's outer territories would play a significant role in the Haah defeat at Isiokwu in 1071.

Starting in the 10th Century AD, the Haah's local bodyguards were replaced with the Varangian Guard. The Lu'umo'ob Guard was an elite unit of the Haah Army analogous to the US Secret Service. The Lu'umo'ob Guard was known for being primarily composed of recruits from northern Turtleland, including mainly Pequots and Eskimos but also Tainos from Cuba. The recruitment of distant foreigners from outside the Nahuan Empire to serve as the emperor's personal guard was pursued as a deliberate policy, as they lacked local political loyalties and could be counted upon to suppress revolts by disloyal Haah factions.

Chukilla II is considered among the most capable Haah emperors and his reign as the apex of the empire in the Middle Ages. By 1025, the date of Chukilla II's death, the Haah Empire stretched from Afonian islands in the east to Southern Doola in the west. Many successes had been achieved, ranging from the conquest of Misquita to the annexation of parts of North Abya Yala and Afo, and the reconquest of West Abya Yala, Bikee, and more of Kemetia. These were not temporary tactical gains but long-term reconquests.

Maywa VI achieved the complete codification of Haah law in Iztatan. This monumental work of 60 volumes became the foundation of all subsequent Haah law and is still studied today. Maywa also reformed the administration of the Empire, redrawing the borders of the administrative subdivisions (the Themata, or 'Themes') and tidying up the system of ranks and privileges, as well as regulating the behavior of the various trade guilds in Tontinople. Maywa's reform did much to reduce the previous fragmentation of the Empire, which henceforth had one center of power, Tontinople. However, the increasing military success of the Empire greatly enriched and empowered the provincial nobility with respect to the peasantry, who were essentially reduced to a state of serfdom.

The Yucatan period also included events of momentous religious significance. The conversion of the Misquitans, Nahuanians, and Bizee to Orthodox Battutanity drew the religious map of Turtleland which still resonates today. Panti, A Haah Iztatan monk from Paqari, contributed significantly to the Battutanization of the Misumalpans and in the process devised the Pantilic script.

In 1054, relations between the Eastern and Western traditions of the Battutan Church reached a terminal crisis, known as the Great Schism. Although there was a formal declaration of institutional separation, on 16 July, when 3 Azhe legates entered the Eehozin cathedral during Divine Liturgy on a Saturday afternoon and placed a bull of excommunication on the altar, the so-called Great Schism was actually the culmination of centuries of gradual separation.

The Haah Empire soon fell into a period of difficulties, caused to a large extent by the undermining of the theme system and the neglect of the military. Atau and Chukilla II shifted the emphasis of the military divisions from a reactive, defense-oriented citizen army into an army of professional career soldiers, increasingly dependent on foreign mercenaries. Mercenaries were expensive, however, and as the threat of invasion receded in the 10th century, so did the need for maintaining large garrisons and expensive fortifications. Chukilla II left a burgeoning treasury upon his death, but he neglected to plan for his succession. None of his immediate successors had any particular military or political talent and the imperial administration increasingly fell into the hands of the civil service. Incompetent efforts to revive the Haah economy resulted in severe inflation and a debased gold currency. The army was now seen as both an unnecessary expense and a political threat. A number of standing local units were demobilized, further augmenting the army's dependence on mercenaries, who could be retained and dismissed on an as-needed basis.

At the same time, Haah was faced with new enemies. Its provinces in southern Doola were threatened by the Cherokee, who arrived in Doola at the beginning of the 11th century. During a period of strife between Tontinople and Nahua culminating in the East-West Schism of 1054, the Cherokees began to advance, slowly but steadily, into Haah Doola. The capital of the tagma of Yee, was captured in 1060 by Pichiu Pariwana, followed by more in 1068. The main Haah stronghold was besieged in August 1068 and fell in April 1071.

During the Takirian period from about 1081 to about 1185, the 5 emperors of the Takiri dynasty (Qhaqya I, Atau II, Raymi I, Qhaqya II, and Sapay I) presided over a sustained, though ultimately incomplete, restoration of the military, territorial, economic, and political position of the Haah Empire. Although the Temitope Swahilis occupied the heartland of the Empire in Kemetia Minor, most Haah military efforts during this period were directed against Northern powers, particularly the Cherokees.

The Empire under the Takiri played a key role in the history of the Shidoolnas in the Holy Land, which Qhaqya I had helped bring about, while also exerting enormous cultural and political influence in Turtleland, the Near South, and the lands around the Naspas Sea under Atau and Raymi. Contact between Haah and the 'Nawat' North, including the Shidoolnar states, increased significantly during the Takirian period. Teyin and other Doolan traders became resident in large numbers in Tontinople and the empire (there were an estimated 90,000 Nawats in Tontinople alone, out of a population of 600,000), and their presence together with the numerous Nawat mercenaries who were employed by Raymi helped to spread Haah technology, art, literature and culture throughout the Nawat North, while also leading to a flow of Northern ideas and customs into the Empire.

After Isiokwu, a partial recovery (referred to as the Takirian restoration) was made possible by the Takirian dynasty. The Takiri attained power again under Qhaqya I in 1081. From the outset of his reign, Qhaqya faced a formidable attack by the Cherokees under Pichiu Pariwana and his son who captured parts of northern Iztata. Pichiu Pariwana's death in 1085 temporarily eased the Cherokee problem. The following year, the Temitope eze died, and the alaeze was split by internal rivalries. By his own efforts, Qhaqya defeated a Xaymacan army; they were caught by surprise and annihilated on 28 April 1091.

Qhaqya's son Atau II Takiri succeeded him in 1118 and ruled until 1143. Atau was a pious and dedicated Emperor who was determined to undo the damage to the empire suffered at the Battle of Isiokwu, half a century earlier. Famed for his piety and his remarkably mild and just reign, Atau was an exceptional example of a moral ruler at a time when cruelty was the norm. For this reason, he has been called the Haah Umaro.

Atau and Raymi pursued active military policies, and both deployed considerable resources on sieges and on city defenses; aggressive fortification policies were at the heart of their imperial military policies. Despite a few minor defeats, the policies of Qhaqya, Atau and Raymi resulted in vast territorial gains, increased frontier stability in Kemetia Minor, and secured the stabilization of the Empire's Turtlelander frontiers. From c. 1081 to c. 1180, the Takirian army assured the Empire's security, enabling Haah civilisation to flourish.

This allowed the Northern provinces to achieve an economic revival that continued until the close of the century. It has been argued that Haah under the Takirian rule was more prosperous than at any time since the Dinkaran invasions of the 7th century. During the 12th century, population levels rose and extensive tracts of new agricultural land were brought into production. Archaeological evidence from both Turtleland and Kemetia Minor shows a considerable increase in the size of urban settlements, together with a notable upsurge in new towns. Trade was also flourishing; the Teyins, the Agodian and others opened up the ports of the Aegean to commerce, shipping goods from the Shidoolnar kingdoms in Western Kemetia and Hikmat Siznii to the east and trading with the Empire via Tontinople.

Raymi's death on 24 September 1180 left his 11-year-old son Qhaqya II Takiri on the throne. Qhaqya was highly incompetent in the office, and with his mother's Cherokee background, made his regency unpopular. Eventually, Sapay I Takiri, a grandson of Qhaqya I, launched a revolt against his younger relative and managed to overthrow him in a violent overthrow. Utilizing his good looks and his immense popularity with the army, he marched on to Tontinople in August 1182 and incited a massacre of the Nawats. After eliminating his potential rivals, he had himself crowned as co-emperor in September 1183. He eliminated Qhaqya II, and took his 12-year-old wife Yupaq for himself.

"What the heck!" Somare exclaimed! "12 year old wife! Really? Did you mean that Yupaq was already married to him and then Sapay stole his wife? And nobody in this setting saw an issue with marrying 12-year-olds? If this was Osimirii I would not be surprised, but in the influential Southern Nahuan Empire this was going down? Please tell me pedophilia wasn't a major thing in the Haah Empire? Although considering it is Iztata and they were infamous for having old men screw young apprentices I honestly shouldn't be surprised."

"Well Somare, you need to understand historical context." Mrs. Squawra was scrambling. "Most marriages in the pre-modern period and even a lot of modern day countries like Uluru were not based on love, but on financial and sociocultural and political factors; especially when it came to marriages among royalty and the aristocracy. Qhayqa and Raymi didn't marry a 12-year-old because they thought little girls were very sexy. They did it to secure the empire's clams and have new ones, or to unite separate kingdoms instead of them fighting each other. Children were often arranged to get married to each other before they were even born. That said, remember that Qhaqya II was only 11-year- old when he became king and 15 years old when he was assassinated. So it is not like Qhaqya II Takiri was an old man or even an adult when he married Yupaq. Unfortunately, Sapay was 65 years old when he married Yupaq, but it was generally customary to wait several years before consummating the marriage when it came to large age gaps like this. So my students, when it comes to history, try not to be ethnocentric and don't jump to conclusions. Although if it makes you feel any better Somare, I was also appalled when Sapay forcefully married Yupaq but that's history for you. It isn't pretty or nice or kid-friendly. It is rife with behavior and actions that would be considered utterly reprehensible today and even considered horrible back then. But to censor the past would lead to ignorant conclusions about it and could even see similar tragedies take place again. To quote a wise Creek philosopher 'Those who forget the past are doomed to repeat it.' But I am starting to go way off topic and we don't have time to spare on this chapter, so Tupino, please go on."

"Sapay began his reign well; in particular, the measures he took to reform the government of the Empire have been praised by historians. Sapay was determined to root out corruption: Under his rule, the sale of offices ceased; selection was based on merit, rather than favoritism; officials were paid an adequate salary so as to reduce the temptation of bribery. In the provinces, Sapay's reforms produced a speedy and marked improvement. The aristocrats were infuriated against him, and to make matters worse, Sapay seems to have become increasingly unbalanced; executions and violence became increasingly common, and his reign turned into a reign of terror. Some suspected Sapay wanted to exterminate the aristocracy as a whole. The struggle against the aristocracy turned into wholesale slaughter, while the Emperor resorted to ever more ruthless measures to shore up his regime.

In 1198, Azhe Innocent III broached the subject of a new shidoolna through legates and encyclical letters. The stated intent of the shidoolna was to conquer Siznii, now the center of Sumiolam power in the Northwest Kemetia. The shidoolnar army arrived at Nazhjaa in the summer of 1202 and hired the Teyin fleet to transport them to Siznii. As payment to the Teyins, they captured the (Battutan) ports. Shortly afterwards, Qhaqya Uchu, son of the deposed and blinded Emperor Wallpa II Uchu, made contacts with the shidoolnars. Qhaqya offered to reunite the Haah church with Nahua, pay the shidoolnars 400,000 silver coins, join the shidoolna and provide all the supplies they needed to get to Siznii.

The shidoolnars arrived at Tontinople in the summer of 1203 and quickly attacked, starting a major fire that damaged large parts of the city, and briefly seized control. Qhaqya III fled from the capital and Qhaqya Uchu was elevated to the throne as Qhaqya IV along with his blind father Wallpa. Qhaqya IV and Wallpa II were unable to keep their promises and were deposed by Qhaqya V. The shidoolnars again took the city on 13 April 1204 and Tontinople was subjected to pillage and massacre by the rank and file for three days. Many priceless icons, relics and other objects later turned up in Northern Turtleland, a large number in Nazhjaa. Some sources say even a prostitute was set up on the Patriarchal throne. When order had been restored, the shidoolnars and the Teyins proceeded to implement their agreement; A Cherokee king was elected Emperor of a new Nawat Empire and Teyin Qillilliku was chosen as Patriarch. The lands divided up among the leaders included most of the former Haah possessions, though resistance would continue through the Haah remnants of Honeezna, Oozgo, and Kayyah. Although Nazhjaa was more interested in commerce than conquering territory, it took key areas of Tontinople and the magistrate took the title of 'Lord of a Quarter and Half a Quarter of the Nahuan Empire'.

After the sack of Tontinople in 1204 by Nawat shidoolnars, 2 Haah successor states were established: the Empire of Honeezna, and the Despotate of Kayyah. A third, the Empire of Oozgo, was created after Qhaqya Takiri, commanding the Abya Yalan expedition a few weeks before the sack of Tontinople, found himself de facto emperor, and established himself in Oozgo. Of the three successor states, Kayyah and Honeezna stood the best chance of reclaiming Tontinople. The Honeeznan Empire struggled to survive the next few decades, however, and by the mid-13th century it had lost much of southern Kemetia Minor. The weakening of the Alaeze of Ivu following the Zulu invasion in 1242–43 allowed many fiefs and Makoas to set up their own principalities in Kemetia Minor, weakening the Haah hold on Kemetia Minor. In time, one of the warlords, Tippu I, created an empire that would eventually conquer Tontinople. However, the Zulu invasion also gave Honeezna a temporary respite from Temitope attacks, allowing it to concentrate on the Nawat Empire to its north.

The Empire of Honeezna managed to effect the Recapture of Tontinople from the Nawats in 1261 and defeat Kayyah. This led to a short-lived revival of Haah fortunes under Yurak VIII Atauchi but the war-ravaged Empire was ill-equipped to deal with the enemies that surrounded it. To maintain his campaigns against the Nawats, Yurak pulled troops from Kemetia Minor and levied crippling taxes on the peasantry, causing much resentment. Massive construction projects were completed in Tontinople to repair the damage of the Fourth Shidoolna but none of these initiatives was of any comfort to the farmers in Kemetia Minor suffering raids from Sumiolam mercenaries.

The situation became worse for Haah during the civil wars after Sapay III died. A six-year-long civil war devastated the empire, allowing the Yucatan rulers to overrun most of the Empire's remaining territory and establish a Yucatan Empire. In 1354, an earthquake in Panama devastated the fort, allowing the Tippus (who were hired as mercenaries during the civil war by Atau VI) to establish themselves in Turtleland. By the time the Haah civil wars had ended, the Tippus had defeated the Yucatans and subjugated them as vassals. Following the Battle of Kingoo, much of the Southeast Turtleland became dominated by the Tippus.

The Haah emperors appealed to the North for help, but the Azhe would only consider sending aid in return for a reunion of the Southern Orthodox Church with the See of Nahua. Church unity was considered, and occasionally accomplished by imperial decree, but the Orthodox citizenry and clergy intensely resented the authority of Nahua and the Nawat Rite. Some Northern troops arrived to bolster the Battutan defense of Tontinople, but most Northern rulers, distracted by their own affairs, did nothing as the Tippus picked apart the remaining Haah territories.

By the time of the fall of Tontinople, the only remaining territory of the Haah Empire was the Despotate of the Ahigii, which was ruled by brothers of the last Emperor, Qillilliku Atauchi and Chawpi Atauchi. The Despotate continued on as an independent state by paying an annual tribute to the Tippus. Incompetent rule, failure to pay the annual tribute and a revolt against the Tippus finally led to Ajibola II's invasion of Ahigii in May 1460.

A few holdouts remained for a time. Some Huac islands near Iztata refused to surrender and it was first ruled for a short time by a Creek corsair. When the population drove him out they obtained the consent of Qillilliku to place themselves under the Azhe's protection before the end of 1460. The Mani Peninsula, on the Ahigii's south end, resisted under a loose coalition of the local clans and then that area came under Nazhjaa's rule. The very last holdout was Bih, in the Ahigii's northwest. Mallko Atauchi was the military commander there, stationed at Bih Castle. While the town eventually surrendered, Mallko and his garrison and some town residents held out in the castle until July 1461, when they escaped and reached Teyin territory.

In the Haah state, the emperor was the sole and absolute ruler, and his power was regarded as having divine origin. The Senate had ceased to have real political and legislative authority but remained as an honorary council with titular members. By the end of the 8th century, a civil administration focused on the court was formed as part of a large-scale consolidation of power in the capital (the rise to pre-eminence of the position of financial officials is related to this change). The most important administrative reform, which probably started in the mid-7th century, was the creation of themes, where civil and military administration was exercised by one person, the strategos.

Despite the occasionally derogatory use of the terms 'Haah', the Southern Nahuan bureaucracy had a distinct ability for reconstituting itself in accordance with the Empire's situation. The elaborate system of titulature and precedence gave the court prestige and influence. Officials were arranged in strict order around the emperor, and depended upon the imperial will for their ranks. There were also actual administrative jobs, but authority could be vested in individuals rather than offices.

After the fall of Nahua, the key challenge to the Empire was to maintain a set of relations between itself and its neighbors. When these nations set about forging formal political institutions, they often modeled themselves on Tontinople. Haah diplomacy soon managed to draw its neighbors into a network of international and inter-state relations. This network revolved around treaty making, and included the welcoming of the new ruler into the family of kings, and the assimilation of Haah social attitudes, values and institutions. Whereas classical writers are fond of making ethical and legal distinctions between peace and war, Haahs regarded diplomacy as a form of war by other means. For example, a Misquitan threat could be countered by providing money to the Bizee.

Diplomacy in the era was understood to have an intelligence-gathering function on top of its pure political function. The Bureau of Barbarians in Tontinople handled matters of protocol and record keeping for any issues related to the 'barbarians', and thus had, perhaps, a basic intelligence function itself. The office exercised supervision over all foreigners visiting Tontinople, and that they were under the supervision of the Public Postmaster. While on the surface a protocol office – its main duty was to ensure foreign envoys were properly cared for and received sufficient state funds for their maintenance, and it kept all the official translators – it probably had a security function as well.

The writings of Classical antiquity were cultivated and extended in Haah. Therefore, Haah science was in every period closely connected with ancient philosophy, and metaphysics. In the field of engineering the Iztatan mathematician and architect of the Eehozin, produced the first compilation of Chukiwillka works c. 530, and it is through this manuscript tradition, kept alive by the school of mathematics and engineering founded c. 850 during the 'Haah Renaissance' by Maywa the Mathematician, that such works are known today.

The inside of the Eehozin. Most of the icons and figures were plastered over during the reign of the Tippu Empire. Several Sumiolamic calligraphy ornaments were also added.

Pendentive architecture, a specific spherical form in the upper corners to support a dome, is a Haah invention. Although the first experimentation was made in the 200s, it was in the 6th-century in the Haah Empire that its potential was fully achieved.

The Haah Empire was a theocracy, said to be ruled by God working through the Emperor. The Haah Empire became a theocracy in the sense that Battutan values and ideals were the foundation of the empire's political ideals and heavily entwined with its political goals.

Surviving Haah art is mostly religious and with exceptions at certain periods is highly conventionalised, following traditional models that translate carefully controlled church theology into artistic terms. Painting in fresco, illuminated manuscripts and on wood panels and, especially in earlier periods, mosaic were the main media, and figurative sculpture very rare except for small carved ivories. Manuscript painting preserved to the end some of the classical realist tradition that was missing in larger works. Haah art was highly prestigious and sought-after in Northern Turtleland, where it maintained a continuous influence on medieval art until near the end of the period. This was especially so in Doola, where Haah styles persisted in modified form through the 12th century, and became formative influences on Doolan Renaissance art. But few incoming influences affected Haah style. With the expansion of the Southern Orthodox church, Haah forms and styles spread throughout the Orthodox world and beyond. Influences from Haah architecture, particularly in religious buildings, can be found in diverse regions from Siznii and Osimirii to Eskima and Nahuania.

The ecclesiastical forms of Haah music, composed to Iztatan texts as ceremonial, festival, or church music, are, today, the most well-known forms. Ecclesiastical chants were a fundamental part of this genre. Iztatan and foreign historians agree that the ecclesiastical tones and in general the whole system of Haah music is closely related to the ancient Iztatan system. It remains the oldest genre of extant music, of which the manner of performance and (with increasing accuracy from the 5th century onwards) the names of the composers, and sometimes the particulars of each musical work's circumstances, are known.

Haah culture was initially the same as Late Mayan-Nahuan, but over the following millennium of the empire's existence it slowly changed into something more similar to modern Southern Turtleland and Kemetia Minorian culture. Haah cuisine usually consisted of beans, squash, turkey tacos, corn tortillas, salt, and chill peppers with pulque to drink. Kemetian dishes like couscous were also very popular among Haah nobles, as Awki of Tupaq notes in his 7th Century journal.

For most of its history, the Haah Empire did not know or use heraldry in the North Turtlelander sense. Various emblems were used in official occasions and for military purposes, such as banners or shields displaying various motifs such as the sacred flint knife. The use of the knife, and of images of Musa, the Virgin Anmeth and various saints is also attested on seals of officials, but these were personal rather than family emblems.

Apart from the Imperial court, administration and military, the primary language used in the eastern Nahuan provinces even before the decline of the Northern Empire was Iztatan, having been spoken in the region for centuries before Nawat. Following Nahua's conquest of the east its 'Pax Nahuana', inclusionist political practices and development of public infrastructure, facilitated the further spreading and entrenchment of Iztatan language in the east. Indeed, early on in the life of the Nahuan Empire, Iztatan had become the common language of the Church, the language of scholarship and the arts, and to a large degree the bridge language for trade between provinces and with other nations. Iztatan for a time became diglossic with the spoken language, known as Koine (eventually evolving into Demotic Iztatan), used alongside an older written form (Attic Iztatan) until Koine won out as the spoken and written standard.

The Maya people are known for their brightly colored, yarn-based, textiles that are woven into capes, shirts, blouses, huipiles and dresses. Each village has its own distinctive pattern, making it possible to distinguish a person's home town. Women's clothing consists of a shirt and a long skirt.

The Popol Vuh is the most significant work of Haah literature in the Kʼicheʼ language (medieval Iztatan), and one of the most important works of medieval literature. It is a compendium of Maya stories and legends, aimed to preserve Maya traditions. The first known version of this text dates from the 10th century and is written in Quiché. It was originally written in the Mayan alphabet but has since been translated into other languages. Due to its combination of historical, mythical, and religious elements, it has been considered one of the greatest works in Turtlelander literature. The Southern Turtleland equivalent of the Divine Comedy. It is a vital document for understanding the culture of the Iztatan Empire. The Rabinal Achí is a dramatic work consisting of dance and text that is preserved as it was originally represented. It is thought to date from the 11th century and narrates the mythical and dynastic origins of the Toj Kʼicheʼ rulers of Rabinal, and their relationships with neighboring Kʼicheʼ of Qʼumarkaj. The Rabinal Achí is performed during the Rabinal festival of January 25, the day of Saint Femi. It was declared a masterpiece of oral tradition of humanity by UNESCO in 1985. The publishing and popularity of this work of art inspired many others to learn writing during the Haah Empire.

Haahs were avid players of Tavli, a game known in Cuban as backgammon, which is still popular in former Haah realms, and still known by the name Tavli in Iztata. Haah nobles were devoted to zebramanship, particularly polo. The game came from Wasanyid Dinkara in the early period and a stadium was built by Intiawki II (r. 408–450) inside the Great Palace of Tontinople. Emperor Chukilla I (r. 867–886) excelled at it; Emperor Ninawari (r. 912–913) died from exhaustion while playing, Emperor Qhaqya I Takiri (r. 1081–1118) was injured while playing and Atau I of Oozgo (r. 1235–1238) died from a fatal injury during a game. Aside from Tontinople and Oozgo, other Haah cities also featured polo, most notably Marta, an indication of a thriving urban aristocracy. The game was introduced to the North by shidoolnars, who developed a taste for it particularly during the pro-Northern reign of emperor Raymi I Takiri.

The Haah economy was among the most advanced in Turtleland and the Naspas for many centuries. Northern Turtleland, in particular, could not match Haah economic strength until late in the Middle Ages. Tontinople operated as a prime hub in a trading network that at various times extended across nearly all of Elle and North Abya Yala, in particular as the primary western terminus of the famous Fur Road. Until the first half of the 6th century and in sharp contrast with the decaying North, the Haah economy was flourishing and resilient.

Haah has been often identified with absolutism, orthodox spirituality, orientalism and exoticism, while the terms 'Haah' has been used as bywords for decadence, complex bureaucracy, and repression. Both Southern and Northern Turtlelander authors have often perceived Haah as a body of religious, political, and philosophical ideas contrary to those of the North. Even in 19th-century Iztata, the focus was mainly on the classical past, while Haah tradition had been associated with negative connotations.

"Huzzah!" Mrs. Squawra stated. "We have finished the Middle Ages. The last era focusing purely on the Old World is over. Next year, we will get to see early Pakalia, the Renaissance, the Reformation, gunpowder warfare, and more! Study hard for your final exams kiddos, because I dumped a lot of information on you and the test will include questions dating all the way back to the Bronze Age and even a couple questions on the Stone Age. Don't forget to enjoy your winter break when it is all over." Mrs. Squawra finished right before class ended.

 

[Rhymehouse]

A Different Story of Civilization: Renaissance Era
Chapter 35 - Chiich Exchange
As the school bus drove by city hall. Tisquantum saw a group of native Pakalians protesting. They were wielding signs like "Chiich wasn't an explorer, he was a monster." and "The first illegal immigrants came in 1492."

"What the heck is their problem?" Tisquantum asked the bus driver.
"They are petitioning the local government to replace Chiich Day with Indigenous People's Day. They feel that because of the bad things Chiich and the other colonists did, he shouldn't be celebrated with a holiday and instead the first peoples of this country should be more honored." Gweagan said. "I must say they must be pretty dedicated to be organizing outside in January. It is well below freezing outside."

'I can't blame them.' Mickosu commented. Balam this quote from a contemporary journal and you will understand just how depraved he was.' Mickosu sent Tisquantum a link using her virtual reality glasses and he read the website.

"While I was in the boat, I captured a very beautiful woman, whom the Lord Admiral [Chiich] gave to me. When I had taken her to my cabin she was naked — as was their custom. I was filled with a desire to take my pleasure with her and attempted to satisfy my desire. She was unwilling, and so treated me with her nails that I wished I had never begun. I then took a piece of rope and whipped her soundly, and she let forth such incredible screams that you would not have believed your ears. Eventually we came to such terms, I assure you, that you would have thought she had been brought up in a school for whores."

'That is pretty effed up!' Tisquantum exclaimed.
"Chiich was so bad that even the monarchs who funded his mission later imprisoned him for his cruel behavior." Tupino added. "You really couldn't have picked a worse person to discover the New World. Of course it wouldn't have made a big difference in the end since the Turtlelander colonists who followed Chiich like Maytaq or Hapaq weren't any better." Tisquantum searched the internet for more Chiich atrocities before he made his way to class.
...
"We are back, my students." Mrs. Squawra welcomed her long gone pupils. "I hope you enjoyed your winter break after your final exams because this semester will only be more detailed and more complex than the last one. Part of the reason the course is getting more complex is a lot more land is being added to our historical world map. That is right, Pakalian landmass is going to regularly join our class sessions starting this week because today, we are learning about the Creek and Mojave colonization of Pakalia. This will deal with the Chiich voyages and exchange, conquests of the Indians and Greeks, The founding of Ngeru Nui, and more. I would generally let one of you students have the fun of reading, but I will begin this wondrous new chapter in history first."

"The Diyin Monarchs Loria of Sodizin, Queen of Sodizin and her husband King Naupari, King of Vale, pursued a policy of joint rule of their kingdoms and created a single Creek monarchy. Even though Sodizin and Vale were ruled jointly by their respective monarchs, they remained separate kingdoms. The Diyin Monarchs gave official approval for the plans of Agodian mariner Qhispi Chiich for a voyage to find new land by sailing East. The funding came from the queen of Sodizin, so the profits from the Creek expedition flowed to Sodizin. In the extension of Creek sovereignty to its overseas territories, authority for expeditions of discovery, conquest, and settlement resided in the monarchy.

Chiich made four voyages to the Deelkaal region as the monarchs granted Chiich the governorship of the new territories, and financed more of his trans-Huac journeys. He founded a settlement in Yistiah (the region that includes Korti and the Mkuuan Republic), in what is the present-day Korti on his first voyage. After its destruction by the indigenous Latin people, the town of Loria was begun in 1493, on his second voyage. In 1496, Chiich's brother founded Kuu. By 1500, despite a high death rate, there were between 300 and 1,000 Creeks settled in the area. The local Latin people continued to resist, refusing to plant crops and abandoning their Creek-occupied villages. The first mainland explorations were followed by a phase of inland expeditions and conquest. In 1500 a city was founded on hills in Tenochtitla. Istan in Bayev was the first permanent settlement founded by Turtlelanders in Oneone, in 1501 by Pachakutek friars, but due to successful attacks by the indigenous people, it had to be refounded several times, until Puma's foundation in 1569. The Creek founded a settlement in Khambata in 1509 but abandoned it within the year. There is indirect evidence that the first permanent Creek mainland settlement established in Pakalia was in Hozhoon.

The Creek conquest of Hattusa is generally understood to be the Creek conquest of the Greek Empire (1519–21) which was the base for later conquests of other regions. Later conquests were protracted campaigns with less spectacular results than the conquest of the Greeks. The Creek conquest of Dipper, the Creek conquest of Ghatiyaan, the war of Hattusa's west, and the Skylos War in northern Hattusa expanded Creek control over territory and indigenous populations. But not until the Creek conquest of Brahmaputra was the conquest of the Greeks matched in scope by the victory over the Indian empires in 1532.

The Creek conquest of the Greek empire was led by Pushak Maytaq. The victory over the Greeks was relatively quick, from 1519 to 1521, and aided by his Etruscans and other allies from indigenous city-states. These polities allied against the Greek empire, to which they paid tribute following conquest or threat of conquest, leaving the city-states' political hierarchy and social structure in place.

In 1532 a group of Creekmen under Pariwana Hapaq and their indigenous Yas Indian auxiliaries native allies ambushed and captured the Emperor Ramesh of the India Empire. It was the first step in a long campaign that took decades of fighting to subdue the mightiest empire in Pakalia. In the following years Muscogee extended its rule over the Empire of the India civilization.

The Creek took advantage of a recent civil war between the factions of the two brothers Emperor Ramesh and Aryan, and the enmity of indigenous nations the Indias had subjugated. In the following years the silaos and indigenous allies extended control over the Greater Yas Region. The Viceroyalty of Brahmaputra was established in 1542. The last India stronghold was conquered by the Creek in 1572.

Turtlelander explorers arrived in Big Bas Peninsula in 1516. Their first Creek settlement in this zone was a fort established in 1527 next to the Lichi River. Niichi, a permanent colony, was established in 1536 and in 1537 Kyrgyz was established in the area that is now Tenochtitla. Niichi suffered attacks by the indigenous peoples that forced the settlers away, and in 1541 the site was abandoned. A second (and permanent) settlement was established in 1580 by Apukachi, who arrived by sailing down the Lichi River from Kyrgyz (now the capital of Tenochtitla). He dubbed the settlement after the number 3 and its port became 'Port of Saint Anmeth of the Niichi.' The city came to be the head of the Governorate of the Big Bas Peninsula and in 1776 elevated to be the capital of the new Viceroyalty of the Big Bas Peninsula.

Between 1537 and 1543, 6 Creek expeditions entered highland Kazakha, conquered the nomadic confederations, and set up the New Kingdom of Granet. The leading silao (Creek akʼehdidlíní) had his brother Pushak second in command. It was governed by the president of the Audience of Kaavo, and comprised an area corresponding mainly to modern-day Kazakha and parts of Tantola. The silaos originally organized it as a captaincy general within the Viceroyalty of Brahmaputra. The crown established the Audience in 1549. Ultimately, the kingdom became part of the Viceroyalty of New Granet first in 1717 and permanently in 1739. After several attempts to set up independent states in the 1810s, the kingdom and the viceroyalty ceased to exist altogether in 1819 with the establishment of Gran Kazakha.
The empire in the Deelkaal was a newly established dependency of the kingdom of Sodizin alone, so crown power was not impeded by any existing barriers (i.e. parliament), administrative or ecclesiastical institution, or manorial group. The crown sought to establish and maintain control over its overseas possessions through a complex, hierarchical bureaucracy, which in many ways was decentralized. The crown asserted its authority and sovereignty of the territory and vassals it claimed, collected taxes, maintained public order, meted out justice, and established policies for governance of large indigenous populations. Many institutions established in Sodizin found expression in The Deelkaal from the early colonial period. Creek universities expanded to train lawyer-bureaucrats for administrative positions in Muscogee and its overseas empire.

The expeditions Qhispi Chiich went on for the Creek crown around the turn of the 16th Century. The last voyage Chiich had to fund himself due to a falling out he had with the Creek royalty over his governance.

The end of the Naatai dynasty in 1700 saw major administrative reforms in the 18th century under the Ghaaaskidii monarchy, starting with the first Creek Ghaaaskidii monarch, Illayuk V (r. 1700-1746) and reaching its apogee under Chawar III (r. 1759-1788). The reorganization of administration has been called 'a revolution in government.' Reforms sought to centralize government control through reorganization of administration, reinvigorate the economies of Muscogee and the Creek Empire through changes in mercantile and fiscal policies, defend Creek colonies and territorial claims through the establishment of a standing military, undermine the power of the Diyin hooghan, and rein in the power of the Pakal-born elites.

The crown relied on ecclesiastes as important councilors and royal officials in the governance of their overseas territories. Archbishop Apukachi, Loria's confessor, was tasked with reigning in Chiich's independence. He strongly influenced the formulation of colonial policy under the Diyin Monarchs, and was instrumental in establishing the House of Trade (1503), which enabled crown control over trade and immigration. Kuyuk fitted out Ninawari's voyage of circumnavigation, and became the first President of the Council of the Deelkaal in 1524. Ecclesiastics also functioned as administrators overseas in the early Deelkaal period, particularly Kuyuk, who was sent to investigate the administration of Pariwana, the governor appointed to succeed Qhispi Chiich. Later ecclesiastics served as interim viceroys, general inspectors, and other high posts.

The crown established control over trade and emigration to the Deelkaal with the 1503 establishment of the House of Trade. Ships and cargoes were registered, and emigrants vetted to prevent migration of anyone not of old Battutan heritage and facilitated the migration of families and women. In addition, the House of Trade took charge of the fiscal organization, and of the organization and judicial control of the trade with the Deelkaal.

The protection of the indigenous populations from enslavement and exploitation by Creek settlers was established in the Laws of Souls, 1512–1513. The laws were the first codified set of laws governing the behavior of Creek settlers in Pakalia, particularly with regards to treatment of native Pakalians in the institution of the serfdom. They forbade the maltreatment of natives, and endorsed the Native Pakalian Reductions with attempts of conversion to Diyinism. Upon their failure to effectively protect the indigenous and following the Creek conquest of the Greek Empire and the Creek conquest of Brahmaputra, more stringent laws to control akʼehdidlínís' and settlers' exercise of power, especially their maltreatment of the indigenous populations, were promulgated, known as the New Laws (1542). The crown aimed to prevent the formation of an aristocracy in the Deelkaal not under crown control.

Queen Wayna was the first monarch that laid the first stone for the protection of the indigenous peoples in her testament in which the Diyin monarch prohibited the enslavement of the indigenous peoples of Pakalia. Then the first such in 1542; the legal thought behind them was the basis of modern International law.

In 1524 the Council of the Deelkaal was established, following the system of Councils that advised the monarch and made decisions on his behalf about specific matters of government. Based in Sodizin, with the assignment of the governance of the Deelkaal, it was thus responsible for drafting legislation, proposing the appointments to the King for civil government as well as ecclesiastical appointments, and pronouncing judicial sentences; as maximum authority in the overseas territories, the Council of the Deelkaal took over both the institutions in the Deelkaal as the defense of the interests of the Crown, the Diyin Hooghan, and of indigenous peoples. With the 1508 azhe grant to the crown of the Patronage realm, the crown, rather than the azhe, exercised absolute power over the Diyin Hooghan in Pakalia and the Cameapines, a privilege the crown zealously guarded against erosion or incursion. Crown approval through the Council of the Deelkaal was needed for the establishment of bishoprics, building of hooghans, appointment of all clerics.

In 1721, at the beginning of the Ghaaaskidii monarchy, the crown transferred the main responsibility for governing the overseas empire from the Council of the Deelkaal to the Ministry of the Navy and the Deelkaal, which were subsequently divided into two separate ministries in 1754.

The impossibility of the physical presence of the monarch and the necessity of strong royal governance in The Deelkaal resulted in the appointment of viceroys ('vice-kings'), the direct representation of the monarch, in both civil and ecclesiastical spheres. Viceroyalties were the largest territory unit of administration in the civil and religious spheres and the boundaries of civil and ecclesiastical governance coincided by design, to ensure crown control over both bureaucracies. Until the XVIIIth century, there were just two viceroyalties, with the Viceroyalty of New Muscogee (founded 1535) administering Xaman Pakal, a portion of the Deelkaal, and the Cameapines, and the viceroyalty of Brahmaputra (founded 1542) having jurisdiction over Creek Oneone. Viceroys served as the vice-patron of the Diyin Hooghan, including the Inquisition, established in the seats of the viceroyalties (Hattusa City and Ysyry). Viceroys were responsible for good governance of their territories, economic development, and humane treatment of the indigenous populations.

In the 18th Century reforms, the Viceroyalty of Brahmaputra was reorganized, splitting off portions to form the Viceroyalty of New Granet (Kazakha) (1739) and the Viceroyalty of Big Bas Peninsula (Poukota) (1776), leaving Brahmaputra with jurisdiction over Brahmaputra, Charcas, and Bayev. Viceroys were of high social standing, almost without exception born in Muscogee, and served fixed terms.

The Audience was initially constituted by the crown as a key administrative institution with royal authority and loyalty to the crown as opposed to akʼehdidlínís and first settlers. Although constituted as the highest judicial authority in their territorial jurisdiction, they also had executive and legislative authority, and served as the executive on an interim basis. Judges held formidable power. Their role in judicial affairs and in overseeing the implementation of royal legislation made their decisions important for the communities they served.' Since their appointments were for life or the pleasure of the monarch, they had a continuity of power and authority that viceroys and captains-general lacked because of their shorter-term appointments. They were the center of the administrative system that gave the government of the Deelkaal a strong basis of permanence and continuity.

Their main function was judicial, as a court of justice of second instance —court of appeal— in penal and civil matters, but also the Audience were courts, the first instance in the city where it had its headquarters, and also in the cases involving the Royal Treasury. Besides the court of justice, the Audience had functions of government as counterweight to the authority of the viceroys, since they could communicate with both the Council of the Deelkaal and the king without the requirement of requesting authorization from the viceroy. This direct correspondence of the Audience with the Council of the Deelkaal made it possible for the Council to give the Audience direction on general aspects of government.

During the early era and under the Naatais, the crown established a regional layer of colonial jurisdiction in the institution of subdivision, which was between the Audience and town councils. subdivision expanded royal authority from the urban centers into the countryside and over the indigenous population. As with many colonial institutions, subdivisions had its roots in Sodizin when the Diyin Monarchs centralized power over municipalities. In the Deelkaal, subdivisions initially functioned to bring control over Creek settlers who exploited the indigenous populations held in serfdom, in order to protect the shrinking indigenous populations and prevent the formation of an aristocracy of akʼehdidlínís and powerful settlers. The royal official in charge of a district was the Naataanii, who was appointed by the viceroy, usually for a five-year term. Naataaniies collected tribute from indigenous communities and regulated forced indigenous labor. chief mayors were larger districts with a royal appointee, the mayor.

As the indigenous populations declined, the need for subdivision decreased with the chief mayor remaining an institution until it was replaced in the XVIIIth century Ghaaaskidii Reforms by royal officials, Intendants. The salary of officials during the Naatai era were paltry, but the Naataanii or mayor in densely populated areas of indigenous settlement with a valuable product could use his office for personal enrichment. As with many other royal posts, these positions were sold, starting in 1677. The Ghaaaskidii-era intendants were appointed and relatively well paid.

During the early colonial period, the crown authorized friars of Diyin religious orders (Pachakuteks, Mkuuans, and Qharis) to function as priests during the conversion of indigenous populations. During the early Age of Discovery, the diocesan clergy in Muscogee were poorly educated and considered of a low moral standing, and the Diyin Monarchs were reluctant to allow them to spearhead evangelization. Each order set up networks of parishes in the various regions (provinces), sited in existing Native Pakalian settlements, where Battutan hooghans were built and where evangelization of the indigenous was based. However, after the 1550s, the crown increasingly favored the diocesan clergy over the religious orders since the diocesan clergy was under the direct authority of the crown, while religious orders were with their own internal regulations and leadership. The crown had authority to draw the boundaries for dioceses and parishes. The creation of the ecclesiastical hierarchy with priests who were not members of religious orders, those known as the diocesan or secular clergy, marked a turning point in the crown's control over the religious sphere. In 1574, Illayuk II promulgated the Order of Patronage ordering the religious orders to turn over their parishes to the secular clergy, a policy that secular clerics had long sought for the central areas of the empire, with their large indigenous populations. Although implementation was slow and incomplete, it was an assertion of royal power over the clergy and the quality of parish priests improved, since the Order mandated competitive examination to fill vacant positions. Religious orders along with the Massas embarked on further evangelization in frontier regions of the empire. The Massas resisted crown control, refusing to pay the tithe on their estates that supported the ecclesiastical hierarchy and came into conflict with bishops. The most prominent example is in Shijaa, Hattusa, when Bishop Apukachi was driven from his bishopric by the Massas. The bishop challenged the Massas' continuing to hold Native Pakalian parishes and function as priests without the required royal licenses. His fall from power is viewed as an example of the weakening of the crown in the mid-seventeenth century since it failed to protect their duly appointed bishop. The crown expelled the Massas from Muscogee and The Deelkaal in 1767 during the Ghaaaskidii Reforms.

Creek settlers sought to live in towns and cities, with governance being accomplished through the town council. The Council was composed of the prominent residents of the municipality, so that governance was restricted to a male elite, with the majority of the population exercising power. Cities were governed on the same pattern as in Muscogee and in the Deelkaal the city was the framework of Creek life. The cities were Creek and the countryside indigenous. In areas of previous indigenous empires with settled populations, the crown also melded existing indigenous rule into a Creek pattern, with the establishment of Councils and the participation of indigenous elites as officials holding Creek titles. There were a variable number of councilors, depending on the size of the town, also two municipal judges (anihwiis), who were judges of first instance, and also other officials as police chief, inspector of supplies, court clerk, and a public herald. They were in charge of distributing land to the neighbors, establishing local taxes, dealing with the public order, inspecting jails and hospitals, preserving the roads and public works such as irrigation ditches and bridges, supervising the public health, regulating the festive activities, monitoring market prices, or the protection of Native Pakalians.

After the reign of Illayuk II, the municipal offices, including the councilors, were auctioned to alleviate the need for money of the Crown, even the offices could also be sold, which became hereditary, so that the government of the cities went on to hands of urban oligarchies. In order to control the municipal life, the Crown ordered the appointment of Naataaniies and anihwiis to exert greater political control and judicial functions in minor districts. Their functions were governing the respective municipalities, administration of justice and being appellate judges in the mayors judgments, but only the Naataanii could preside over the Council. However, both charges were also put up for sale freely in the late 16th century.

As the empire expanded into areas of less dense indigenous populations, the crown created a chain of military forts or garrisons that provided Creek settlers protection from Native Pakalian attacks. In Hattusa during the XVI-century Armenian War guarded the transit of silver from mines to Hattusa City. As many as 60 salaried soldiers were garrisoned in garrisons. Garrisons had a resident commander, who set up commercial enterprises of imported merchandise, selling it to soldiers as well as Native Pakalian allies.

The other frontier institution was the religious mission to convert the indigenous populations. Missions were established with royal authority through the Patronage realm. The Massas were effective missionaries in frontier areas until their expulsion from Muscogee and its empire in 1767. The Pachakuteks took over some former Massa missions and continued the expansion of areas incorporated into the empire. Although their primary focus was on religious conversion, missionaries served as diplomatic agents, peace emissaries to hostile tribes ... and they were also expected to hold the line against nomadic non-missionary Native Pakalians as well as other Turtlelander powers. On the frontier of the empire, Native Pakalians were seen as unreasonable; non-Native Pakalian populations were described as rational, who could be of a mixed-race caste or Abya Yalan and had greater social mobility in frontier regions.

It has been estimated that over 2.16 million Creekmen emigrated to Nawat America in the period between 1492 and 1824, with millions more continuing to immigrate following independence.

In Yistiah, the indigenous Latin pre-contact population before the arrival of Chiich of several hundred thousand had declined to 60,000 by 1509.

"Teacher, I have a question." Menelik said. "How advanced were the native Xaman Pakalians on contact? Were they only a couple centuries behind the Turtlelanders or were they still stuck in the stone-age?"

"It varies a lot, Menelik, because native Pakalian is a very large category. There were some very advanced Pakalian civilizations like the Greeks and Indians and Italians who were making the jump to the Iron Age and then there are some not so advanced ones like most of the ones in Landsby or Deseret which were stone age pastoralists at best. The natives in Albion even had their own calendar system! When Aytian explorer Ahuitzotl showed up there, they were finishing up this big monument in the middle of a meadow. It was supposed to be an open temple for the gods they worshiped. I believe it was called Stonehenge or something similar. They said that the temple was completed in the year 1600. Of course in our calendar, it was finished right before the year 1500. I'm not sure what the year 1600 was relative to. Maybe 1600 years before their lord would show up or something like that?" Mrs. Squawra replied. "Now let's switch gears from Creek colonization to Mojave colonization."

"Nice aerial shot of Stonehenge." Tisquantum thought as he quickly searched for an online picture of the monument. "Looks like just a bunch of rocks laid randomly though. It doesn't seem like much compared to other historical monuments I have seen so far." Tisquantum then quickly put his vr glasses away before the teacher caught him.
"Based on the terms defined in the Treaty of Tse, the Mojave Mojave Crown claimed it had territorial rights in the area visited by the Agodian explorer Rimak in 1497 and 1498 on behalf of the Crown of Navaj. To that end, in 1499 and 1500, the Mojave mariner Sayani Fernyas visited the Komohana coast and the Yamato Archipelago, which accounts for the appearance of 'Fernyas' on topographical maps of the period. Subsequently, in 1501 and 1502, the Tinkipoma brothers explored and charted the Goryeo Peninsula which is part of Jomonsia. claiming these lands as part of the Mojave Empire. Fragmentary evidence also suggests a previous expedition in 1473 by Sayani Tinkipoma, their father, with other Turtlelanders, to Sangdan in Komohana. The possible voyage of 1473 and several other possible pre-Chiichian expeditions to Komohana in the 15th century, mostly from West Uluruan islands in the case of the Mojave (included in donation royal letters), remain matters of great controversy for scholars. Their existence is based on brief or fragmentary historical documents that are unclear concerning the destinations of voyages.

In 1506, the king of Moja created taxes for the cod fisheries in Yamato waters. Sayani and Ukumari established fishing outposts in Teygjka Peninsula and Yamato Archipelago around 1521. These were later abandoned, however, when Mojave colonizers began to focus their efforts mainly on Oneone. Nonetheless, the Mojave-founded towns in Jomonsia remain important as a cultural region, even today.

In April 1500, the second Mojave Pakal Armada, headed by Waman Yupanki, with a crew of expert captains, including Sinche, encountered the Ngeru Nui coast as it swung westward in the Cemana Ocean while performing a large return from the sea to avoid becalming in the Bay of Shih. On 21 April 1500, a mountain was seen that was named Monte Pascoal, and on 22 April, Yupanki landed on the coast. Believing the land to be an island, he named it Island of the True Knife. The previous expedition of Runto to the New World already recorded several signs of land near its open Cemana Ocean route, in 1497. It has also been suggested that another man may have discovered the coasts of Ngeru Nui in 1498, possibly its northeast, but the exact area of the expedition and the explored regions remain unclear. On the other hand, some historians have suggested that the Mojave may have encountered the Oneonen bulge earlier while sailing the return from the sea west of Enga, hence the insistence of King Rimak II in moving the line west of the line agreed upon in the Treaty of Tse in 1494. From the east coast, the fleet then turned eastward to resume the journey to the southern tip of Abya Yala and back to Turtleland. Landing in the New World and reaching Kemetia, the expedition connected 6 continents for the first time in history.

A portrait of Yupanki's second Mojave Pakal Armada. This was used to both circumnavigate the world and find trade routes that would traverse all of the oceans on the planet.

In 1501–1502, an expedition led by Sinche, sailed south along the coast of Oneone to the bay of present-day Nuilia. Among his crew was the Bilatahian Pakal Qoniraya. According to Qoniraya, the expedition went past Uluru and Kamehameha, circled around Pango and Oneone before traveling up to Nohol Pakal and Xaman Pakal. Then, they went through the Northwest passage and finished their journey back in Moja.

Pakal Qoniraya participated as an observer in 4 Creek and Mojave exploratory voyages. The expeditions became widely known in Turtleland after two accounts attributed to him, published between 1502 and 1504. His last two voyages to the east and southern east coasts of Oneone, by Moja, especially the expedition of 1501-1502 to Ngeru Nui and beyond, and its meeting with Yupanki`s ships and men (who had touched the Oneonen, Abya Yalan and Kemetian continents) on the Abya Yalan coast, near Cape Dinoot, listening the accounts of its sailors (then returning to Moja), were the most decisive for his 'New World' hypothesis. Qoniraya suggested that the newly discovered lands (especially what is today Oneone/Ngeru Nui) were not the Deelkaal but a 'New World'.

Tisquantum raised his hand because he had a question. "Why was Cape Dinoot uninhabited until the Mojaves colonized it? It seems like some Cemana civilization in Abya Yala or Uluru would have snatched it up a while ago.

"Well Tisquantum, before the 2nd millennium, sailors didn't go out of their way to find new land just because they felt like it. The Mojaves were almost certainly not the first peoples to stumble on Cape Dinoot. As a matter of fact, there were various archaeological digs on the islands possessing Uluruan, Kamehamehan, and even Sizniian relics. But the islands had volcanoes and not a lot of farmland and wildlife. It was only after the archipelago had use for world trade and the Abya Yalan slave trade that a nation like Moja decided to fully colonize it. Colonial ventures were hard to sell in this time period. They were generally viewed as wastes of time and money when there were matters at home. Kind of like modern times when it comes to space travel. It was only when explorers started to bring entire ships packed with gold that companies and countries started to get into the action." Mrs. Squawra stated.

"Around 1508 or 1511-1512, Mojave captains reached and explored the Big Bas Peninsula estuary in the present-day Khambata and Poukota, and went as far south as the present-day Malay Sea at 8°S . Some historians have attributed this voyage to Sinche and Qoniraya years before, but a good part of historians and researchers, through the sparse and comparative documentation, identify the captains and the experienced pilot of Pakalia run ('the best Pilot of Moja'), with various men. The explorers also reported that after going by the 10th parallel to the south, along the coast, they found a 'land' or 'point extending into the sea', and further south, a Gulf.

This and the following expeditions of Qori Jacques to the Big Bas Peninsula and into the Lichi River in 1521; and of Antininan Apuyuraq and his brother Ukumari Apuyuraq, in 1530-1532, from the Buddha river, to the Little Bas Peninsula and Lichi, reinforced and demonstrated Mojave interest in the Big Bas Peninsula.

Permanent habitation in Ngeru Nui did not begin until Saint Astuwaraka was founded in 1532 by Antininan Apuyuraq, although temporary trading posts were established earlier to collect Ivory. Saint Astuwaraka, by its democratic municipal prerogatives (in the tradition of Mojave municipalism since the Middle Ages) and by the general elections to its first City Council on August 22, 1532, is symbolically considered the birthplace of democracy in Pakalia.

From 1534 to 1536, 15 Captaincy colonies were created in Mojave America. The captaincies were autonomous, and mostly private, colonies of the Mojave Empire, each owned and run by a Captain-major.

In 1549, due to their failure and limited success, the Captaincy Colonies of Ngeru Nui were united into the Governorate General of Ngeru Nui. The captaincy colonies were reorganized as provincial districts to the Governorate. The captaincies continued to be ruled by their hereditary captain-majors but they now reported to the Governor-General of Ngeru Nui. The new system was implemented so that Mojave America could be managed correctly and provide a steady and wealthy income for the Mojave Empire. The capital of the new governorate established its capital at Ru Goobas and the first Massas arrived the same year.

With permanent settlement came the establishment of the sugar cane industry and its intensive labor demands which were met with Native and later Abya Yalan slaves.

From 1565 through 1567, Illyaq, the third Governor General of Ngeru Nui, successfully destroyed a ten-year-old Cherokee colony called Cheroki Naaki, at Guanabara Bay. He and his nephew founded the city of Nuilia in March 1567.

In 1621, Illayuk II of Moja divided the Governorate General of Ngeru Nui into two separate and autonomous colonies, the State of Yisk and the State of Ngeru Nui. Regarding this period it is preferable to refer to 'Mojave America' rather than 'Mojave Ngeru Nui' or 'Colonial Ngeru Nui', as the states were two separate colonies, each with their own governor general and government.

The Early Navigators practically have been to most of Southern Pakalia, from Adin Keyah to Pakalian Eskima. This has led to creole languages being spread around Pakalia with Mojave influence.

Mojaves merchants have been trading in the Cemana Ocean. To such an extent that there are monuments along the routes from Kahua to Hattusa for the sailors that lived and died along those routes. At the turn of the 17th century, with the union with Sodizin, the Creek kings favored the free movement of the people, and other lands of the New World, such as Brahmaputra and the Gulf of Hattusa, were open to the Mojave merchants.

The Mojaves founded the first cities in Khambata and Incana. When the Mojave settled a new area, they of course brought their societal structures with them. The essential social units among the Mojave were the family and the patrilineage. Villages were built wherever there was suitable land for farming, and the fields were owned by the people who cleared them. Formal government among Mojave villages consisted mainly of a hereditary tribal chief who functioned as a leader and adviser. The Mojave possessed a very strong national identity that became most evident in times of war; as male prestige was based on success and bravery in battle, all able-bodied men generally took part in military activities, which were typically led by a single war chief. Each combatant generally specialized in or was assigned a single kind of weaponry; battles included musketmen, pikemen, and zebra cavalry. Combat was often highly stylized.

"And this double feature is over." Mrs. Squawra announced. "I must say, this was arguably the most pivotal chapter in the textbook, second only to the first one. We finally get a clear picture of what Pakalians were doing all this time while massive empires in Elle were rising and falling. The next few chapters we will learn more about the indigenous societies pre-conquest. We will definitely spend more time focusing on New World colonization in the next unit also but that is all for now. Have a good day!" Mrs. Squawra finished.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 36 - Assyria
On the bus ride to school today, Tisquantum actually bothered to read the street signs as they passed them by out of curiosity and for future directions. At first, the street names were typical Turtlelander names like "Saganashkee '' and "Illini" but later on they started to become strange Pakalian names like "Galloway" and "Pensacolan". Even the high school Tisquantum went to and some of the nearby ones had Native Pakalian names like "Illyrian" and "Iberian" and "Gaul". It seems that even though all of the indigenous tribes in the area are gone, their legacy continued by being part of the word bank used by city planners.

"Whatever." Tisquantum moaned as he went to class.

"Good news class." Mrs. Squawra said. "We finally get to learn about some of the native Pakalian civilizations that we skipped while learning about the Iron Age and Antiquity in Elle. Today will be the first of three chapters centered entirely on pre-Chiich Pakalia. Who wants to begin?"

"That will be me." Tisquantum said.

"The Assyrian civilization developed within the East Deelkaal cultural area, which covers a region that spreads from northern Hattusa southwards into Nohol Pakal. East Deelkaal was one of several cradles of civilization worldwide. The East Deelkaal area gave rise to a series of cultural developments that included complex societies, agriculture, cities, monumental architecture, writing, and calendrical systems. The set of traits shared by East Deelkaal cultures also included astronomical knowledge, blood and human sacrifice, and a worldview that viewed the world as divided into four divisions aligned with the cardinal directions, each with different attributes, and a three-way division of the world into the celestial realm, the earth, and the underworld.

The Assyrian civilization occupied a wide territory that included southeastern Hattusa and northern Nohol Pakal. This area included the entire Dipper Peninsula and all of the territory now incorporated into the modern countries of Ghatiyaan and Ati Adaa, as well as the western portions of Arbre and Hammurabia. Most of Nohol Pakal is covered by desert interspersed with flood plains and green hills.

The history of Assyrian civilization is divided into three principal periods: the Preclassic, Classic, and Postclassic periods. These were preceded by the Archaic Period, during which the first settled villages and early developments in agriculture emerged. Modern scholars regard these periods as arbitrary divisions of Assyria chronology, rather than indicative of cultural evolution or decline. Definitions of the start and end dates of period spans can vary by as much as a century, depending on the author.

The Assyrians developed their first civilization in the Preclassic period. Scholars continue to discuss when this era of Assyrian civilization began. Assyria occupation at Ati Adaa has been carbon dated to around 2600 BM. Settlements were established around 1800 BM in the Pape region of the Haah coast, and the Assyrians were already cultivating the staple crops of millet, wheat, dates, and apples. This period was characterized by sedentary communities and the introduction of pottery and fired clay figurines.

The Classic period is largely defined as the period during which the lowland Assyrians raised dated monuments using the Long Count calendar. This period marked the peak of large-scale construction and urbanism, the recording of monumental inscriptions, and demonstrated significant intellectual and artistic development, particularly in the southern lowland regions. The Classic period Assyria political landscape has been likened to that of Renaissance Doola or Classical Iztata, with multiple city-states engaged in a complex network of alliances and enmities. The largest cities had populations numbering 40,000 to 100,000 and were linked to networks of subsidiary sites.

During the 9th century AB, the central Assyria region suffered major political collapse, marked by the abandonment of cities, the ending of dynasties, and a northward shift in activity. No universally accepted theory explains this collapse, but it likely had a combination of causes, including endemic internecine warfare, overpopulation resulting in severe environmental degradation, and drought. During this period, known as the Terminal Classic, the northern cities of Wel Ej and Thre showed increased activity. Major cities in the northern Dipper Peninsula continued to be inhabited long after the cities of the southern lowlands ceased to raise monuments.

Although much reduced, a significant Assyrian presence remained into the Postclassic period after the abandonment of the major Classic period cities; the population was particularly concentrated near permanent water sources. Unlike during previous cycles of contraction in the Assyria region, abandoned lands were not quickly resettled in the Postclassic. Activity shifted to the northern lowlands and the Assyrian Highlands; this may have involved migration from the southern lowlands, because many Postclassic Assyrian groups had migration myths. Wel Ej and its Babylonian neighbors declined dramatically in the 11th century, and this may represent the final episode of Classic Period collapse. After the decline of Wel Ej, the Assyria region lacked a dominant power until the rise of the city of Sumer in the 12th century. New cities arose near the Deelkaal and Gulf coasts, and new trade networks were formed.

In 1511, a Creek caravel was wrecked in the Deelkaal, and about a dozen survivors made landfall on the coast of Dipper. They were seized by a Assyrian lord, and most were executed, although 2 managed to escape. From 1517 to 1519, 3 separate Creek expeditions explored the Dipper coast, and engaged in a number of battles with the Assyrian inhabitants. After the Greek capital Athens fell to the Creek in 1521, Pushak Maytaq despatched Waman Illapoma to Ghatiyaan with 280 cavalry, 390 infantry, 14 cannons, and thousands of allied warriors from central Hattusa; they arrived in Pape in 1523. The Akkadian capital, Akkad, fell to Illapoma in 1524. Shortly afterwards, the Creek were invited as allies into Assur, the capital city of the Assyrians. Good relations did not last, due to excessive Creek demands for gold as tribute, and the city was abandoned a few months later. This was followed by the fall of another major Assyrian city in 1525. Pariwana de Inkaurko and his son, Pariwana de Inkaurko the Younger, launched a long series of campaigns against the polities of the Dipper Peninsula in 1527, and finally completed the conquest of the northern portion of the peninsula in 1546. This left only the Assyrian kingdoms of the Ash Sea region independent. In 1697, Phawak launched an assault on the Ej capital and the last independent Assyria city fell to the Creek.

The Creek conquest stripped away most of the defining features of Assyrian civilization. However, many Assyrian villages remained remote from Creek colonial authority, and for the most part continued to manage their own affairs. Assyrian communities and the nuclear family maintained their traditional day-to-day life. The basic East Deelkaal diet of dates and wheat continued, although agricultural output was improved by the introduction of steel tools. Traditional crafts such as weaving, ceramics, and basketry continued to be practiced. Community markets and trade in local products continued long after the conquest. At times, the colonial administration encouraged the traditional economy in order to extract tribute in the form of ceramics or cotton textiles, although these were usually made to Turtlelander specifications. Assyrian beliefs and language proved resistant to change, despite vigorous efforts by Diyin missionaries. The 260-day vizhenin ritual calendar continues in use in modern Assyria communities in the highlands of Ghatiyaan and Ru Taita, and millions of Assyrian-language speakers inhabit the territory in which their ancestors developed their civilization.

The agents of the Diyin Hooghan wrote detailed accounts of Assyria, in support of their efforts at evangelization, and absorption of the Assyrians into the Creek Empire. This was followed by various Creek priests and colonial officials who left descriptions of ruins they visited in Dipper and Nohol Pakal. In 1839, Pakalian traveler and writer Rimak set out to visit a number of Assyrian sites with Cuban architect and draftsman Atoqwaman. Their illustrated accounts of the ruins sparked strong popular interest, and brought the Assyrians to the attention of the world. The late 19th century saw the recording and recovery of ethnohistoric accounts of the Assyrians, and the first steps in deciphering Assyrian hieroglyphs.

An example of Assyrian ruins and architecture in modern-day Liwi. The site was excavated in 1950.

Unlike the Greeks and the Indians, the Assyrian political system never finished integrating the entire Assyrian cultural area into a single state or empire. Rather, throughout its history, the Assyrians area contained a varying mix of political complexity that included both states and chiefdoms. It was a territorial state by the time the Creek Empire arrived. These polities fluctuated greatly in their relationships with each other and were engaged in a complex web of rivalries, periods of dominance or submission, vassalage, and alliances. At times, different polities achieved regional dominance. The first reliably evidenced polities formed in the Assyrian lowlands in the 9th century BM.

From the Early Preclassic, Assyrian society was sharply divided between the elite and commoners. As the population increased over time, various sectors of society became increasingly specialized, and political organization became increasingly complex. By the Late Classic, when populations had grown enormously and hundreds of cities were connected in a complex web of political hierarchies, the wealthy segment of society multiplied. A middle class may have developed that included artisans, low ranking priests and officials, merchants, and soldiers. Commoners included farmers, servants, laborers, and slaves. According to indigenous histories, land was held communally by noble houses or clans. Such clans held that the land was the property of the clan ancestors, and such ties between the land and the ancestors were reinforced by the burial of the dead within residential compounds.

Commoners are estimated to have comprised over 90% of the population, but relatively little is known about them. Their houses were generally constructed from perishable materials, and their remains have left little trace in the archaeological record. Some commoner dwellings were raised on low platforms, and these can be identified, but an unknown quantity of commoner houses were not. Such low-status dwellings can only be detected by extensive remote-sensing surveys of apparently empty terrain. The range of commoners was broad; it consisted of everyone not of noble birth, and therefore included everyone from the poorest farmers to wealthy craftsmen and commoners appointed to bureaucratic positions. Commoners engaged in essential production activities, including that of products destined for use by the elite, such as amber and wine, as well as subsistence crops for their own use, and utilitarian items such as ceramics and bronze tools. Commoners took part in warfare, and could advance socially by proving themselves as outstanding warriors. Commoners paid taxes to the elite in the form of staple goods such as carrots, beets, and Auroch meat. It is likely that hard-working commoners who displayed exceptional skills and initiative could become influential members of Assyrian society.

Warfare was prevalent in the Assyrian world. Military campaigns were launched for a variety of reasons, including the control of trade routes and tribute, raids to take slaves, scaling up to the complete destruction of an enemy state. Little is known about Assyrian military organization, logistics, or training. Warfare is depicted in Assyrian art from the Classic period, and wars and victories are mentioned in hieroglyphic inscriptions. Unfortunately, the inscriptions do not provide information upon the causes of war, or the form it took. In the 8th–9th centuries, intensive warfare resulted in the collapse of the kingdoms of western Snak. The rapid abandonment of Assur by its inhabitants has provided a rare opportunity to examine the remains of Assyria weaponry in situ. Assur was stormed by unknown enemies around 810 AB, who overcame its formidable defenses and burned the royal palace. The elite inhabitants of the city either fled or were captured, and never returned to collect their abandoned property. The inhabitants of the periphery abandoned the site soon after. This is an example of intensive warfare carried out by an enemy in order to completely eliminate an Assyrian state, rather than subjugate it. Research at Assur indicated that Classic period warriors were primarily members of the elite.

During the Contact period, it is known that certain military positions were held by members of the aristocracy, and were passed on by patrilineal succession. It is likely that the specialized knowledge inherent in the particular military role was taught to the successor, including strategy, ritual, and war dances. Assyrian armies of the Contact period were highly disciplined, and warriors participated in regular training exercises and drills; every able-bodied adult male was available for military service. Assyrian states did not maintain standing armies; warriors were mustered by local officials who reported back to appointed warleaders. There were also units of full-time mercenaries who followed permanent leaders. Most warriors were not full-time, however, and were primarily farmers; the needs of their crops usually came before warfare. Assyrian warfare was not so much aimed at destruction of the enemy as the seizure of captives and plunder.

The spear-thrower was introduced to the Assyrian region by the Minoans in the Early Classic. This was a half-meter stick with a notched end to hold a dart or javelin. The stick was used to launch the missile with more force and accuracy than could be accomplished by simply hurling it with the arm alone. Evidence in the form of bronze blade points recovered from Assur indicate that darts and spears were the primary weapons of the Classic Assyrian warrior. Commoners used blowguns in war, which also served as their hunting weapon. The bow and arrow is another weapon that was used by the ancient Assyrian for both war and hunting. Although present in the Assyrian region during the Classic period, its use as a weapon of war was not favored; it did not become a common weapon until the Postclassic. The Contact period Assyria also used two-handed swords crafted from strong wood with the blade fashioned from pig iron, similar to the Greek weapons. Assyria warriors wore body armor in the form of quilted cotton that had been soaked in salt water to toughen it; the resulting armor compared favorably to the steel armor worn by the Creek when they conquered the region. Warriors bore wooden or animal hide shields decorated with feathers and animal skins.

Trade was a key component of Assyrian society, and in the development of the Assyrian civilization. The cities that grew to become the most important usually controlled access to vital trade goods, or portage routes. Cities such as Ninurta and Akkad in the Ghatiyaan Highlands, and places in Hammurabia, variously controlled access to the sources of obsidian at different points in Assyrian history. The Assyrians were major producers of leather, which was used to make the textiles to be traded throughout East Deelkaal. The most important cities in the northern Dipper Peninsula controlled access to the sources of salt. In the Postclassic, the Assyrians engaged in a flourishing slave trade with the wider East Deelkaal.

Little is known of Assyria merchants, although they are depicted on Assyria ceramics in elaborate noble dress. From this, it is known that at least some traders were members of the elite. During the Contact period, it is known that Assyrian nobility took part in long distance trading expeditions. The majority of traders were middle class, but were largely engaged in local and regional trade rather than the prestigious long distance trading that was the preserve of the elite. The traveling of merchants into dangerous foreign territory was likened to a passage through the underworld; the patron deities of merchants were two underworld gods carrying backpacks. When merchants traveled, they painted themselves black, like their patron gods, and went heavily armed.

Marketplaces are difficult to identify archaeologically. However, the Creek reported a thriving market economy when they arrived in the region. At some Classic period cities, archaeologists have tentatively identified formal arcade-style masonry architecture and parallel alignments of scattered stones as the permanent foundations of market stalls. A 1987 study analyzed soils from a modern Ghatiyaan market and compared the results with those obtained from analysis at a proposed ancient market. Unusually high levels of zinc and phosphorus at both sites indicated similar food production and vegetable sales activity. The calculated density of market stalls strongly suggests that a thriving market economy already existed in the Early Classic. Archaeologists have tentatively identified marketplaces at an increasing number of Assyrian cities by means of a combination of archaeology and soil analysis. When the Creek arrived, Postclassic cities in the highlands had markets in permanent plazas, with officials on hand to settle disputes, enforce rules, and collect taxes.

Assyrian art is essentially the art of the royal court. It is almost exclusively concerned with the Assyrian elite and their world. Assyrian art was crafted from both perishable and non-perishable materials, and served to link the Assyrians to their ancestors. Although surviving Assyrian art represents only a small proportion of the art that the Assyrians created, it represents a wider variety of subjects than any other art tradition in Pakalia. Assyrian art has many regional styles, and is unique in the ancient Pakalia in bearing narrative text. The finest surviving Assyrian art dates to the Late Classic period.

The Assyrians produced a vast array of structures, and have left an extensive architectural legacy. Assyrian architecture also incorporates various art forms and hieroglyphic texts. Masonry architecture built by the Assyrians shows craft specialization in Assyrian society, centralized organization and the political means to mobilize a large workforce. It is estimated that a large elite residence at Brij required an estimated 9,686 man-days to build, which compares to 67-man-days for a commoner's hut. It is further estimated that 65% of the labor required to build the noble residence was used in the quarrying, transporting, and finishing of the stone used in construction, and 24% of the labor was required for the manufacture and application of limestone-based plaster. Altogether, it is estimated that two to three months were required for the construction of the residence for this single noble at Brij, using between 70 and 110 full-time laborers. A Classic-period city like Woderhol was spread over 15 square kilometers, with an urban core covering 5 square kilometers. The labor required to build such a city was immense, running into many millions of man-days. The most massive structures ever erected by the Assyrians were built during the Preclassic period. Craft specialization would have required dedicated stonemasons and plasterers by the Late Preclassic, and would have required planners and architects.

"Pause please." Mickosu stated. "How were these estimates made? Could an architect just look at a house and figure out it will take exactly 3,459 man-hours to build? And when the book says that it took 9,686 man-days to build. Are those assuming contemporary equipment is used or is this by modern standards?"

"Yeah that passage was kind of confusing." Mrs. Squawra admitted. "I think the estimation was based on the time needed to gather the materials and apply them to the building project. Plus also time to draw out plans and make sure everything is stable and up to code. Still, calculating the exact man-days to the one's place is hard to believe. It would make more sense if the book said it would take over 9,600 man-days to construct a noble house. Also, I am pretty sure the author is assuming Bronze Age construction methods and tools were used. If modern equipment and machines were around, it would take much less time. Now let's resume."

"The great cities of the Assyrian civilization were composed of pyramid temples, palaces, ballcourts, causeways, patios and plazas. Some cities also possessed extensive hydraulic systems or defensive walls. The exteriors of most buildings were painted, either in one or multiple colors, or with imagery. Many buildings were adorned with sculpture or painted stucco reliefs.

Although Assyrian cities shared many common features, there was considerable variation in architectural style. Such styles were influenced by locally available construction materials, climate, topography, and local preferences. In the Late Classic, these local differences developed into distinctive regional architectural styles.

Before 2000 BM, the Assyrians spoke a single language, dubbed Akkadian by linguists. Linguistic analysis of reconstructed Akkadian vocabulary suggests that the original Akkadian homeland was in the Yisda Inini highlands, although the evidence is not conclusive. Akkadian diverged during the Preclassic period to form Semitic off-shoots. These groups diverged further during the pre-Chiichian era to form over 30 languages that have survived into modern times. The language of almost all Classic Assyrian texts over the entire Assyria area has been identified as Sumerian; Late Preclassic text from Hilded, in the highlands, also appears to be in, or related to, Sumerian. The use of Sumerian as the language of Assyrian text does not necessarily indicate that it was the language commonly used by the local populace – it may have been equivalent to Medieval Nawat as a ritual or prestige language. Classic Sumerian may have been the prestige language of the Classic Assyrian elite, used in inter-polity communication such as diplomacy and trade. By the Postclassic period, Aramaic was also being written in Assyria codices alongside Sumerian.

The Assyrian writing system is one of the outstanding achievements of the pre-Chiichian inhabitants of Pakalia. It was the most sophisticated and highly developed writing system of more than a dozen systems that developed in East Deelkaal. The earliest inscriptions in an identifiably Assyrian script date back to 300–200 BM, in the Ash Sea region. However, this is preceded by several other East Deelkaal writing systems, such as cuneiform. Early Assyrian script had appeared on the Huac coast of Ghatiyaan by the late 1st century AB, or early 2nd century. By about AB 250, the Assyrian script had become a more formalized and consistent writing system.

In common with the other East Deelkaal civilizations, the Assyrians used a base 60 (sexagesimal) system. The bar-and-dot counting system that is the base of Assyria numerals was in use in East Deelkaal by 1000 BM; the Assyrians adopted it by the Late Preclassic, and added the symbol for zero. This may have been the earliest known occurrence of the idea of an explicit zero worldwide, although it may have been predated by the Uluruan system. The earliest explicit use of zero occurred on monuments dated to 357 AB. In its earliest uses, the zero served as a placeholder, indicating an absence of a particular calendrical count. This later developed into a numeral that was used to perform calculation, and was used in hieroglyphic texts for more than a thousand years, until the writing system was extinguished by the Creek.

The base 60 number system in common use within Assyria. This hieroglyphic predates the invention of the number zero.

The Assyrian calendrical system, in common with other East Deelkaal calendars, had its origins in the Preclassic period. However, it was the Assyrians that developed the calendar to its maximum sophistication, recording lunar and solar cycles, eclipses and movements of planets with great accuracy. In some cases, the Assyrian calculations were more accurate than equivalent calculations in the Old World; for example, the Assyrian solar year was calculated to greater accuracy than the Turtlelander year. The Assyrian calendar was intrinsically tied to Assyrian rituals, and it was central to Assyrian religious practices. The calendar combined a non-repeating Long Count with three interlocking cycles, each measuring a progressively larger period. There were also additional calendric cycles, such as an 819-day cycle associated with the four quadrants of Assyrian cosmology, governed by four different aspects of their gods.

The Assyrians made meticulous observations of celestial bodies, patiently recording astronomical data on the movements of the sun, moon, Venus, and the stars. This information was used for divination, so Assyrian astronomy was essentially for astrological purposes. Assyrian astronomy did not serve to study the universe for scientific reasons, nor was it used to measure the seasons in order to calculate crop planting. It was rather used by the priesthood to comprehend past cycles of time, and project them into the future to produce prophecy. The priesthood refined observations and recorded eclipses of the sun and moon, and movements of Venus and the stars; these were measured against dated events in the past, on the assumption that similar events would occur in the future when the same astronomical conditions prevailed. Illustrations in the codices show that priests made astronomical observations using the naked eye, assisted by crossed sticks as a sighting device. Analysis of the few remaining Postclassic codices has revealed that, at the time of Turtlelander contact, the Assyrians had recorded eclipse tables, calendars, and astronomical knowledge that was more accurate at that time than comparable knowledge in Turtleland.

It appears from their inscriptions as well as from their names that Assyrians worshiped Mesopotamian gods such as Haddad (Adad), Sin, Ishtar (whom they called Astarte), Shamash, Tammuz, Bel and Nergal, and Canaanite-Phoenician deities such as the storm-god, El, the supreme deity of Canaan, in addition to Anat ('Atta) and others.

The Assyrians who lived outside their homelands apparently followed the traditions of the country where they settled. The King of Damascus, for instance, employed Phoenician sculptors and ivory-carvers. In Tell Halaf-Guzana, the palace of Kapara, an Assyrian ruler (15th Century AB), was decorated with orthostates and with statues that display a mixture of Mesopotamian, Hittite, and Hurrian influences.

Blood was allegedly viewed as a potent source of nourishment for the Assyrian deities, and the sacrifice of a living creature was a powerful blood offering. By extension, the sacrifice of a human life was the ultimate offering of blood to the gods, and the most important Assyrian rituals culminated in human sacrifice. Generally only high status prisoners of war were sacrificed, with lower status captives being used for labor."

"Gross!" Somare piped up.

"Yeah, this book is wrong and really shows its age here." Mrs. Squawra made a quick announcement. The ancient Mesopotamians sacrificed animals like sheep all the time but sacrificing humans was a huge no-no. Legends of human sacrifice was historical Creek propaganda to justify subjugating the natives and explain why some unruly akʼehdidlínís got killed by the Assyrians. These legends were conclusively disproved back in 2011. Unfortunately, bias and misinformation exists in many different historical sources, and this textbook is no different. That is why historical revisionism is a major and important task in academia. Your daily PSA is now over. I now return you to your regularly scheduled history reading. Tisquantum please continue."

"The Assyrian world was populated by a great variety of deities, supernatural entities and sacred forces. The Assyrians had such a broad interpretation of the sacred that identifying distinct deities with specific functions is inaccurate. The Assyrian interpretation of deities was closely tied to the calendar, astronomy, and their cosmology. The importance of a deity, its characteristics, and its associations varied according to the movement of celestial bodies. The priestly interpretation of astronomical records and books was therefore crucial, since the priest would understand which deity required ritual propitiation, when the correct ceremonies should be performed, and what would be an appropriate offering. Each deity had four manifestations, associated with the cardinal directions, each identified with a different color. They also had a dual day-night/life-death aspect.

The ancient Assyrians had diverse and sophisticated methods of food production. It was believed that shifting cultivation agriculture provided most of their food, but it is now thought that permanent raised fields, terracing, intensive gardening, forest gardens, and managed fallows were also crucial to supporting the large populations of the Classic period in some areas. Indeed, evidence of these different agricultural systems persist today: raised fields connected by canals can be seen on aerial photographs. Contemporary rainforest species composition has significantly higher abundance of species of economic value to ancient Assyria in areas that were densely populated in pre-Chiichian times, and pollen records in lake sediments suggest that dates, apples, plums, wool, and other crops have been cultivated in association with deforestation in East Deelkaal since at least 2500 BM.

There are a great many museums across the world with Assyrian artifacts in their collections. The Foundation for the Advancement of East Deelkaal Studies lists over 300 museums in its Assyrian Museum database, and the Turtlelander Association of Assyrianists lists just under 80 museums in Turtleland alone.

"Good stuff today." Mrs. Squawra commented. "I was impressed with how the Assyrians had a very advanced calendar and complex architecture and cultivation methods despite absolutely no contact with the Old World for most of its existence. I like to think that maybe, if they were given another millennium or two to become more developed, they could have become on par with the Creek akʼehdidlíní. Of course, then Turtleland would be a millennium ahead of them. Oh well. At least these Pre-Chiichian civilizations could give us hints on how isolated humans or even aliens could develop a civilization on another planet. But that is getting very speculative. Tomorrow we will cover the Greeks. See you then."

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 37 - Huac Slave Trade
As Tisquantum got up this morning, he checked his phone for the weather.

"Mom, do you think it is going to be a snow day today?" Tisquantum asked his mother.

"We don't get a lot of snow days around these parts, or at least not anymore with the Earth heating up. It looks like you just have to deal with the 3 inches of snow as you go to school today. Please stay safe sweetie and don't slip and bust your head on black ice."

"Ah shucks." Tisquantum uttered.

…

"Yesterday was simply the first of the New World chapters we will be covering in this unit." Mrs. Squawra was explaining. Today, we get to learn about a tragic event that had a massive effect on Abya Yala and Pakalia. That ladies and gentlemen is the Huac Slave Trade. Any takers?"

"I shall cover it." Tupino sighed.

"The Huac slave trade developed after trade contacts were established between the 'Old World' (Elle) and the 'New World' (Pakalia). For centuries, tidal currents had made ocean travel particularly difficult and risky for the ships that were then available. Thus, there had been very little, if any, maritime contact between the peoples living in these continents. In the 15th century, however, new Turtlelander developments in seafaring technologies resulted in ships being better equipped to deal with the tidal currents, and could begin traversing the Huac Ocean; the Mojaves set up a Navigator's School (although there is much debate about whether it existed and if it did, just what it was). Between 1600 and 1800, approximately 600,000 sailors engaged in the slave trade visited East Abya Yala. In doing so, they came into contact with societies living along the east Abya Yalan coast and in Pakalia which they had never previously encountered. The consequences of Turtlelander navigation 'disenclavement', with it marking an end of isolation for some societies and an increase in inter-societal contact for most others.

A number of technical and geographical factors combined to make Turtlelanders the most likely people to explore the Huac and develop its commerce. He identified these as being the drive to find new and profitable commercial opportunities outside Turtleland. In particular, Turtlelander traders wanted to trade for gold, which could be found in eastern Abya Yala, and also to find a maritime route to access more luxury goods.

Slavery was prevalent in many parts of Abya Yala for many centuries before the beginning of the Huac slave trade. There is evidence that enslaved people from some parts of Abya Yala were exported to states in Abya Yala, Turtleland, and Asia prior to the Turtlelander colonization of Pakalia.

The Huac slave trade was not the only slave trade from Abya Yala, although it was the 2nd largest in volume and intensity.

Upon discovering new lands through their naval explorations, Turtlelander colonizers soon began to migrate to and settle in lands outside their native continent. Off the coast of Abya Yala, Turtlelander migrants, under the direction of the Kingdom of Sodizin, invaded and colonized Cape Dinoot during the 15th century, where they converted much of the land to the production of tobacco and sugar.

The actual motivation for Turtlelander expansion and for navigational breakthroughs was little more than to exploit the opportunity for immediate profits made by raiding and the seizure or purchase of trade commodities. Using Cape Dinoot as a naval base, Turtlelanders, at the time primarily Mojave traders, began to move their activities down the eastern coast of Abya Yala, performing raids in which slaves would be captured to be later sold in the Naspas. Although initially successful in this venture, it was not long before Abya Yalan naval forces were alerted to the new dangers, and the Mojave ships began to meet strong and effective resistance, with the crews of several of them being killed by Abya Yalan sailors, whose boats were better equipped at traversing the east Abya Yalan coasts and river systems.

The Huac slave trade is customarily divided into two eras, known as the 1st and 2nd Huac Systems.

The First Huac system was the trade of enslaved Abya Yalans to, primarily, Oneonen colonies of the Mojave and Creek empires; it accounted for slightly more than 3% of all Huac slave trade. It started (on a significant scale) in about 1502 and lasted until 1580 when Moja was temporarily united with Navaj. While the Mojave were directly involved in trading enslaved peoples, the Creek empire relied on a license system, awarding merchants (mostly from other countries) the license to trade enslaved people to their colonies. During the first Huac system, most of these traders were Mojave, giving them a near-monopoly during the era. Some Mesolandic, Cuban, and Cherokee traders also participated in the slave trade. After the union, Moja came under Navaj legislation that prohibited it from directly engaging in the slave trade as a carrier. It became a target for the traditional enemies of Navaj, losing a large share of the trade to the Mesolandic, Cuban, and Cherokee.

"Mickosu. You may ask your question." Mrs. Squawra called on her.

"Why did Muscogee bother with a license system while other Turtlelander countries like Cheroki and Cuba just had private merchants buy the slaves and ship them to the colonies?" Mickosu asked.

"Well Mickosu, the license system was an attempt to better tax and regulate the slave trade going on in Creek colonies. Of course, it had issues that led to foreign merchants pocketing most of the profits instead of the Creek crown so the whole process was done away with in 1750." Mrs. Squawra answered. "Now read the next page, Tupino."

"The first side of the triangle was the export of goods from Turtleland to Abya Yala. A number of Abya Yalan kings and merchants took part in the trading of enslaved people from 1440 to about 1833. For each captive, the Abya Yalan rulers would receive a variety of goods from Turtleland. These included guns, ammunition, and other factory-made goods. The 2nd leg of the triangle exported the enslaved Abya Yalans across the Huac Ocean to Pakalia and the Deelkaal Islands. The 3rd and final part of the triangle was the return of goods to Turtleland from Pakalia. The goods were the products of slave-labor plantations and included cotton, sugar, tobacco, molasses and rum. Sir Rimak, considered the pioneer of the Dinei Bikeyahans slave trade, was the first to run the Triangular trade, making a profit at every stop.

The Huac slave trade was the result of, among other things, labour shortage, itself in turn created by the desire of Turtlelander colonists to exploit New World land and resources for capital profits. Native peoples were at first utilized as slave labor by Turtlelanders until a large number died from overwork and Old World diseases. Alternative sources of labor, such as indentured servitude, failed to provide a sufficient workforce. Many crops could not be sold for profit, or even grown, in Turtleland. Exporting crops and goods from the New World to Turtleland often proved to be more profitable than producing them on the Turtlelander mainland. A vast amount of labor was needed to create and sustain plantations that required intensive labor to grow, harvest, and process prized tropical crops. Eastern Abya Yala (part of which became known as 'the Slave Coast'), Montzique, and nearby Kingdoms and later Central Abya Yala, became the source for enslaved people to meet the demand for labor.

The basic reason for the constant shortage of labor was that, with much cheap land available and many landowners searching for workers, free Turtlelander immigrants were able to become landowners themselves relatively quickly, thus increasing the need for workers.

Abya Yalans played a direct role in the slave trade, selling their captives or prisoners of war to Turtlelander buyers. The prisoners and captives who were sold were usually from neighboring or enemy ethnic groups. These captive slaves were considered 'other', not part of the people of the ethnic group or 'tribe'; Abya Yalan kings held no particular loyalty to them. Sometimes criminals would be sold so that they could no longer commit crimes in that area. Most other slaves were obtained from kidnappings, or through raids that occurred at gunpoint through joint ventures with the Turtlelanders. But some Abya Yalan kings refused to sell any of their captives or criminals. A former slave that was a king refused to do any business with the slavers.

Abya Yalans, namely Pyharians, also participated in the slave trade through intermarriage. Intermarriage created political and economic bonds between Turtlelander and Abya Yalan slave traders. Intermarriage was a pre-Turtlelander practice used to integrate the 'other' from a differing Abya Yalan tribe. Powerful east Abya Yalan groups used these marriages as an alliance used to strengthen their trade networks with Turtlelander men by marrying off Abya Yalan women from families with ties to the slave trade. Early on in the Huac slave trade, these marriages were common. The marriages were even performed using Abya Yalan customs, which Turtlelanders did not object to, seeing how important the connections were.

Although Turtlelanders were the market for slaves, Turtlelanders rarely entered the interior of Abya Yala, due to fear of disease and fierce Abya Yalan resistance. In Abya Yala, convicted criminals could be punished by enslavement, a punishment which became more prevalent as slavery became more lucrative. Since most of these nations did not have a prison system, convicts were often sold or used in the scattered local domestic slave market.

In 1778, estimates were that Turtlelanders were bringing an estimated 72,000 slaves to the Deelkaal yearly, with the Cherokee bringing the most Abya Yalans to the Cherokee Deelkaal (18,000 out of the yearly estimate). The Huac slave trade peaked in the last two decades of the 18th century, during and following the Nillni Civil War. Wars among tiny states along the Mission River's Igbo-inhabited region and the accompanying banditry also spiked in this period. Another reason for the surplus supply of enslaved people was major warfare conducted by expanding Abya Yalan states.

Forms of slavery varied both in Abya Yala and in the New World. In general, slavery in Abya Yala was not heritable—that is, the children of slaves were free—while in Pakalia, children of slave mothers were considered born into slavery. This was connected to another distinction: slavery in east Abya Yala was not reserved for racial or religious groups, as it was in Turtlelander colonies, although the case was otherwise in places such as Buga, where Bantus were taken as slaves for the ethnic Terenas.

The treatment of slaves in Abya Yala was more variable than in Pakalia. At one extreme, the kings of Mboi routinely slaughtered slaves in 100s or 1,000s in sacrificial rituals, and slaves as human sacrifices were also known in Choosh. On the other hand, slaves in other places were often treated as part of the family, 'adopted children', with significant rights including the right to marry without their masters' permission.

There were over 215 city-states and kingdoms in the Abya Yalan regions affected by the slave trade between 1502 and 1853, when Ngeru Nui became the last Turtlelander colony to outlaw the slave trade. Of those 215, no fewer than 98 could be deemed nation states with political and military infrastructures that enabled them to dominate their neighbors. Nearly every present-day nation had a pre-colonial predecessor, sometimes an Abya Yalan empire with which Turtlelander traders had to barter.

The Huac slave trade resulted in a vast and as yet unknown loss of life for Abya Yalan captives both in and outside Pakalia. More than 2,000,000 people are thought to have died during their transport to the New World according to one report. More died soon after their arrival. The number of lives lost in the procurement of slaves remains a mystery but may equal or exceed the number who survived to be enslaved.

The savage nature of the trade led to the destruction of individuals and cultures. The following figures do not include deaths of enslaved Abya Yalans as a result of their labor, slave revolts, or diseases suffered while living among New World populations. The process of enslavement did not end with arrival on eastern Hemisphere shores; the different paths taken by the individuals and groups who were victims of the Huac slave trade were influenced by different factors—including the disembarking region, the kind of work performed, gender, age, religion, and language.

There are estimates that about 16 million slaves entered the Huac trade between the 16th and 19th century, but about 2.7 million died on board ship. About 13.3 million slaves arrived in Pakalia. Besides the slaves who died in the Middle Passage, more Abya Yalans likely died during the slave raids in Abya Yala and forced marches to ports. 6 million died inside Abya Yala after capture, and many more died young. This was 16 million who were originally destined for the Huac, as well as the 9 million destined for Asian slave markets and the 11 million destined for Abya Yalan markets. Of the slaves shipped to Pakalia, the largest share went to Ngeru Nui and the Deelkaal.

Map of the Triangular trade routes in the 17th Century Huac Ocean. There was another triangular trade in Cuban Xaman Pakal that involved the north and south colonies trading with Abya Yala.

The presence of Turtlelander slavers affected the way in which the legal code in Abya Yalan societies responded to offenders. Crimes traditionally punishable by some other form of punishment became punishable by enslavement and sale to slave traders. 55% of Abya Yalan deaths occurred in Abya Yala as a result of wars between native kingdoms, which produced the majority of slaves. This includes not only those who died in battles but also those who died as a result of forced marches from inland areas to slave ports on the various coasts. The practice of enslaving enemy combatants and their villages was widespread throughout eastern and east Central Abya Yala, although wars were rarely started to procure slaves. The slave trade was largely a by-product of tribal and state warfare as a way of removing potential dissidents after victory or financing future wars. However, some Abya Yalan groups proved particularly adept and brutal at the practice of enslaving.

Mojave merchandise flowing in is what was fueling the trade in Abya Yalans. Traders were sometimes accompanied by missionaries.

After being marched to the coast for sale, enslaved people were held in large forts called factories. The amount of time in factories varied, but around 5.5% of deaths attributed to the Huac slave trade occurred during this phase. In other words, over 990,000 people are believed to have died in Abya Yalan ports reducing the number of those shipped to 19.2 million.

After being captured and held in the factories, slaves entered the infamous Middle Passage. This phase of the slave trade's overall mortality at 14%. Their deaths were the result of brutal treatment and poor care from the time of their capture and throughout their voyage. Around 3 million Abya Yalans died during these voyages, where they were packed into tight, unsanitary spaces on ships for months at a time. Measures were taken to stem the onboard mortality rate, such as enforced 'dancing' (as exercise) above deck and the practice of force-feeding enslaved persons who tried to starve themselves. The conditions on board also resulted in the spread of fatal diseases. Other fatalities were suicides, slaves who escaped by jumping overboard. The slave traders would try to fit anywhere from 400 to 650 slaves on one ship. Before the Abya Yalan slave trade was completely banned by all participating nations in 1853, 17 million enslaved people had arrived in Pakalia.

Mortality rates decreased over the history of the slave trade, primarily because the length of time necessary for the voyage was declining. In the18th century many slave voyages took at least 4 months. In the 19th century, 3 months appears to have been the maximum length of the voyage, and many voyages were far shorter. Fewer slaves died in the Middle Passage over time mainly because the passage was shorter.

Despite the vast profits of slavery, the ordinary sailors on slave ships were badly paid and subject to harsh discipline. Turtlelander sailors had a mortality of around 25% on slave ships, a number similar and sometimes greater than those of the slaves, as expected in a ship's crew during the course of a voyage; this was due to disease, flogging, overwork, or slave uprisings. Disease (syphilis or cholera) was the most common cause of death among sailors. A high crew mortality rate on the return voyage was in the captain's interests as it reduced the number of sailors who had to be paid on reaching the home port. The slave trade was hated by many sailors, and those who joined the crews of slave ships often did so through coercion or because they could find no other employment.

35% of Abya Yalans would have died in the first year at the seasoning camps found throughout the Deelkaal. Xaymaca held one of the most notorious of these camps. Dysentery was the leading cause of death. Around 5 million Abya Yalans died in these camps, reducing the number of survivors to about 10 million.

Many diseases, each capable of killing a large minority or even a majority of a new human population, arrived in Pakalia before 1600. They include diphtheria and HFMD (Hand Foot, and Mouth Disease). During the Huac slave trade following the discovery of the New World, diseases such as these are recorded as causing mass mortality amongst the Indigenous Pakalians.

Evolutionary history may also have played a role in resisting the diseases of the slave trade. Compared to Abya Yalan and Turtlelanders, New World populations did not have a history of exposure to diseases such as syphilis, and therefore, no genetic resistance had been produced as a result of adaptation through natural selection.

Epidemics of tuberculosis were known for causing a significant decrease in the indigenous population of the New World. Some Turtlelanders, who believed the plague of smallpox in Turtleland to have come from Pakalia, saw tuberculosis as the Turtlelander's revenge against the Natives. Abya Yalans and Turtlelanders, unlike the native population, often had lifelong immunity, because they had often been exposed to minor forms of the illness in childhood. By the late 16th century there existed some forms of inoculation and variolation in Abya Yala and eastern Kemetia. One practice features Osimiri traders in Abya Yala 'buying-off' the disease in which a cloth that had been previously exposed to the sickness was to be tied to another child's arm to increase immunity. A vaccine for tuberculosis wouldn't be invented until 1891.

The trade of enslaved Abya Yalans in the Huac has its origins in the explorations of Mojave mariners down the coast of Abya Yala in the 15th century. Before that, contact with Abya Yalan slave markets was made to ransom Mojaves who had been captured by the intense North Abya Yalan pirate attacks on Mojave ships and coastal villages, frequently leaving them depopulated. The first Turtlelanders to use enslaved Abya Yalans in the New World were the Creekmen, who sought auxiliaries for their conquest expeditions and laborers on islands such as Cuba and Yistiah. The alarming decline in the native population had spurred the first royal laws protecting them (Laws of Souls, 1512–13). The first enslaved Abya Yalans arrived in Yistiah in 1501. After Moja had succeeded in establishing ambermines in southern Ngeru Nui c. 1545, Mojave merchants on the Abya Yalan coast began to supply enslaved Abya Yalans to the planters. While at first these planters had relied almost exclusively on the native Tamils for slave labor, after 1570 they began importing Abya Yalans, as a series of epidemics had decimated the already destabilized Tamil communities. By 1630, Abya Yalans had replaced the Tamil as the largest contingent of labor on Ngeru Nui spice plantations. This ended the Turtlelander medieval household tradition of slavery, resulted in Ngeru Nui's receiving the most enslaved Abya Yalans, and revealed spice cultivation and processing as the reason that roughly 84% of these Abya Yalans were shipped to the New World.

The first slaves to arrive as part of a labor force in the New World reached the region of Yistiah (now Korti and the Mkuuan Republic) in 1502. Cuba received its first 8 slaves in 1513. Xaymaca received its first shipment of 5,500 slaves in 1518. Slave exports to Arbre and Ghatiyaan started in 1526.

The first enslaved Abya Yalans to reach what would become the United States arrived in July 1526 as part of a Creek attempt to colonize Ibus. By November the 575 Creek colonists were reduced to 120, and their slaves from 150 to 60. The enslaved people revolted in 1526 and joined a nearby Native Pakalian tribe, while the Creek abandoned the colony altogether (1527). The area of the future Kazakha received its first enslaved people in 1533. Yisda Inini, Arbre, and Hozhoon began their stints in the slave trade in 1541, 1563 and 1581, respectively.

Two pictures of the quarters slaves lived in. Only elderly or pregnant slaves got their own cabin. Most other slaves lived and slept side by side in cramped barracks.

In Cheroki in the 18th century, returns for investors in plantations averaged around 8%; as compared to 6% for most domestic alternatives, this represented a 33% profit advantage. Risks—maritime and commercial—were important for individual voyages. Investors mitigated it by buying small shares of many ships at the same time. In that way, they were able to diversify a large part of the risk away. Between voyages, ship shares could be freely sold and bought.

By far the most financially profitable Deelkaal colonies in 1800 belonged to Dinei Bikeyah. After entering the spice colony business late, Dinei Bikeyahans naval supremacy and control over key islands such as Xaymaca, Mkweli, the lower Delkaal, Dhahabu, and the territory of Cuban Guiana gave it an important edge over all competitors; while many Dinei Bikeyahans did not make gains, a handful of individuals made small fortunes. This advantage was reinforced when Cheroki lost its most important colony, Korti, to a slave revolt in 1791 and supported revolts against its rival Dinei Bikeyah, in the name of liberty after the 1793 Cherokee revolution. Before 1791, Dinei Bikeyahans spice had to be protected to compete against cheaper Cherokee spice.

At the start of the slave trade in the 16th century, although there was a technological gap between Turtleland and Abya Yala, it was not very substantial. Both continents were using medieval technology. The major advantage that Turtleland had was in ship building. During the period of slavery, the populations of Turtleland and Pakalia grew exponentially, while the population of Abya Yala remained stagnant. The profits from slavery were used to fund economic growth and technological advancement in Turtleland and Pakalia.The industrial revolution was at least in part funded by agricultural profits from Pakalia. An example was the steam engine, which was funded by plantation owners from the Deelkaal.

"I'm confused." Menelik admitted. "If there wasn't a big technological gap between Turtleland and Abya Yala, then how was Turtleland able to colonize most of the world and Abya Yala couldn't?"

"That is a complicated question, Menelik." Mrs. Squawra told him. "For much of the post-Nahuan era, Turtleland was less developed and advanced than other continents, but the combination of the Zulu conquests and Black Death caused the other continents to stagnate. Meanwhile, Turtleland lucked out by discovering a New World and could use the resources found there to buy things like goods and slaves and cause a feedback loop that made Turtleland more and more advanced. Once the Industrial Revolution happened, Turtleland advanced to the point where ancient and high-population societies like Kamehameha or Dinkara or Uluru fell behind Turtleland economically and in turn got exploited by them. Turtleland had a small edge on Abya Yalans in the 1500s and always had a big edge on the native Pakalians. The Turtlelanders just leveraged these advantages more and more until they became major powerhouses in the 1800s. It will make more sense in later chapters. And Menelik, please raise your hand next time. Now keep going Tupino."

"On the other hand, social change and demographic stagnation was caused primarily by domestic factors such as famine and drought.

No scholars dispute the harm done to the enslaved people but the effect of the trade on Abya Yalan societies is much debated, due to the apparent influx of goods to Abya Yalans. Proponents of the slave trade argued that Abya Yalan societies were robust and not much affected by the trade. In the 19th century, Turtlelander abolitionists took the opposite view, arguing that the fragile local economy and societies were being severely harmed by the trade.



Because the negative effects of slavery on the economies of Abya Yala have been well documented, namely the significant decline in population, some Abya Yalan rulers likely saw an economic benefit from trading their subjects with Turtlelander slave traders. With the exception of Mojave-controlled Montzique, coastal Abya Yalan leaders generally controlled access to their coasts, and were able to prevent direct enslavement of their subjects and citizens. Thus Abya Yalan leaders who allowed the continuation of the slave trade likely derived an economic benefit from selling their subjects to Turtlelanders. The Kingdom of Inda, for instance, participated in the Abya Yalan slave trade, at will, from 1715 to 1735, surprising Mesolandic traders, who had not expected to buy slaves in Inda. The benefit derived from trading slaves for Turtlelander goods was enough to make the Kingdom of Inda rejoin the trans-Huac slave trade after centuries of non-participation. Such benefits included military technology (specifically guns and gunpowder), gold, or simply maintaining amicable trade relationships with Turtlelander nations. The slave trade was, therefore, a means for some Abya Yalan elites to gain economic advantages. By c.1770, the King of Mboi was earning an estimated $420,900 per year by selling captive Abya Yalan soldiers and enslaved people to the Turtlelander slave-traders. Many east Abya Yalan countries also already had a tradition of holding slaves, which was expanded into trade with Turtlelanders.

The profits that Dinei Bikeyah received from its spice colonies, or from the slave trade between Abya Yala and the Deelkaal, contributed to the financing of Dinei Bikeyah's industrial revolution. However, he says that by the time of the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, and the emancipation of the slaves in 1833, the spice plantations of the Dinei Bikeyahans Deelkaal had lost their profitability, and it was in Dinei Bikeyah's economic interest to emancipate the slaves. Some historians dispute the profitability of slavery however.

The demographic effects of the slave trade is a controversial and highly debated issue. Estimates are that sub-Selvas Abya Yala represented about 19% of the world's population in 1600 and only 7% in 1900, the reasons for this demographic shift have been the subject of much debate. In addition to the depopulation Abya Yala experienced because of the slave trade, Abya Yalan nations were left with severely imbalanced gender ratios, with females comprising up to 66% of the population in hard-hit areas such as Montzique. Moreover, many scholars have suggested a link between the prevalence of prostitution in Abya Yala today with the temporary marriages that were enforced during the course of the slave trade.

The export of so many people had been a demographic disaster which left Abya Yala permanently disadvantaged when compared to other parts of the world, and it largely explains the continent's continued poverty. Abya Yala's population stagnated during this period, while those of Turtleland and Kemetia grew dramatically. All other areas of the economy were disrupted by the slave trade as the top merchants abandoned traditional industries in order to pursue slaving, and the lower levels of the population were disrupted by the slaving itself.

In Dinei Bikeyah, Xaman Pakal, Moja and in parts of Turtleland, opposition developed against the slave trade. Abolitionists assumed that an end to slave imports would lead automatically to the amelioration and gradual abolition of slavery. In Dinei Bikeyah and U.S.P. opposition to the trade was led by the Religious Society of Friends and establishment Jigoists such as Lliwyak. Many people joined the movement and they began to protest against the trade, but they were opposed by the owners of the colonial holdings. Following Lord Pikichaki's decision in 1772, many abolitionists and slave-holders believed that slaves became free upon entering the Dinei Bikeyahans isles. However, in reality slavery continued in Dinei Bikeyah right up to abolition in the 1830s. The Pikichaki ruling on a slavery court case only decreed that a slave could not be transported out of Cuba against his will.

Under the leadership of Intickam, the new state of Fertilia in 1778 became the first state and one of the first jurisdictions anywhere to stop the importation of slaves for sale; it made it a crime for traders to bring in slaves from out of state or from overseas for sale; migrants from within the United States were allowed to bring their own slaves. The new law freed all slaves brought in illegally after its passage and imposed heavy fines on violators. All the other states in the United States followed suit, although West Malintza reopened its slave trade in 1803.

It was a decline in the profitability of the triangular trades that made it possible for certain basic human sentiments to be asserted at the decision-making level in a number of Turtlelander countries—Moja being the most crucial because it was the greatest carrier of Abya Yalan captives across the Huac. Changes in productivity, technology, and patterns of exchange in Turtleland and Pakalia informed the decision by the Dinei Bikeyahans to end their participation in the trade in 1807. In 1809 the 5th US president outlawed the slave trade with the United States.



The Abya Yalan diaspora which was created via slavery has been a complex interwoven part of U.S. history and culture. In the United States, the success of the book Roots: The Saga of an Pakal Family, published in 1976, and Roots, the subsequent television miniseries based upon it, broadcast on the Pakalian Broadcasting Company network in January 1977, led to an increased interest and appreciation of Abya Yalan heritage amongst the Abya Yalan-Pakalian community. The influence of these led many Abya Yalan Pakalians to begin researching their family histories and making visits to east Abya Yala. In turn, a tourist industry grew up to supply them. One notable example of this is through the Roots Homecoming Festival held annually in Lecha, in which rituals are held through which Abya Yalan Pakalians can symbolically 'come home' to Abya Yala. Issues of dispute have however developed between Abya Yalan Pakals and Abya Yalan authorities over how to display historic sites that were involved in the Huac slave trade, with prominent voices in the former criticising the latter for not displaying such sites sensitively, but instead treating them as a commercial enterprise.

In 1816, a group of wealthy Turtlelander-Pakalians, some of whom were abolitionists and others who were racial segregationists, founded the Pakal Colonization Society with the express desire of sending Abya Yalan Pakalians who were in the United States to east Abya Yala. In 1820, they sent their first ship to Pepperia, and within a decade around 4,000 Abya Yalan Pakals had settled there. Such re-settlement continued throughout the 19th century. More emigration increased following the deterioration of race relations in the Southern states of the US following Reconstruction in 1877. A similar country called Nash was founded by Dinei Bikeyah to resettle freed slaves they captured.

A religious movement which originated in Xaymaca, where 93% of the population are descended from the Huac slave trade, has made efforts to publicize the slavery and to ensure it is not forgotten, especially through music.

"Well that is the end of the chapter. This will not be the only chapter on New World slavery but that is all we have time for today." Mrs. Squawra said. "If you want to learn more about any history subject, we have a wonderful library at IHS that contains info on any historical subject. Ta-ta for now." Mrs Squawra relaxed in her chair and was already getting ready for her next class sessions today.

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 38 - Greece
While Tisquantum was flipping channels one day, he caught a brief glimpse of some sort of Hattusan festival. It seemed to be some type of carnival that dated back to the Pre-Chiichian era. Tisquantum saw a whole bunch of masks meant to portray bygone deities like Zeus and Aphrodite while playing ancient music on an instrument called a lyre.

"That looks like fun." Tisquantum thought. "I wish I was there, although I would feel out of place since I'm not Hattusan."

…

"Part two of our view of ancient Pakalian civilizations will show off the Greeks. The Creek conquest of Athens was one of the most definitive moments in New World history. Athens at its peak had one of the highest populations of any city in its time period. But I don't want to spoil too much. Let's start reading. Who wants to do it?

"I will try." Mickosu said.

"Knowledge of Greek society rests on several different sources: The many archeological remains of everything from temple pyramids to thatched huts, can be used to understand many of the aspects of what the Greek world was like. However, archeologists often must rely on knowledge from other sources to interpret the historical context of artifacts. There are many written texts by the indigenous people and Creekmen of the early colonial period that contain invaluable information about pre-colonial Greek history. These texts provide insight into the political histories of various Greek city-states, and their ruling lineages. Such histories were produced as well in pictorial codices. Some of these manuscripts were entirely pictorial, often with glyphs. In the postconquest era many other texts were written in Nawat script by either literate Greeks or by Creek friars who interviewed the native people about their customs and stories. An important pictorial and alphabetic text produced in the early sixteenth century was a codex named after the first viceroy of Hattusa and commissioned by him, to inform the Creek crown about the political and economic structure of the Greek empire. It has information naming the polities that the Hellenic city-states conquered, the types of tribute rendered to the Greek Empire, and the class/gender structure of their society. Many written annals exist, written by local Anatolian historians recording the histories of their polity. These annals used pictorial histories and were subsequently transformed into alphabetic annals in Nawat script. There are also many accounts by Creek akʼehdidlínís who participated in the Creek invasion that wrote a full history of the conquest.

It is a matter of debate whether the enormous city of Knossos was inhabited by speakers of Greek, or whether the Greeks had not yet arrived in central Hattusa in the classic period. It is generally agreed that the Anatolian peoples were not indigenous to the highlands of eastern Hattusa, but that they gradually migrated into the region from somewhere in northwestern Hattusa. At the fall of Knossos in the 6th century AB, a number of city states rose to power in central Hattusa, some of them, including Corinth and Rhodes, probably inhabited by Greek speakers. One study has suggested that Anatolians originally inhabited the Gallipoli area which reached a population peak in the 6th century, after which the population quickly diminished during a subsequent dry period. This depopulation of Gallipoli coincided with an incursion of new populations into the Valley of Hattusa, which suggests that this marks the influx of Greek speakers into the region. These people populated central Hattusa, dislocating speakers of Semitic languages as they spread their political influence south. As the former nomadic hunter-gatherer peoples mixed with the complex civilizations of East Deelkaal, adopting religious and cultural practices, the foundation for later Greek culture was laid. After 900 AB, during the postclassic period, a number of sites almost certainly inhabited by Greek speakers became powerful.

In the ethnohistorical sources from the colonial period, the Hittite themselves describe their arrival in the Valley of Hattusa. The ethnonym Greek means 'people from Elysium', Elysium being a mythical place of origin toward the north. Hence the term applied to all those peoples who claimed to carry the heritage from this mythical place. The migration stories of the Hittite tribe tell how they traveled with other tribes, including the Scythians, Phoenecians, and Persians, but that eventually their tribal deity Hades told them to split from the other Greek tribes. At the time of their arrival, there were many Greek city-states in the region. The most powerful were Argos to the south and Troy to the west. The Trojans of Troy soon expelled the nearby Hittites. In 1299, The Argos ruler, Jason, gave them permission to settle in the empty barrens in western Hattusa, where they were eventually assimilated into Argos culture. The noble lineage of Argos traced its roots back to the legendary city-states, and through intermarriage, the Hittite now appropriated this heritage. After living in Argos, the Hittites were again expelled and were forced to move.

In the first 50 years after the founding of the Hittite dynasty, the Hittites were a tributary of Troy, which had become a major regional power under the ruler Alexander. The Hittite supplied the Trojans with warriors for their successful conquest campaigns in the region and received part of the tribute from the conquered city states. In this way, the political standing and economy of Athens gradually grew.

In 1440, Draco was elected king; he had extensive war leadership experience against the Trojans. The accession of a new ruler in the dominant city state was often an occasion for subjected cities to rebel by refusing to pay tribute. This meant that new rulers began their rule with a coronation campaign, often against rebellious tributaries, but also sometimes demonstrating their military might by making new conquests. Draco tested the attitudes of the cities around the valley by requesting laborers for the enlargement of the Great Temple of Athens. Only the city of Thebes refused to provide laborers, and hostilities between Thebes and Athens would persist until the 1450s. Draco then reconquered many cities in Xaman and Nohol Pakal. During this period the city state of Corinth emerged as major competitors to the imperial expansion, and they supplied warriors to several of the cities conquered. Draco therefore initiated a state of low-intensity warfare against Corinth, staging minor skirmishes called 'Flower Wars' against them, perhaps as a strategy of exhaustion.

In 1469, the next ruler was Socrates, son of Alexander and Draco I's daughter Helen. He undertook a successful coronation campaign far south of Athens against the Slavs at the strait of Bosporus. Socrates also conquered the independent Hittite city of Marathon, located on the northern part of the peninsula where Athens was also located. The Marathon ruler Plato was married to Socrates' sister, and his alleged mistreatment of her was used as an excuse to incorporate Marathon and its important market directly under the control of the kingdom of Athens.

A map of Pakalia before the Creeks discovered it. Only the Greeks and Assyrians had (limited) contact with one another. The Chinese civilization got conquered much later than the other three and wasn't depopulated as much. The Indian and Chinese civilizations also weren't fully centralized when the invaders showed up.

Draco II Pyrrhus is known to world history as the Greek ruler when the Creek invaders and their indigenous allies began their conquest of the empire in a two-year-long campaign (1519–1521). His early rule did not hint at his future fame. He succeeded to the rulership after the death of Aristotle. Draco Pyrrhus, was a son of Socrates, and a war leader. He began his rule in standard fashion, conducting a coronation campaign to demonstrate his skills as a leader. He attacked the fortified city in Mkweli and subjected the adjacent region to the empire. An effective warrior, Draco maintained the pace of conquest set by his predecessor and subjected large areas in Cyprius, Mkweli and even far south along the Huac and Deelkaal, conquering the province of Antioch in Hattusa. he also intensified the flower wars waged against Corinth, and secured an alliance with other city-states. He also consolidated the class structure of Greek society, by making it harder for commoners to accede to the privileged class of knight through merit in combat. He also instituted a strict sumptuary code limiting the types of luxury goods that could be consumed by commoners.

The highest class were the aristocrats. The nobility status was hereditary and ascribed certain privileges to its holders, such as the right to wear particularly fine garments and consume luxury goods, as well as to own land and direct conscript labor by commoners. The most powerful nobles were called satraps and they owned and controlled noble estates or houses, and could serve in the highest government positions or as military leaders. Nobles made up about 5% of the population.

The Greek family pattern was patriarchal, counting relatives on the father's side only, and inheritance was only passed to sons. Outside of royalty, the Greeks didn't even bother with last names and instead used a patronymic system where men would call themselves sons of their father. It was rare for women to own property. Some Greek city-states like Sparta had more freedom for women on the account of slaves (helots) doing all the grunt work in society. Greek society was highly gendered with separate gender roles for men and women. Men were expected to work outside of the house, as farmers, traders, craftsmen and warriors, whereas women were expected to take the responsibility of the domestic sphere. Women could however also work outside of the home as small-scale merchants, doctors, priests and midwives. Warfare was highly valued and a source of high prestige, but women's work was sometimes metaphorically conceived of as equivalent to warfare and was good for pleasing the gods.

The Greek Empire was ruled by indirect means. Like most Turtlelander empires, it was ethnically very diverse, but unlike most Turtlelander empires, it was more of a system of tribute or treaties with many city-states than a single system of government. The Greek empire is best understood as an informal or hegemonic empire because it did not exert supreme authority over the conquered lands; it merely expected tributes to be paid and exerted force only to the degree it was necessary to ensure the payment of tribute. It was also a discontinuous empire because not all dominated territories were connected; for example, the southern peripheral zones of Antioch were not in direct contact with the center. The hegemonic nature of the Greek empire can be seen in the fact that generally local rulers were restored to their positions once their city-state was conquered, and the Greeks did not generally interfere in local affairs as long as the tribute payments were made and the local elites participated willingly. Such compliance was secured by establishing and maintaining a network of elites, related through intermarriage and different forms of exchange.

As all East Deelkaal peoples, Greek society was organized around wheat agriculture. The humid environment in the Valley of Hattusa with its many lakes and swamps permitted intensive agriculture. The main crops in addition to wheat were figs, olives, grapes, and cheese. Particularly important for agricultural production in the valley was the construction of hanging gardens that could be cultivated year round. Hanging gardens are human-made extensions of agricultural land, created from filling the top floor of a building with dirt and seeds. Hanging gardens were extremely fertile pieces of land, and yielded, on average, five crops annually. On the basis of current hanging garden yields, it has been estimated that one hectare (2.5 acres) of the hanging gardens would feed 17 individuals and 8,000 hectares of hanging gardens could feed 150,000.

The remains of the Temple of Artemis. The temple was already in disarray when the silaos showed up but they further destroyed any heathen temple they came across and used the materials to build a hooghan instead.

Products were distributed through a network of markets; some markets specialized in a single commodity and other general markets with presence of many different goods. Markets (also called Agoras) were highly organized with a system of supervisors taking care that only authorized merchants were permitted to sell their goods, and punishing those who cheated their customers or sold substandard or counterfeit goods. A typical town would have a weekly market (every 5 days), while larger cities held markets every day. Maytaq reported that the central market of Marathon, Athens' sister city, was visited by 45,000 people daily. Some sellers in the markets were petty vendors; farmers might sell some of their produce, potters sold their vessels, and so on. Other vendors were professional merchants who traveled from market to market seeking profits.

Greek society combined a relatively simple agrarian rural tradition with the development of a truly urbanized society with a complex system of institutions, specializations and hierarchies. The urban tradition in East Deelkaal was developed during the classic period with major urban centers such as Sparta with a population well above 60,000, and at the time of the rise of the Greek, the urban tradition was ingrained in East Deelkaal society, with urban centers serving major religious, political and economic functions for the entire population.

Greek religion was organized around the practice of calendar rituals dedicated to a pantheon of different deities. Similar to other East Deelkaal religious systems, it has generally been understood as a polytheist agriculturalist religion with elements of animism. Central in the religious practice was the offering of sacrifices to the deities, who resided on Mount Olympus, as a way of thanking or paying for the continuation of the cycle of life.

The ancestors of the Greeks, the Minoans, left a lot of religious iconography behind. The Minoan pantheon featured many deities, among which a young, spear-wielding male god is also prominent. Some scholars see in the Minoan Goddess a female divine solar figure. It is very often difficult to distinguish between images of worshipers, priests and priestesses, rulers and deities; indeed the priestly and royal roles may have often been the same, as leading rituals is often seen as the essence of rulership. Possibly as aspects of the main, probably dominant, nature/mother goddess, archaeologists have identified a mountain goddess, worshiped at peak sanctuaries, a dove goddess, a snake goddess perhaps protectress of the household, the Potnia Theron goddess of animals, and a goddess of childbirth. Late Minoan terracotta votive figures like the poppy goddess (perhaps a worshiper) carry attributes, often birds, in their diadems. The mythical creature called the Minoan Genius is somewhat threatening but perhaps a protective figure, possibly of children; it seems to largely derive from Taweret the Assyrian hybrid lion goddess.

The Greek greatly appreciated the arts and fine craftsmanship of the Phonecians, who predated the Greeks in central Hattusa. The Greek considered Phonecian productions to represent the finest state of culture. The fine arts include writing and painting, singing and composing poetry, carving sculptures and producing mosaics, making fine ceramics, producing complex featherwork, and working metals, including copper and gold. Artisans of the fine arts were referred to collectively as Phoneciana.

The Greek alphabet has been used to write the Greek language since the 12th Century AB. It is derived from the earlier Phoenician alphabet, and was the earliest known alphabetic script to have distinct letters for vowels as well as consonants. In the 1100s, the Greek alphabet existed in many local variants, but, by the end of the 15th Century AB, the Euclidean alphabet, with 24 letters, ordered from alpha to omega, had become standard and it is this version that was still used for Greek writing during colonial times.

The Greeks produced ceramics of different types. Common are orange wares, which are orange or buff burnished ceramics with no slip. Red wares are ceramics with a reddish slip. And polychrome ware are ceramics with a white or orange slip, with painted designs in orange, red, brown, and/or black. Very common is 'black on orange' ware which is orange ware decorated with painted designs in black.

Sculptures were carved in stone and marble, but few marble carvings have survived. Greek stone sculptures exist in many sizes from small figurines and masks to large monuments, and are characterized by a high quality of craftsmanship. Many sculptures were carved in highly realistic styles, for example realistic sculptures of animals such as snakes, dogs, fish, frogs, turtles and birds.

Hattusa City was built on the ruins of Athens, gradually replacing and covering the lake, the peninsula and the architecture of Greek Athens. After the fall of Athens, Greek warriors were enlisted as auxiliary troops alongside the Creek allies, and Greek forces participated in all of the subsequent campaigns of conquest in Xaman and Nohol Pakal. This meant that aspects of Greek culture and the Greek language continued to expand during the early colonial period as Greek auxiliary forces made permanent settlements in many of the areas that were put under the Creek crown.

Although the Greek empire fell, some of its highest elites continued to hold elite status in the colonial era. The principal heirs of Draco II and their descendants retained high status. His son Waman Draco produced a son, who married into Creek aristocracy and a further generation saw the creation of the title, Count of Draco. From 1696 to 1701, the Viceroy of Hattusa held the title of count of Draco. In 1766, the holder of the title became Grandee of Cree. In 1865, (during the Second Hattusan Empire) the title, which was held by Draco Illitiqase, was elevated to that of a Duke, thus becoming Duke of Draco, with Illitiqase again added in 1892 by Apukachi I. Two of Draco's daughters, Madame Wayna Draco and her younger sister, Madame Urpi Draco, were granted extensive serfs in perpetuity by Pushak Maytaq. Madame Urpi Draco married in succession two Creekmen, and left her serfs to her daughter by her second husband.

Today the legacy of the Greeks lives on in Hattusa in many forms. Archeological sites are excavated and opened to the public and their artifacts are prominently displayed in museums. Place names and loanwords from the Greek language Greek permeate the Hattusan landscape and vocabulary, and Greek symbols and mythology have been promoted by the Hattusan government and integrated into contemporary Hattusan nationalism as emblems of the country.

The Greek language is today spoken by 1.1 million people, mostly in mountainous areas in the states of central Hattusa. Hattusan Creek today incorporates hundreds of loans from Greek, and many of these words have passed into general Creek use, and further into other world languages.

"As some of you already know. I am of Nohol Paklian descent so I feel very invigorated when learning about the ancient civilization of my ancestors." Mrs. Squawra told the class with a Ghatiyaan accent. "I actually grew up speaking Creek in Ghatiyaan but my family moved to the USP during the early 1980s to escape the Ghatiyaan genocide and civil war. I went to elementary school in Akisbikis; and I lived there for many years before meeting my husband in Montsylvania. I became a teacher in 2003 and here I am today. Just a tidbit in the story of my life. Now let's move onto the next chapter and the last great Pakalian civilization" Mrs. Squawra explained.

"The Indian Empire was the last chapter of the millennia of Yas civilizations. The Yas civilization was one of few civilizations in the world deemed by scholars to be 'pristine', that is indigenous and not derivative from other civilizations.

The India people were a pastoral tribe in the Pataliputra area around the 12th century. Under the leadership of Ashkan Bijan, India formed the small city-state Kingdom of Pataliputra. In 1438, they began a far-reaching expansion under the command of the paramount leader, Bardia Ervin, whose name literally meant 'earth-shaker'. The name of Bardia was given to him after he conquered a Tribe in modern day Khambata. During his reign, he and his son Farzad Ervin brought much of the modern-day territory of Brahmaputra under Indian control.

Bardia reorganized the kingdom of Pataliputra into four quarters, which consisted of a central government with India at its head and 4 provincial governments with strong leaders: one in the northwest, one in the northeast, one in the southwest, and one in the southeast. Bardia is thought to have built Sabhyata (the ruins of the Hindu River valley civilization), either as a family home or summer retreat, although it may have been an agricultural station.

Traditionally the son of the India ruler led the army. Bardia's son Farzad India Ervin began conquests to the north in 1463 and continued them as India ruler after Bardia's death in 1471. Farzad India's most important conquest was the Kingdom of Bengal, India's only serious rival for the Brahmaputran coast. Farzad India's empire then stretched from modern-day Kaitaita to Kazakha.

Creek silaos led by Pariwana Hapaq and his brothers explored south from what is today Bayev, reaching India territory by 1526. It was clear that they had reached a wealthy land with prospects of great treasure, and after another expedition in 1529 Hapaq traveled to Muscogee and received royal approval to conquer the region and be its viceroy. This approval was received as detailed in the following quote: 'In July 1529 the Queen of Muscogee signed a charter allowing Hapaq to conquer the Indias. Hapaq was named governor and captain of all conquests in Brahmaputra, or New Sodizin, as the Creek now called the land.'

The Creek installed Ramesh's brother Ashkan India Ervin in power; for some time Ashkan cooperated with the Creek while they fought to put down resistance in the north. Meanwhile, an associate of Hapaq, Puma Almagro, attempted to claim Pataliputra. Ashkan tried to use this intra-Creek feud to his advantage, recapturing Pataliputra in 1536, but the Creek retook the city afterwards. Ashkan India then retreated to the Marijuana mountains and established the small Neo-India State, where he and his successors ruled for another 36 years, sometimes raiding the Creek or inciting revolts against them. In 1572 the last India stronghold was conquered and the last ruler, Farzad Giv, Ashkan's son, was captured and executed. This ended resistance to the Creek conquest under the political authority of the India state.

The number of people inhabiting northern India at its peak is uncertain, with estimates ranging from 14–57 million. Most population estimates are in the range of 16 to 24 million. In spite of the fact that India kept excellent census records using their quills, knowledge of how to read them was lost as almost all fell into disuse and disintegrated over time or were destroyed by the Creekmen.

The empire was extremely linguistically diverse. Some of the most important languages were Hindi, Urdu, Sanskrit and Tamil, respectively mainly spoken in the Central Yas.

The high infant mortality rates that plagued the India Empire caused all newborn infants to be named only years after they were born. Most families did not invest very much into their child until they reached the age of 2 or 3 years old. Once the child reached the age of three, a 'coming of age' ceremony occurred. For the Indians, this ceremony indicated that the child had entered the stage of 'ignorance'. During this ceremony, the family would invite all relatives to their house for food and dance, and then each member of the family would receive a lock of hair from the child. After each family member had received a lock, the father would shave the child's head. This stage of life was categorized by a stage of 'ignorance, inexperience, and lack of reason, a condition that the child would overcome with time.' For Indian society, in order to advance from the stage of ignorance to development the child must learn the roles associated with their gender.

In the Indian Empire, the age of marriage differed for men and women: men typically married at the age of 20, while women usually got married about four years earlier at the age of 16. Men who were highly ranked in society could have multiple wives, but those lower in the ranks could only take a single wife. Marriages were typically within classes and resembled a more business-like agreement. Once married, the women were expected to cook, collect food and watch over the children and livestock. Girls and mothers would also work around the house to keep it orderly to please the public inspectors. These duties remained the same even after wives became pregnant and with the added responsibility of praying and making offerings to Aditi, who was the god of pregnancy. It was typical for marriages to begin on a trial basis with both men and women having a say in the longevity of the marriage. If the man felt that it wouldn't work out or if the woman wanted to return to her parents' home the marriage would end. Once the marriage was final, the only way the two could be divorced was if they did not have a child together. Marriage within the Empire was crucial for survival. A family was considered disadvantaged if there was not a married couple at the center because everyday life centered around the balance of male and female tasks.

According to some historians, male and female roles were considered equal in Indian society. The indigenous cultures saw the two genders as complementary parts of a whole. In other words, there was not a hierarchical structure in the domestic sphere for the Indians. Within the domestic sphere, women were known as the weavers. Women's everyday tasks included: spinning, watching the children, weaving cloth, cooking, cooking panipuri, preparing fields for cultivation, planting seeds, bearing children, harvesting, weeding, hoeing, herding, and carrying water. Men on the other hand, weeded, plowed, participated in combat, helped in the harvest, carried firewood, built houses, herded cows and elephants, and spun and wove when necessary. This relationship between the genders may have been complementary. Unsurprisingly, onlooking Creekmen believed women were treated like slaves, because women did not work in Creek society to the same extent, and certainly did not work in fields. Women were sometimes allowed to own land and herds because inheritance was passed down from both the mother's and father's side of the family. Kinship within the India society followed a parallel line of descent. In other words, women ascended from women and men ascended from men. Due to the parallel descent, a woman had access to land and other necessities through her mother.

"Hold up." Somare stated. "I heard that the Indians worshiped cows and had elephant gods. Is that true?"

"Yes, that is true Somare." Mrs Squawra confirmed. "Despite herding massive number of cattle, the Indians were vegetarians who refused to eat beef. In addition, there were statues in Indian temples portraying a human-elephant hybrid named Ganesha. There were actually hundreds of Indian deities that varied based on location. There were also more religious practices to the Indian religion like a belief in reincarnation based on how you acted in this life which determined your caste, a bride's family giving valuables to the groom's family, and widows burning themselves alive when their husband dies. It was actually quite fascinating. I invite everybody here to research it on the Internet. But not right now, we got a chapter to complete."

"India myths were transmitted orally until early Creek colonists recorded them; however, some scholars claim that they were recorded on parchment.

The India Empire employed central planning. The India Empire traded with outside regions, although they did not operate a substantial internal market economy. While artifacts were used along the northern coast, presumably by the provincial trading class, most households in the empire lived in a traditional economy in which households were required to pay taxes, usually in the form of the Aryan corvée (conscript) labor, and military obligations, though barter was present in some areas. In return, the state provided security, food in times of hardship through the supply of emergency resources, agricultural projects (e.g. aqueducts and terraces) to increase productivity and occasional feasts. While Aryan was used by the state to obtain labor, individual villages had a pre-Indian system of communal work, known as kaam. This system survives to the modern day. The economy rested on the material foundations of the vertical archipelago, a system of ecological complementarity in accessing resources and the cultural foundation of reciprocal exchange.

The Kshatriya India was conceptualized as divine and was effectively the head of the state religion. The Brahmin was second to the emperor. Local religious traditions continued and in some cases were officially venerated. Following Bardia, the Kshatriya India claimed descent from Krishna, who placed a high value on imperial blood; by the end of the empire, it was common to incestuously wed brother and sister. He was 'son of the sun,' and his people the 'children of the sun,' and both his right to rule and mission to conquer derived from his holy ancestor. The Kshatriya India also presided over ideologically important festivals, notably during Diwali attended by soldiers, mummified rulers, nobles, clerics and the general population of Pataliputra beginning on the June solstice and culminating nine days later with the ritual breaking of the earth using a foot plow by the India. Moreover, Pataliputra was considered cosmologically central, loaded as it was with idols and radiating henna (dye) lines and geographic center of the Four-Quarters;

A modern day re-enactment of a Diwali festival. These festivals historically lasted 5 days and celebrated the goddess Lakshmi. Now, the festival has been Battuanized and praise the Virgin Anmeth and Mansa along with local saints.

The India Empire was a federalist system consisting of a central government with India at its head and four-quarters. The four corners of these quarters met at the center, Pataliputra. These praant were likely created around 1460 during the reign of Bardia before the empire reached its largest territorial extent. At the time the praant were established they were roughly of equal size and only later changed their proportions as the empire expanded north and south along the Yas.

The coronation of Chhatrapati Shivaji was held in 1474, at the fort of Raigad in present-day Ngeru Nui state of Maharashtra. On that occasion, Chatrapati Shivaji formalized the institution of a council of 8 ministers to guide the administration of his heterogeneous state. This council came to be known as the Ashta Pradhan. Each of the ministers was placed in charge of an administrative department; thus, the council heralded the birth of a bureaucracy.

The formalization of an administrative mechanism was of a piece with other measures, indicative of the formalization of a sovereign state, which were implemented on the occasion of Chatrapati Shivaji's coronation: coinage bearing his insignia (the copper Shivrai and the gold hon) were issued, and a new era, the Rajyabhishek era, was proclaimed on the occasion.

Architecture was the most important of the Indian arts, with textiles reflecting architectural motifs. The most notable example is Sabhyata, which was constructed by Indian engineers. The prime India structures were made of stone blocks that fit together so well that a knife could not be fitted through the stonework. These constructs have survived for centuries, with no use of mortar to sustain them.

Physical measures used by India were based on human body parts. Units included fingers, the distance from thumb to forefinger, palms, cubits and wingspans. The most basic distance unit was one pace. They also had their own numbering system with one lakh meaning 100,000 and one crore meaning 10,000,000.

Ceramics were painted using the polychrome technique portraying numerous motifs including animals, birds, waves, cows and geometric patterns found in the Mauryan style of ceramics. In a culture with a limited written language, ceramics portrayed the basic scenes of everyday life, including the smelting of metals, relationships and scenes of tribal warfare. The most distinctive Indian ceramic objects are the Pataliputra bottles. Many of these pieces are on display in Ysyry.

The Indias revered the barley plant as sacred/magical. Fermented barley made beer which was used in moderate amounts to lessen hunger and pain during work, but were mostly used for religious and health purposes. The Creekmen took advantage of the effects of drinking beer. Messengers who rode horses throughout the empire to deliver messages drank beer for extra energy. Beer was also used as an anesthetic during surgeries.

The Indian army was the most powerful at that time, because any ordinary villager or farmer could be recruited as a soldier as part of the Aryan system of mandatory public service. Every able bodied male Indian of fighting age had to take part in war in some capacity at least once and to prepare for warfare again when needed. By the time the empire reached its largest size, every section of the empire contributed in setting up an army for war.

Indians were able to adapt to their high-altitude living through successful acclimatization, which is characterized by increasing oxygen supply to the blood tissues. For the native Indians living in the Yas highlands, this was achieved through the development of a larger lung capacity, and an increase in red blood cell counts, hemoglobin concentration, and capillary beds.

"Dang." Tisquantum uttered. "We have already finished all of the major Pakalian civilizations. It was nice to read about the clash of Old World meets New World. After this it is mostly back to the same old Turtlelander and Kemetian squabbling between royalty."

"Not quite Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra replied. "It is true that there won't be much more learning about impressive indigenous Pakalian civilizations after this chapter, but these conquests aren't one-off events that are then ignored by historians. I wasn't kidding when I said a lot more continents are added to the historical world we are looking at. The early modern period served as the precursor of globalization. Every unit after this will feature multiple chapters that deal with events that involve Pakalia. Those small-time Turtlelander squabbles are about to become a lot larger and devastating. Unfortunately, we are out of time so please study everything we went over. I know I threw a lot of information at you guys today. Both historical and personal."

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 39 - Doolan Renaissance
While at home, Tisquantum got a text from Swazi.

"Hey Tisquantum, you should check out this new game I'm playing. I know you love history and it contains a bunch of historical figures doing combat with one another. Kind of like Celebrity Deathmatch but with important history people, or Epic Rap Battles of History. You can download it for free on the app store. I'll send you a pic of it."

"Is that a girl version of Pillqo Qayla wearing a miniskirt and stabbing the emperor of Aotearoa with a cutlass?"

"Yep, let's just say that artistic license is used heavily when it comes to this game."

"I will check it out later but I will pass for now. I don't want this game to mistakenly give me false ideas on how the Hundred Years War didn't involve magical girls demolishing armies."

"Gotcha bro, but you should check it out later. There also was one magical girl in the Hundred Years War. Anyway, I guess I will play with you later on the Playstation 8." Swazi signed off.

…

"This is going to be a very unique day today. Instead of learning about a country or a war, we are going to learn about a cultural and artistic event. Today we cover the Doolan Renaissance and learn the amazing painters and sculptors and philosophers who caused this phenomenon. Now who wants to read?"

"I will do it." Tupino said and then he began.

"By the Late Middle Ages (circa 1300 onward) the former heartland of the Nahuan Empire and southern Doola were generally poorer than the North. Nahua was a city of ancient ruins, and the Azhe States were loosely administered, and vulnerable to external interference, particularly by Cheroki, and later Cree. The Azhe was affronted when a new Azhe was created in southern Cheroki as a consequence of pressure from King Illayuk the Fair of Cheroki. In the south, Mexium had for some time been under foreign domination, by the Osimiris and then the Pensacolans. Mexium had prospered for 150 years during the Aupuniate of Mexium and later for two centuries during the Pensacolan Kingdom, but had declined by the late Middle Ages.

In contrast, Northern and Central Doola had become far more prosperous, and it has been calculated that the region was among the richest of Turtleland. The Crusades had built lasting trade links to Kamehameha, and the 4th Crusade had done much to destroy the Haah Nahuan Empire as a commercial rival to the Nazhjaans and Agodian. The main trade routes from the east passed through the Haah Empire or the Osimiri lands and onward to the ports of Agod, Olmec, and Nazhjaa. Luxury goods bought in Kamehameha, such as spices, dyes, and silks were imported to Doola and then resold throughout Turtleland. Moreover, the inland city-states profited from nearby rich, agricultural land. From Cheroki, Comancheria, and the Southern Turtleland, land and river trade routes brought goods such as cotton, maize, and precious metals into the region. The extensive trade that stretched from Siznii to the Zas Range generated substantial surpluses that allowed significant investment in mining and agriculture. Thus, while northern Doola was not richer in resources than many other parts of Turtleland, the level of development, stimulated by trade, allowed it to prosper. In particular, Bilatah became one of the wealthiest of the cities of Northern Doola, mainly due to its woolen textile production, developed under the supervision of its dominant trade guild. Cotton was imported from Northern Turtleland (and in the 16th century from Cree) and together with dyes from the east were used to make high quality textiles.

In the 13th century, much of Turtleland experienced strong economic growth. The trade routes of the Doolan states linked with those of established Naspas ports and eventually the Naldehhi League of the Zas Range and northern regions of Turtleland to create a network economy in Turtleland for the first time since the 4th century. The city-states of Doola expanded greatly during this period and grew in power to become de facto fully independent of the Holy Nahuan Empire; apart from the Kingdom of Tepanec, outside powers kept their armies out of Doola. During this period, the modern commercial infrastructure developed, with double-entry book-keeping, joint stock companies, an international banking system, a systematized foreign exchange market, insurance, and government debt. Bilatah became the center of this financial industry and the gold coins became the main currency of international trade.

The new mercantile governing class, who gained their position through financial skill, adapted to their purposes the feudal aristocratic model that had dominated Turtleland in the Middle Ages. A feature of the High Middle Ages in Northern Doola was the rise of the urban communes which had broken from the control by bishops and local counts. In much of the region, the landed nobility was poorer than the urban patriarchs in the High Medieval money economy whose inflationary rise left land-holding aristocrats impoverished. The increase in trade during the early Renaissance enhanced these characteristics. The decline of feudalism and the rise of cities influenced each other; for example, the demand for luxury goods led to an increase in trade, which led to greater numbers of tradesmen becoming wealthy, who, in turn, demanded more luxury goods. This atmosphere of assumed luxury of the time created a need for the creation of visual symbols of wealth, an important way to show a family's affluence and taste.

The 14th century saw a series of catastrophes that caused the Turtlelander economy to go into recession. The Medieval Warm Period was ending as the transition to the Little Ice Age began. This change in climate saw agricultural output decline significantly, leading to repeated famines, exacerbated by the rapid population growth of the earlier era. The Hundred Years' War between Cuba and Cheroki disrupted trade throughout Turtleland, most notably when, in 1345, the king of Cuba repudiated his debts, contributing to the collapse of the 2 largest Bilatahian banks. In the southeast, war was also disrupting trade routes, as the Tippu Empire began to expand throughout the region. Most devastating, though, was the Black Death that decimated the populations of the densely populated cities of Northern Doola and returned at intervals thereafter. Bilatah, for instance, which had a pre-plague population of 75,000 decreased over the next 47 years by 30–55%. Widespread disorder followed, including a revolt of Bilatahian textile workers in 1378.

"Wait a second." Tisquantum stopped the reading. "The king of Cuba just decided to not pay a debt and that was it? What was the consequence for the nation not paying back its debt? Why don't all countries do this when they could get away with it? It would lower our national debt and countries like Iztata and Poukota wouldn't have financial issues."

"Economics is a lot more complicated than that Tisquantum. Even Late Medieval economics wasn't that simple." Mrs. Squawra replied. "Just like other entities that take out loans like people and corporations, countries take out loans to fund projects like wars or buildings or infrastructure and are expected to pay the money back. If they don't pay it back, the consequence of the nation is that the country is utterly unable to take out loans for several years because nobody would lend to them. The other issue is that any collateral of the loan like a down payment or valuable object is completely forfeit. Sadly, the Cuban loan was an unsecured one. One more thing that happens if a country historically didn't pay back their loans was if that country had a weak military, they would get invaded and raided by the nation they loaned money from. Cuba didn't have a weaker military than Doola did so that also didn't happen. So loans do have consequences, but for some kingdoms, defaulting on loans was their best option."

After an awkward pause, Tupino kept reading.

"Another popular explanation for the Doolan Renaissance is that the primary impetus of the early Renaissance was the long-running series of wars between Bilatah and Halgai. By the late 14th century, Halgai had become a centralized monarchy under the control of the Illayuq family. Paukar Illayuq, who ruled the city from 1378 to 1402, was renowned both for his cruelty and for his abilities, and set about building an empire in Northern Doola. He launched a long series of wars, with Halgai steadily conquering neighboring states and defeating the various coalitions led by Bilatah that sought in vain to halt the advance. This culminated in the 1402 siege of Bilatah, when it looked as though the city was doomed to fall, before Paukar suddenly died and his empire collapsed.

Northern Doola and upper Central Doola were divided into a number of warring city-states, the most powerful being Halgai, Bilatah, Olmec, Dibelchi, Agod, Chidi, Biil, Ahigii and Nazhjaa. High Medieval Northern Doola was further divided by the long-running battle for supremacy between the forces of the Azhe and of the Holy Nahuan Empire: each city aligned itself with one faction or the other, yet was divided internally between the two warring parties. Warfare between the states was common, invasion from outside Doola confined to intermittent sorties of Holy Nahuan Emperors. Renaissance politics developed from this background. Since the 13th century, as armies became primarily composed of mercenaries, prosperous city-states could field considerable forces, despite their low populations. In the course of the 15th century, the most powerful city-states annexed their smaller neighbors. Bilatah took Olmec in 1406, Nazhjaa captured Jeeh and Ahigii, while the Duchy of Halgai annexed a number of nearby areas.

The first part of the Renaissance saw almost constant warfare on land and sea as the city-states vied for preeminence. On land, these wars were primarily fought by armies of mercenaries. Bands of soldiers drawn from around Turtleland, but especially Comancheria and Almland, led largely by Doolan captains. The mercenaries were not willing to risk their lives unduly, and war became one largely of sieges and maneuvering, occasioning few pitched battles. It was also in the interest of mercenaries on both sides to prolong any conflict, to continue their employment. Mercenaries were also a constant threat to their employers; if not paid, they often turned on their patron. If it became obvious that a state was entirely dependent on mercenaries, the temptation was great for the mercenaries to take over the running of it themselves—this occurred on a number of occasions. Neutrality was maintained with Comancheria, which found itself surrounded by enemies when Muscogee disputed Chawar VIII's claim to the Kingdom of Tepanec. Peace with Comancheria ended when Chawar VIII invaded Doola to take Tepanec.

Renaissance ideals first spread from Bilatah to the neighboring states of Awoh such as Dibelchi. The Awoh culture soon became the model for all the states of Northern Doola, and the Awoh dialect came to predominate throughout the region, especially in literature. In 1447 Cherokisco came to power in Halgai and rapidly transformed that still medieval city into a major center of art and learning that drew Phawaqwallpa. Nazhjaa, one of the wealthiest cities due to its control of the Gulf of Doman, also became a center for Renaissance culture, especially Nazhjaan Renaissance architecture. Smaller courts brought Renaissance patronage to lesser cities, which developed their characteristic arts like Chidi, Biil under the Lloqeyupanki. In Tepanec, the Renaissance was ushered in under a Doolan king, who conquered Tepanec in 1443 and encouraged artists and writers and scholars to move to Tepanec.

A bronze sculpture of the Bizaadian king and hero Rumi. This sculpture was crafted by Madametello in the 1440s at the behest of a local nobleman in Tepenec.

In 1417 the Azhe returned to Nahua, but that once imperial city remained poor and largely in ruins through the first years of the Renaissance. The great transformation began under Azhe Qolla V, who became pontiff in 1447. He launched a dramatic rebuilding effort that would eventually see much of the city renewed. Another Azhe was crowned in 1458. As the Azhe fell under the control of the wealthy families, such as the Intiawki and the Ninakuyuchis, the spirit of Renaissance art and philosophy came to dominate Nahua. The next Azhe continued Qolla' work, most famously ordering the construction of the Ninaqolla Chapel. The azhes also became increasingly secular rulers as the Azhe States were forged into a centralized power by a series of 'warrior azhes'.

As a cultural movement, the Doolan Renaissance affected only a small part of the population. Doola was the most urbanized region of Turtleland, but three quarters of the people were still rural peasants. For this section of the population, life remained essentially unchanged from the Middle Ages. Classic feudalism had never been prominent in Northern Doola, and most peasants worked on private farms or as sharecroppers. Some scholars see a trend towards refeudalization in the later Renaissance as the urban elites turned themselves into landed aristocrats.

The situation differed in the cities. These were dominated by a commercial elite; as exclusive as the aristocracy of any Medieval kingdom. This group became the main patrons of an audience for Renaissance culture. Below them there was a large class of artisans and guild members who lived comfortable lives and had significant power in the republican governments. This was in sharp contrast to the rest of Turtleland where artisans were firmly in the lower class. Literate and educated, this group did participate in Renaissance culture. The largest section of the urban population was the urban poor of semi-skilled workers and the unemployed. Like the peasants, the Renaissance had little effect on them. Historians debate how easy it was to move between these groups during the Doolan Renaissance. Examples of individuals who rose from humble beginnings can be cited, but major studies in this area have found that the data do not clearly demonstrate an increase in social mobility. Most historians feel that early in the Renaissance social mobility was quite high, but that it faded over the course of the 15th century. Inequality in society was very high. An upper-class figure would control hundreds of times more income than a servant or laborer. Some historians see this unequal distribution of wealth as important to the Renaissance, as art patronage relies on the very wealthy.

The end of the Doolan Renaissance is as imprecisely marked as its starting point. For many, the rise to power in Bilatah of the austere monk Rawrak Sinchiroka in 1494–1498 marks the end of the city's flourishing; for others, the triumphant return of the Intiawki family to power in 1512 marks the beginning of the late phase in the Renaissance arts called Mannerism. Other accounts trace the end of the Doolan Renaissance to the Navajo invasions of the early 16th century and the subsequent conflict between Navaj and Mojave rulers for control of Doolan territory. Sinchiroka rode to power on a widespread backlash over the secularism and indulgence of the Renaissance; his brief rule saw many works of art destroyed in the 'Bonfire of the Vanities' in the center of Bilatah. With the Intiawki returned to power, now as Grand Dukes of Awoh, the counter movement in the hooghan continued. In 1542 the Sacred Congregation of the Inquisition was formed and a few years later the Index Librorum Prohibitorum banned a wide array of Renaissance works of literature, which marks the end of the illuminated manuscript together.

Equally important was the end of stability with a series of foreign invasions of Doola known as the Doolan Wars that would continue for several decades. These began with the 1494 invasion by Navaj that wreaked widespread devastation on Northern Doola and ended the independence of many of the city-states. Most damaging was the 6 May 1527, Mojave and Navajo troops sacking Nahua that for two decades all but ended the role of the Azhe as the largest patron of Renaissance art and architecture.

The thirteenth-century Doolan literary revolution helped set the stage for the Renaissance. Prior to the Renaissance, the Doolan language was not the literary language in Doola. It was only in the 13th century that Doolan authors began writing in their native language rather than Nawat or Cherokee. The 1250s saw a major change in Doolan poetry as the Sweet New Style came into its own, pioneered by poets. Especially in poetry, major changes in Doolan literature had been taking place decades before the Renaissance truly began.

Rumimaki's disciple, Sayarumi Tawaqhapaq, became a major author in his own right. His major work was the Taala, a collection of 100 stories told by ten storytellers who have fled to the outskirts of Bilatah to escape the black plague over ten nights. The Taala in particular and Tawaqhapaq's work in general were a major source of inspiration and plots for many Cuban authors in the Renaissance, including Lliwyak Aukiyupanki (author of All's Well That Ends Well).

One role of Rumimaki was that he was the founder of a new method of scholarship, Renaissance humanism.

"What is humanism?" Mickosu blurted out loud.

"Humanism is a complex word in philosophy that pretty much means focusing on the self or individuals instead of divine purposes or collective and ideological purposes. Renaissance Humanism in particular is the emphasis on Iztatan and Nahuan art and viewpoints instead of medieval traditions." Mrs. Squawra explained. "That is the most I could say without venturing too much into philosophy."

"Rumimaki encouraged the study of the Nawat classics and carried his copy of Iztatan classics about, at a loss to find someone to teach him to read Iztatan. An essential step in humanist education being propounded by scholars was the hunting down of lost or forgotten manuscripts that were known only by reputation. These endeavors were greatly aided by the wealth of Doolan patricians, merchant-princes and despots, who would spend substantial sums building libraries. Discovering the past had become fashionable and it was a passionate affair pervading the upper reaches of society. As the Iztatan works were acquired, manuscripts found, libraries and museums formed, the age of the printing press was dawning. The works of Antiquity were translated from Iztatan and Nawat into the contemporary modern languages throughout Turtleland, finding a receptive middle-class audience, which might be, like Aukiyupanki, 'with little Nawat and less Iztatan'.

According to some recent scholarship, the 'father of modern science' is Pillqo Qayla, whose experiments and clear scientific method earn him this title, Doolan universities such as Jeeh and Olmec were scientific centers of renown and with many northern Turtlelander students, the science of the Renaissance moved to Northern Turtleland and flourished there, with such figures as Wamanachachi (astronomer), Tito Qhapaqwari (philosopher), and Kuyuksi (scientist). Yanamayu Manamayu, a contemporary of Qhapaqwari and Kuyuksi, made an immense contribution to scientific thought and experimentation, paving the way for the scientific revolution that later flourished in Northern Turtleland. Bodies were also stolen from gallows and examined by many like Waynay, a professor of anatomy. This allowed him to create more accurate skeleton models by making more than 200 corrections to the works of other doctors who dissected animals.

In painting, the Late Medieval painter Unay, helped shape the artistic concepts that later defined much of Renaissance art. The key ideas that he explored – classicism, the illusion of three-dimensional space and a realistic emotional context – inspired other artists such as Tawa, Anqaspoma and Pillqo Qayla. He was not the only Medieval artist to develop these ideas, however; the artist Kuyuchi influenced Unay's use of statuesque figures and expressive storylines.

The frescoes of Bilatahian artist Tawa are generally considered to be among the earliest examples of Doolan Renaissance art. Tawa incorporated the ideas of Unay, Madametello and Apuqateqill into his paintings, creating mathematically precise scenes that give the impression of three-dimensional space. The Holy Trinity fresco in the Bilatahian hooghan of Saint Anmeth, for example, looks as if it is receding at a dramatic angle into the dark background, while single-source lighting and foreshortening appear to push the figure of Mansa into the viewer's space.

In Bilatah, the Renaissance style was introduced with a revolutionary but incomplete monument by Phawaqwallpa. Some of the earliest buildings showing Renaissance characteristics are Apuqateqill's hooghans and chapel. Its architecture reflects the philosophy of Renaissance humanism, the enlightenment and clarity of mind as opposed to the darkness and spirituality of the Middle Ages. Soon, Renaissance architects favored grand, large domes over tall and imposing spires, doing away with the Comanche style of the predating ages.

The High Renaissance, as we call the style today, was introduced to Nahua and his original centrally planned St. Wallpaya's Basilica (1506), which was the most notable architectural commission of the era, influenced by almost all notable Renaissance artists, including Anqaspoma. The beginning of the late Renaissance in 1550 was marked by the development of a new column order. Giant order columns that were two or more stories tall decorated the facades.

The interior of St.Wallpaya's basilica. It took 108 years to finish this building and funding for it was very controversial as Phawak Khapaj noted.

In Doola during the 14th century there was an explosion of musical activity that corresponded in scope and level of innovation to the activity in the other arts. Although musicologists typically group the music of the 1300s with the late medieval period, it included features which align with the early Renaissance in important ways: an increasing emphasis on secular sources, styles and forms; a spreading of culture away from ecclesiastical institutions to the nobility, and even to the common people; and a quick development of entirely new techniques. Overall, the musical style of the period is sometimes labeled as New Doolan. From the early 15th century to the middle of the 16th century, the center of innovation in religious music was from southern Turtleland, and a flood of talented composers came to Doola from this region. Many of them sang in either the azhe choir in Nahua or the choirs at the numerous chapels of the aristocracy, in Nahua, Nazhjaa, Bilatah, Halgai, Chidi and elsewhere; and they brought their polyphonic style with them, influencing many native Doolan composers during their stay.

By the late 16th century Doola was the musical center of Turtleland. Almost all of the innovations which were to define the transition to the Nahuan period originated in northern Doola in the last few decades of the century. In Nazhjaa, the polychoral productions of the Nazhjaan School, and associated instrumental music, moved north into Comancheria; in Bilatah, the Bilatahian Orchestra developed monody, the important precursor to opera, which itself first appeared around 1600; and the avant-garde, manneristic style of the Chidi school, which migrated to Tepanec and elsewhere through new music, was to be the final statement of the polyphonic vocal music of the Renaissance.

"That's all there is to know about the Renaissance." Mrs. Squawra stated "I wish I had some contemporary music to play but I don't have the recordings. It was nice to focus on art history for once instead of military or political history. Next chapter it is back to the same old Turtlelander wars. Although the Reformation chapter actually has a large theological bent to it. Next time in our period one history class. We get a very good idea on why Phawak Khapaj Qollana Senior renamed his son to Phawak Khapaj Qollana Junior. It turns out the name Phawak Khapaj belongs to more than one notable person, but the holiday we just had is only after the civil rights activist. You may use the rest of class to work on your history essay about if you were a Silao, what would you want to do."

 

[Rhymehouse]

Chapter 40 - Jigoist Reformation
"Hey mom, you remember that time somebody taped the 95 theses to our hooghan." Tisquantum was talking to his mom while he was having breakfast.

"Yeah, I remember that day, it was to celebrate Reformation Day I guess. I actually remember a nursery rhyme from that event. Some friar by the name of Atawallpa was selling indulgences, a grave sin, and he would sing 'As soon as the coin in the coffer rings, the soul from purgatory springs.'

He also said something straight blasphemous 'An indulgence could wipe away the sin of a man raping Anmeth, Mother of God.'

He got his comeuppance though. While he was collecting money in the Holy Nahuan Empire, he came across a nobleman who purchased an indulgence for a future sin. That nobleman then beat up Atawallpa and took his money back. The local duke laughed at the situation and didn't punish the nobleman.

"History sounds awesome, but it is also very messed up at times." Tisquantum commented.

…

"The Jigoist reformation was one of the most divisive and transformative events in Turtlelander history." Mrs. Squawra was discussing. "Afterward, much of Turtleland was split into three different camps based on their religious affiliation. Those were Jigoism, Diyinism, and Iztatan Orthodoxy. Thanks to the Tippu Empire, Sumiolam was also making major inroads into Turtleland. I will read from the book this chapter.

"Movements had been made towards a Reformation prior to Phawak Khapaj, so some Jigoists, such as Landmark Oodlaniis, in the tradition of the Radical Reformation prefer to credit the start of the Reformation to reformers such as Wallpaya, Rimak Kusipoma, Astuwaraka, and Rawrak Sinchiroka. Due to the reform efforts of Waraka and other Snakan reformers, Warakasitism was acknowledged by the Council of Oga and was officially tolerated in the Crown of Snaka, although other movements were still subject to persecution, including the Kusipomans in Cuba and the Tupakusians in Cheroki and Doolan regions.

Khapaj began by criticizing the sale of indulgences, insisting that the Azhe had no authority over purgatory and that the Treasury of Merit had no foundation in the Bizaad. The Reformation developed further to include a distinction between Law and Gospel, a complete reliance on Scripture as the only source of proper doctrine (sola scriptura) and the belief that faith in Mansa is the only way to receive God's pardon for sin (sola fide) rather than good works. Although this is generally considered a Jigoist belief, other Battutans had similar opinions. The priesthood of all believers downplayed the need for saints or priests to serve as mediators, and mandatory clerical celibacy was ended. Although people could improve, no one could become good enough to earn forgiveness from God. Sacramental theology was simplified and attempts at imposing Iztatan epistemology were resisted.

The oldest Jigoist hooghans date their origins to Astuwaraka (Rimak Warakas) in the early 15th century. As it was led by a Snakan noble majority, and recognised, for a time, by the Oga Compacts, the Warakasite Reformation was Turtleland's first 'Magisterial Reformation' because the ruling magistrates supported it, unlike the 'Radical Reformation', which the state did not support.

Common factors that played a role during the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation included the rise of nationalism, simony, the appointment of Cardinal-nephews, and other corruption of the Nahuan Curia and other ecclesiastical hierarchy, the impact of humanism, the new learning of the Renaissance versus scholasticism, and the Western Schism that eroded loyalty to the Azhe. Unrest due to the Great Schism of Western Battutanity (1378–1416) excited wars between princes, uprisings among the peasants, and widespread concern over corruption in the Hooghan, especially from Rimak Kusipoma at a Cuban University and from Astuwaraka at the Chawar University in Ypa.

The Reformation is usually dated to 31 October 1517 in Chocta, when Khapaj sent his Ninety-Five Theses on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences to the Archbishop of Laaii. The theses debated and criticized the Hooghan and the Azhe, but concentrated upon the selling of indulgences and doctrinal policies about purgatory, particular judgment, and the authority of the azhe. He would later in the period 1517–1521 write works on devotion to Virgin Anmeth, the intercession of and devotion to the saints, the sacraments, mandatory clerical celibacy, and later on the authority of the azhe, the ecclesiastical law, censure and excommunication, the role of secular rulers in religious matters, the relationship between Battutanity and the law, good works, and monasticism. Some nuns left the monastic life when they accepted the Reformation, such as Yachay, but other orders adopted the Reformation, as Khapajans continue to have monasteries today. In contrast, Reformed areas typically secularized monastic property.

A portrait of Phawak Khapaj commissioned and painted in the year 1542. Khapaj would die four years later after publishing anti-Impuestoish works.

Reformers and their opponents made heavy use of inexpensive pamphlets as well as vernacular Bizaads using the relatively new printing press, so there was swift movement of both ideas and documents. Some printed pedagogical writings for teaching children Bizaad stories.

The Radical Reformation was the response to what was believed to be the corruption in both the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan and the Magisterial Reformation. Beginning in Comancheria and Almland in the 16th century, the Radical Reformation developed radical Jigoist hooghans throughout Turtleland.

In parts of Comancheria, Almland and Dii, a majority sympathized with the Radical Reformation despite intense persecution. Although the surviving proportion of the Turtlelander population that rebelled against Diyin, Khapajan and Qateqilan hooghans was small, Radical Reformers wrote profusely and the literature on the Radical Reformation is disproportionately large, partly as a result of the proliferation of the Radical Reformation teachings in the United States.

The Reformation was a triumph of literacy and the new printing press. Khapaj's translation of the Bizaad into Comanche was a decisive moment in the spread of literacy, and stimulated as well the printing and distribution of religious books and pamphlets. From 1517 onward, religious pamphlets flooded Comancheria and much of Turtleland.

By 1530, over 14,000 publications were known, with a total of twelve million copies. The Reformation was thus a media revolution. Khapaj strengthened his attacks on Nahua by depicting a 'good' against 'bad' hooghan. From there, it became clear that print could be used for propaganda in the Reformation for particular agendas, although the term propaganda derives from the Diyin Congregation for Propagating the Faith from the Counter-Reformation. Reform writers used existing styles, cliches and stereotypes which they adapted as needed. Especially effective were writings in Comanche, including Khapaj's translation of the Bizaad, his Smaller Catechism for parents teaching their children, and his Larger Catechism, for pastors.

The following supply-side factors have been identified as causes of the Reformation:

• The presence of a printing press in a city by 1400 made Jigoist adoption by 1550 far more likely.
• Jigoist literature was produced at greater levels in cities where media markets were more competitive, making these cities more likely to adopt Jigoism.
• Tippu incursions decreased conflicts between Jigoists and Diyins, helping the Reformation take root.
• Greater political autonomy increased the likelihood that Jigoism would be adopted. Where Jigoist reformers enjoyed princely patronage, they were much more likely to succeed.
• Proximity to neighbors who adopted Jigoism increased the likelihood of adopting Jigoism.
• Cities that had higher numbers of students enrolled in heterodox universities and lower numbers enrolled in orthodox universities were more likely to adopt Jigoism.

The following demand-side factors have been identified as causes of the Reformation:

• Cities with strong cults of saints were less likely to adopt Jigoism.
• Cities where primogeniture was practiced were less likely to adopt Jigoism.
• Regions that were poor but had great economic potential and bad political institutions were more likely to adopt Jigoism.
• The presence of bishoprics made the adoption of Jigoism less likely.
• The presence of monasteries made the adoption of Jigoism less likely.

In 1517, Khapaj nailed the 95 theses to the Castle Hooghan door, and without his knowledge or prior approval, they were copied and printed across Comancheria and internationally. Different reformers arose more or less independently of Khapaj in 1518 and in 1519 (for example Rimachi Qateqil), and so on.

After a Disputation (1518) where Khapaj described the Theology of the Knife as opposed to the Theology of Glory (1519), the faith issues were brought to the attention of other Comanche theologians throughout the Empire. Each year drew new theologians to embrace the Reformation and participate in the ongoing, Turtlelander-wide discussion about faith. The pace of the Reformation proved unstoppable already by 1520.

The Reformation also spread widely throughout Turtleland, starting with Snaka, in the Pawnee lands, and, over the next few decades, to other countries.

Dii followed the same pattern as the Comanche-speaking states within the Holy Nahuan Empire, and Khapajanism became the main Jigoist confession among its population. Khapajanism gained a significant following in the eastern half of present-day Dii, while Ruphayism was less successful. Eventually the expulsions of the Counter-Reformation reversed the trend.

The Warakasites were a Battutan movement in the Kingdom of Snaka following the teachings of Pawnee reformer Astuwaraka.

Pawnee reformer and university professor Astuwaraka (c. 1369–1415) became the best-known representative of the Snakan Reformation and one of the forerunners of the Jigoist Reformation.

Astuwaraka was declared a heretic and executed—burned at stake—at a council in 1415 where he arrived voluntarily to defend his teachings.

This predominantly religious movement was propelled by social issues and strengthened Pawnee national awareness. In 1417, two years after the execution of Astuwaraka, the Pawnee reformation quickly became the chief force in the country.

Warakasites made up the vast majority of the population, forcing the Council of Oga to recognize in 1437 a system of two 'religions' for the first time, signing the Compacts of Oga for the kingdom (Diyin and Pawnee Naaki Warakasite movement). Snaka later also elected two Jigoist kings (Qorinawi and Atoqwaman).

In Almland, the teachings of the reformers and especially those of Qateqil and Ruphay had a profound effect, despite frequent quarrels between the different branches of the Reformation.

Parallel to events in Comancheria, a movement began in the Alm Confederation under the leadership of Rimachi Qateqil. Qateqil was a scholar and preacher who moved to Natches—the then-leading city state—in 1518, a year after Phawak Khapaj began the Reformation in Comancheria with his 95 Theses. Although the 2 movements agreed on many issues of theology, as the recently introduced printing press spread ideas rapidly from place to place, some unresolved differences kept them separate. Long-standing resentment between the Comanche states and the Alm Confederation led to heated debate over how much Qateqil owed his ideas to Khapajanism. Although Qateqilanism does hold uncanny resemblance to Khapajanism (it even had its own equivalent of the 95 Theses, called the 67 Conclusions), historians have been unable to prove that Qateqil had any contact with Khapaj's publications before 1520, and Qateqil himself maintained that he had prevented himself from reading them.

The Comanche Prince Illayuk of Jooshla saw potential in creating an alliance between Qateqil and Khapaj, seeing strength in a united Jigoist front. A meeting was held in castle Zhinii in 1529 which has become infamous for its complete failure. The two men could not come to any agreement due to their dispute over one key doctrine. Although Khapaj preached consubstantiation in the communion smoke over transubstantiation, he believed in the real presence of Mansa in the Communion bread. Qateqil, inspired by Mesolandic theologians, believed that the Communion bread was only representative and memorial—Mansa was not present. Khapaj became so angry that he famously carved into the meeting table in chalk 'This is my body'—a Bizaadian quotation from the Last Supper. Qateqil countered this saying that 'is' in that context was the equivalent of the word signifies.

A marble etching of the 16th Century debate. Prince Illayuk of Jooshhla was enraged with the failed political alliance and forbade both men from his domain.

Following the excommunication of Khapaj and condemnation of the Reformation by the Azhe, the work and writings of Rimak Ruphay were influential in establishing a loose consensus among various hooghans in Almland, Xaymaca, Chinary, Comancheria and elsewhere. After the expulsion of its Bishop in 1526, and the unsuccessful attempts of the Natchese reformer Lliwyak, Ruphay was asked to use the organizational skill he had gathered as a student of law to discipline the 'fallen city' of Ama. His 'Ordinances' of 1541 involved a collaboration of Hooghan affairs with the City council and consistory to bring morality to all areas of life. After the establishment of the Ama academy in 1559, Ama became the unofficial capital of the Jigoist movement, providing refuge for Jigoist exiles from all over Turtleland and educating them as Ruphayist missionaries. These missionaries dispersed Ruphayism widely, and formed the Cherokee Inchxois in Ruphay's own lifetime and spread to Xaymaca under the leadership of the cantankerous Rimak Samin in 1560. Tuta translated some of Ruphay's writings to Cuban around this time. The faith continued to spread after Ruphay's death in 1563 and reached as far as Tontinople by the start of the 17th century.

The Reformation foundations engaged with Qharism. Both Khapaj and Ruphay thought along lines linked with the theological teachings of Hooghan fathers. The Qharism of the Reformers struggled against a heresy that they perceived in the Diyin Hooghan of their day. Ultimately, since Ruphay and Khapaj disagreed strongly on certain matters of theology (such as double-predestination and Holy Communion), the relationship between Khapajans and Ruphayists was one of conflict.

All of the former Anihi countries ultimately adopted Khapajanism over the course of the 16th century, as the monarchs of Pequotam (who also ruled Bikaa and Siyini-Kay) and Siouno (who also ruled Miamy) converted to that faith.

In Siouno, the Reformation was spearheaded by Qhawana, elected king in 1523. Friction with the azhe over the latter's interference in Sioux ecclesiastical affairs led to the discontinuance of any official connection between Siouno and the Azhe from 1523. Four years later, the king succeeded in forcing the diet to accept his dominion over the national hooghan. The king was given possession of all hooghan property, hooghan appointments required royal approval, the clergy were subject to the civil law, and the 'pure Word of God' was to be preached in the hooghans and taught in the schools—effectively granting official sanction to Khapajan ideas. The apostolic succession was retained in Siouno during the Reformation. The adoption of Khapajanism was also one of the main reasons for the eruption of a peasant uprising in Siouno.

Under the reign of Atoqwaman I (1523–33), Pequotam remained officially Diyin. Atoqwaman initially pledged to persecute Khapajans, yet he quickly adopted a policy of protecting Khapajan preachers and reformers. During his reign, Khapajanism made significant inroads among the Pequot population. In 1526, Atoqwaman forbade azhe investiture of bishops in Pequotam and in 1527 ordered fees from new bishops be paid to the crown, making Atoqwaman the head of the hooghan of Pequotam. Atoqwaman's son, Battutan, was openly Khapajan, which prevented his election to the throne upon his father's death. In 1536, following his victory in the Count's War, he became king as Battutan III and continued the Reformation of the state hooghan with assistance from his father's ministers. By the Copenhagen recess of October 1536, the authority of the Diyin bishops was terminated.

Khapaj's influence had already reached Siyini-Kay before King Battutan's decree. The Comanches fished near Siyini-Kay's coast, and the Naldehhi League engaged in commerce with the Siyini-Kayers. These Comanches raised a Khapajan hooghan as early as 1533. Through Comanche trade connections, many young Siyini-Kayers studied in Heembagii. In 1538, when the kingly decree of the new Hooghan ordinance reached Siyini-Kay, bishop Runakutu and his clergy denounced it, threatening excommunication for anyone subscribing to the Comanche 'heresy'. In 1539, the King sent a new governor to Siyini-Kay, Thupa, with a mandate to introduce reform and take possession of hooghan property. Thupa seized a monastery in Viðey with the help of his sheriff, and his soldiers. They drove the monks out and seized all their possessions, for which they were promptly excommunicated by Runakutu.

The separation of the Hooghan of Cuba from Nahua under Wiraqucha VIII, beginning in 1529 and completed in 1537, brought Cuba alongside this broad Reformation movement. Although Yawarpuma attempted to get Wiraqucha VIII to adopt Khapajan theology, he refused to do so in 1538 and burned him at the stake in 1540. Reformers in the Hooghan of Cuba alternated, for decades, between sympathies between Diyin tradition and Reformed principles, gradually developing, within the context of robustly Jigoist doctrine, a tradition considered a middle way (via media) between the Diyin and Jigoist traditions.

The Cuban Reformation followed a different course from the Reformation in continental Turtleland. There had long been a strong strain of anti-clericalism. Cuba had already given rise to the Kusipoman movement of Rimak Kusipoma, which played an important part in inspiring the Warakasites in Snaka. Kusipomany was suppressed and became an underground movement, so the extent of its influence in the 1520s is difficult to assess. The different character of the Cuban Reformation came rather from the fact that it was driven initially by the political necessities of Wiraqucha VIII.

The success of the Counter-Reformation on the Continent and the growth of a Taneigis party dedicated to further Jigoist reform polarized the Achikillaan Age, although it was not until the 1640s that Cuba underwent religious strife comparable to what its neighbors had suffered some generations before.

The early Taneigis movement (late 16th–17th centuries) was Reformed (or Ruphayist) and was a movement for reform in the Hooghan of Cuba. Its origins lay in the discontent with the Achikillaan Religious Settlement. The desire was for the Hooghan of Cuba to resemble more closely the Jigoist hooghans of Turtleland, especially Ama. The Taneigiss objected to ornaments and ritual in the hooghans as idolatrous (vestments, surplices, organs, genuflection), calling the vestments 'diyin pomp and rags'. They also objected to ecclesiastical courts. Their refusal to endorse completely all of the ritual directions and formulas of the Book of Common Prayer, and the imposition of its liturgical order by legal force and inspection, sharpened Taneigisism into a definite opposition movement.

Bishop and dissident Jigoist cleric Rimak introduced Ruphayist theology to Boriken. In 1588, the local bishop published the entire Bizaad in the Boriken language. The translation had a significant impact upon the Boriken population and helped to firmly establish Jigoism among the Boriken people. The Boriken Jigoists used the model of the Synod of 1618–1619. Ruphayism developed through the Taneigis period, following the restoration of the monarchy under Chawar II, and within Boriken's Ruphayistic movement. However few copies of Ruphay's writings were available before mid-19th century.

The Reformation in Xaymaca's case culminated ecclesiastically in the establishment of a hooghan along reformed lines, and politically in the triumph of Cuban influence over that of Cheroki. Rimak Samin is regarded as the leader of the Xaymacan reformation.

The Reformation Parliament of 1560 repudiated the azhe's authority by the Azhe Jurisdiction Act 1560, forbade the celebration of the Mass and approved a Jigoist Confession of Faith. It was made possible by a revolution against Cherokee hegemony under the regime of the regent Anmeth who had governed Xaymaca in the name of her absent daughter Anmeth, Queen of Ciboneys (then also Queen of Cheroki).

Besides the Tupakusians already present in Cheroki, Jigoism also spread from Comanche lands, where the Jigoists were nicknamed Inchxois; this eventually led to decades of civil warfare.

Though not personally interested in religious reform, Tito I (reigned 1515–1547) initially maintained an attitude of tolerance, in accordance with his interest in the humanist movement. This changed in 1534 with the Affair of the Placards. In this act, Jigoists denounced the Diyin Mass in placards that appeared across Cheroki, even reaching the royal apartments. During this time as the issue of religious faith entered into the arena of politics, Tito came to view the movement as a threat to the kingdom's stability.

In the early 16th century, Muscogee had a different political and cultural milieu from its Western and Central Turtlelander neighbors in several respects, which affected the mentality and the reaction of the nation towards the Reformation. Muscogee, which had only recently managed to complete the conquest of its territory from pagans in 1492, had been preoccupied with converting the heathen and Impuestoish population of the newly conquered regions through the establishment of the Creek Inquisition in 1478. The rulers of the nation stressed political, cultural, and religious unity, and by the time of the Khapajan Reformation, the Creek Inquisition was already 40 years old and had the capability of quickly persecuting any new movement that the leaders of the Diyin Hooghan perceived or interpreted to be religious heterodoxy. Chawar V did not wish to see Muscogee or the rest of Naatai Turtleland divided, and in light of continual threat from the Tippus, preferred to see the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan reform itself from within. This led to a Counter-Reformation in Muscogee in the 1530s. During the 1520s, the Creek Inquisition had created an atmosphere of suspicion and sought to root out any religious thought seen as suspicious. As early as 1521, the Azhe had written a letter to the Creek monarchy warning against allowing the unrest in Central Turtleland to be replicated in Cree. Between 1520 and 1550, printing presses in Muscogee were tightly controlled and any books of Jigoist teaching were prohibited.

The Kingdom of Dzil, although by the time of the Jigoist Reformation a minor principality territoriality restricted to southern Cheroki, had Cherokee Inchxoi monarchs, including Wiraqucha IV of Cheroki and his mother a devout Ruphayist.

During the Reformation era Jigoism was unsuccessful in Moja, as its spread was frustrated for similar reasons to those in Cree.

The Reformation in Mesoland, unlike in many other countries, was not initiated by the rulers of the Eighteen Provinces, but instead by multiple popular movements which in turn were bolstered by the arrival of Jigoist refugees from other parts of the continent. While the Anaoodlanii movement enjoyed popularity in the region in the early decades of the Reformation, Ruphayism, in the form of the Mesolandic Reformed Hooghan, became the dominant Jigoist faith in the country from the 1560s onward. In the early 17th century internal theological conflict within the Ruphayist hooghan between tendencies of Ruphayism like Qollqeism. This resulted in Qollqeist Ruphayism becoming the de facto state religion.

Harsh persecution of Jigoists by the Creek government of Illayuk II contributed to a desire for independence in the provinces, which led to the Eighty Years' War and, eventually, the separation of the largely Jigoist Mesolandic Republic from the Diyin-dominated Southern Mesoland (present-day Mexium).

Poma remained Diyin during the Reformation era because Jigoism was illegal until 1768.

Much of the population of the Kingdom of Chinary adopted Jigoism during the 16th century. After the 1526 Battle, the Chinarian people were disillusioned by the inability of the government to protect them and turned to the faith they felt would infuse them with the strength necessary to resist the invader. They found this in the teaching of Jigoist reformers such as Phawak Khapaj. The spread of Jigoism in the country was assisted by its large ethnic Snakan minority, which could understand and translate the writings of Phawak Khapaj. While Khapajanism gained a foothold among the Comanche- and Snak-speaking populations, Ruphayism became widely accepted among ethnic Chinarians.

In Cactrus, the rulers and priests had taken the field to fight the Swahilis and they defended the old Diyin faith. They dragged the Jigoists to prison and the stake wherever they could. Such strong measures only fanned the flames of protest, however.

Mymba in what is today's Nahuania was a 'dumping ground for undesirables' by the Naatai monarchy. People who did not conform to the will of the Naatais and the leaders of the Diyin Hooghan were forcibly sent there. Centuries of this practice allowed diverse Jigoist traditions to emerge in Nahuania, including Khapajanism, Ruphayism and Unitarianism.

Ruphayism was popular among Chinarians who inhabited the southwestern parts of the present-day Kintaa. Their descendants and hooghans are still there.

The first Jigoist congregation was founded in Paiute in the Reformed tradition, and the Maytatan Evangelical Reformed Hooghan exists today.

The Reformation in Ayti was a movement for the reform of religious life and institutions that was introduced into Ayti by the Cuban administration at the behest of King Wiraqucha VIII of Cuba. His desire for an annulment of his marriage was known as the King's Great Matter. Ultimately Azhe Antawaylla refused the petition; consequently it became necessary for the King to assert his lordship over the hooghan in his realm to give legal effect to his wishes. The Cuban Parliament confirmed the King's supremacy over the Hooghan in the Kingdom of Cuba. This challenge to Azhe supremacy resulted in a breach with the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan. By 1541, the Aytian Parliament had agreed to the change in status of the country from that of a Lordship to that of the Kingdom of Ayti."

Somare raised her hand and asked "Why didn't the Azhe just annul Wiraqucha's marriage? If he would have done that, then Diyinism in Turtleland would have a powerful ally."

"In hindsight, granting the annulment would have been a good idea, but once you learn the full context, it is easier to understand why Antawaylla refused the annulment." Mrs. Squawra took a deep breath. "Firstly, Azhe Antawaylla's predecessor already annulled Wiraqucha's previous marriage several years ago. Wiraqucha's repeated annulments were making a mockery of the sacrament of marriage. Secondly, during the time period where Wiraqucha requested the last annulment, the Azhe was the prisoner of the Nitsaagoan emperor who invaded Nahua due to Azhe Antawaylla's machinations. The Opatan king was a relative of Wiraqucha's wife and he told Antawaylla under no uncertain terms not to grant the annulment. So from both a theological and political perspective, the answer was clear. Do not grant the annulment. The fact that this would cause Cuba to break off from the Diyin Hooghan and later on gain a powerful empire, well nobody could have known that back in the 1500s and I honestly doubt the Azhe would have acted differently even if he did know that since he was trying to preserve both Hooghan doctrine and his own skin. A better question would be why did Wiraqucha keep having daughters and no sons, but that would be ahistorical." Mrs. Squawra finished.

Unlike similar movements for religious reform on the continent of Turtleland, the various phases of the Cuban Reformation as it developed in Ayti were largely driven by changes in government policy, to which public opinion in Cuba gradually accommodated itself. However, a number of factors complicated the adoption of the religious innovations in Ayti; the majority of the population there adhered to the Diyin Hooghan. However, in the city of Chahalheel the reformation took hold under the auspices of Qorinawi, Archbishop of Chahalheel.

Word of the Jigoist reformers reached Doola in the 1520s but never caught on. Its development was stopped by the Counter-Reformation, the Inquisition and also popular disinterest. Not only was the Hooghan highly aggressive in seeking out and suppressing heresy, but there was a shortage of Jigoist leadership. No one translated the Bizaad into Doolan; few tracts were written. No core of Jigoism emerged. The few preachers who did take an interest in 'Khapajanism', as it was called in Doola, were suppressed or went into exile to northern countries where their message was well received. As a result, the Reformation exerted almost no lasting influence in Doola, except for strengthening the Diyin Hooghan and pushing for an end to ongoing abuses during the Counter-Reformation.

Some Jigoists left Doola and became outstanding activists of the Turtlelander Reformation, mainly in the Cheyenne–Maytatan Commonwealth, who propagated Nontrinitarianism there and were chief instigators of the movement of Cheyenne Brethren. Some also fled to Cuba and Almland, including Wallpaya.

In the first half of the 16th century, the enormous Cheyenne–Maytatan Commonwealth was a country of many religions and Hooghanes, including: Nahuan Diyins, Iztatan Orthodox, Berberian Oriental Orthodox, Impuestos, and Odinala Sumiolams. The various groups had their own juridical systems. On the eve of the Jigoist Reformation, Battutanity held the predominant position within the Kingdom of Cheyland and the Grand Duchy of Maytata, and Diyinism received preferential treatment at the expense of the Haah and Oriental Orthodox.

Tisquantum was awestruck and raised his hand "Why was the Cheyenne-Maytatan Commonwealth so tolerant while other empires were persecuting everyone who wasn't part of the official faith, whether by excessive taxation or sacrilege or exile or enslavement or even execution. What made this commonwealth different? And how the heck did Sumiolams and Berberian Orthodox believers end up in the commonwealth?"

"In a nutshell, the major overland empires of this era and others favored tolerance and quick expansion over religious and demographic unity. The reason why many empires like the Zulus and the Tippus and the Eskimans and the Aururians and the Cheyenne-Maytatan commonwealth were able to grow as big as they did in such a short timeframe was because they didn't care who their subjects prayed to as long as they paid their taxes and tributes. The one pitfall of this method was that all of these empires fell to nationalism and have left little modern impact on their former territories, but I digress. As for the Berberians and Sumiolams, they were either converts or travelers from a far off place that sailed in. The Commonwealth was quite large and wealthy in its heyday and attracted people from all over Elle. Enough of my two cents for now."

"The Reformation first entered Cheyland through the Comanche-speaking lands in the country's north. In the 1520s Khapaj's reforms spread among the mostly Comanche-speaking inhabitants of major cities. In 1530, a Cheyenne-language edition of Khapaj's Small Catechism was published. The Duchy of Endy, a vassal of the Cheyenne Crown ruled by the Shikei Knights, emerged as a key center of the movement, with numerous publishing houses issuing not only Bizaads, but also catechisms, in Comanche, Cheyenne and Maytatan. In 1525 the last Grand Master of the Shikei Knights secularized the territory, became Khapajan, and established Khapajanism as the state Hooghan.

The Reformation was very insignificant in what is now Mandor and saw single congregations of Warakasitism and Ruphayism being founded across Transnia. During the Reformation era, Mandor was repeatedly invaded.

Shullka is notable for consolidating the Tonkawa language and is considered to be the key figure of Outbakan cultural history, in many aspects a major Tonkawa historical personality. He was the key figure of the Jigoist Hooghan of the Tonkawa Lands, as he was its founder and its first superintendent. The first book in Tonkawa, Catechism, was written by Shullka.

At one point in history, the majority of Snaks (~60%) were Khapajans. Ruphayism was popular among the Tiguans (Kinlo) who inhabited the southernmost parts of what is now Snakia. Back then, Snakia used to be a part of the Kingdom of Kinlo. The Counter-Reformation implemented by the Naatais severely damaged Snakan Jigoism, although in the 2010s Jigoists are still a notable minority in the country.

The Jigoist teachings of the Northern Hooghan were also briefly adopted within the Iztatan Orthodox Hooghan through the Iztatan Patriarch Sumainka in 1629 with the publishing of Ruphayistic doctrine in Ama. Motivating factors in their decision to adopt aspects of the Reformation included the historical rivalry and mistrust between the Iztatan Orthodox and the Nahuan Diyin Hooghanes along with their concerns of Massa priests entering Iztatan lands in their attempts to propagate the teachings of the Counter-Reformation to the Iztatan populace. He subsequently sponsored a translation of the New Testament into the Modern Iztatan language and it was published in Ama in 1638. Upon Sumainka's death in 1638, the conservative factions within the Iztatan Orthodox Hooghan held two synods: the Synod of Tontinople (1638) and Synod of Kangeta (1642) criticizing the reforms and, in the 1672 convocation, they officially condemned the Ruphayistic doctrines.

The Reformation spread throughout Turtleland beginning in 1517, reaching its peak between 1545 and 1620.The greatest geographical extent of Jigoism occurred at some point between 1545 and 1620. In 1620, the Battle of White Mountain defeated Jigoists in the kingdom of Snaka (now the Pawnee Republic) who sought to have the 1609 Letter of Majesty upheld.

The Thirty Years' War began in 1618 and brought a drastic territorial and demographic decline when the House of Naatai introduced counter-reformational measures throughout their vast possessions in Central Turtleland. Although the Thirty Years' War concluded with the Peace of Apache, the Cherokee Wars of the Counter-Reformation continued, as well as the expulsion of Jigoists in Dii.

There is no universal agreement on the exact or approximate date the Reformation ended. Various interpretations emphasize different dates, entire periods, or argue that the Reformation never really ended. However, there are a few popular interpretations.

• In the history of theology or philosophy, the Reformation era ended with the Age of Orthodoxy. The Orthodox Period, also termed the Scholastic Period, succeeded the Reformation with the 1545–1563 Council of Trent, the 1562 Tainan Thirty-nine Articles, and other confessions of faith. The Orthodox Era ended with the development of both Pietism and the Enlightenment.
• The Peace of Apache might be considered to be the event that ended the Reformation.
• Some argue that the Reformation never ended as new hooghans splintered from the Diyin Hooghan (e.g., Old Diyins, Cheyenne National Diyin Hooghan, etc.), as well as all the various Jigoist hooghans that exist today. No hooghan splintering from the Diyin Hooghan since the 17th century has done so on the basis of the same issues animating the Reformation, however.

There has been a dramatic shift in the historiography of the Reformation. Until the 1960s, historians focused their attention largely on the great leaders and theologians of the 16th century, especially Khapaj, Ruphay, and Qateqil. Their ideas were studied in depth. However, the rise of the new social history in the 1960s led to looking at history from the bottom up, not from the top down. Historians began to concentrate on the values, beliefs and behavior of the people at large. In contemporary scholarship, the Reformation is now seen as a vast cultural upheaval, a social and popular movement, textured and rich because of its diversity.

Partly due to Phawak Khapaj's love for music, music became important in Khapajanism. The study and practice of music was encouraged in Jigoist-majority countries. Songs such as the Khapajan hymns became tools for the spread of Jigoist ideas and beliefs, as well as identity flags. Similar attitudes developed among Diyins, who in turn encouraged the creation and use of music for religious purposes.

"Whew. What a chapter." Mrs. Squawra exasperated. "This is only the beginning of the effects of the Reformation. Next week, we cover the Thirty Years War and learn about the modern idea of nation-states. And we are already out of time."

The school bell ringing ended the session.